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Hi W, H " 

Uniform with this Volume, by the same Author. 

"The Land of the Moprs," 


Part I.— NATURAL. 

I.— PHYSICAL FEATURES.— The Mighty Atlas; Moroccan 
explorers; "Where is Miltsin?"; Sport; Climate; Maps; How 
to see Morocco. 

II.— MINERAL RESOURCES.— Native prejudice; Coal; 
Precious metals; Iron, tin, etc.; Peculiar for matrons; Mineral 
springs; Rocks; Authorities. 

III.— VEGETABLE PRODUCTS. —The Moroccan Flora; 
Lotus eating; Peculiar vegetation; The Argan; Citrus wood; 
Gums; Medicinal plants; Fruits, etc. 

IV.— ANIMAL LIFE.— Big game; Etiquette with lions; Men- 
ageries; Peculiar fauna; Domestic animals ; Birds; Amphibians; 
Reptiles ; Insects ; Fish. 


V.— OPEN PORT: TANGIER.— Foreign colony; Description; 
Inhabitants; Health, etc.; Old Tangier; Portuguese period; 
English occupation ; Present state. 

VI.— OPEN PORT: TETUAN.— Lovely situation; Early history; 
Spanish occupation; General description; Manufactures and 
Trade; Residences; The Jewry. 

VII.— OPEN PORT: LARAICHE.— The Garden of the Hes- 
perides; Ruins of Phoenician Shammish ; History; Spanish 
occupation; Europeans; Produce; Commerce. 

VIIL— OPEN PORT: SALLI-RABAT.— History of Salli and 
its rovers; The port and bar; Manufactures; Origin and name 
of Rabat; Hasan tower; Ruins of Sheila. 

IX.— OPEN PORT: DAR EL BAIDA. —Position; Early 
history; Deserted on false alarm; Modern period; Present 
condition; The port and town; 'Commerce. 

X.— OPEN PORT: MAZAGAN.— Change of Name; Situation; 
Description; Fortifications; Portuguese period; Abandonment; 
Exiles ; Present condition ; Trade. 

XI.— OPEN PORT: SAFFI.— Under the Portuguese; Re-opening 
to Europeans ; Description ; Local authorities ; Fanaticism ; 
Sanctuary ; A perilous landing. 

XII.— OPEN PORT: MOGADOR.— Advantages; History; 
Name; Sport; Landing place ; Europeans; Commerce. 

THE LAND OF THE MOORS: (Contents continued.) 

XIII.— CLOSED PORTS.— Azila; Fedala; Mehedia; Mansu- 
riya; Azammur; Natural Harbour, Waladiya. 

XIV.— ROYAL CITY: FEZ.— Foundation; Sanctity; University; 
Manufactures; Inhabitants; Situation; Water-supply and 
Drainage; Palace; Mosques and shrines. 
XV.— ROYAL CITY: MEQUINEZ.— Appearance; Walls and 
gates; Mosques and shrines; Palace; History; Early descrip- 
tion ; Products and trade. 

XVI.— ROYAL CITY: MARRAKESH.— Its building; Water- 
supply; Royal Parks and Gardens; Court squares ; The Jewry; 
Europeans; Business quarter ; Mosques; Architecture. 

XVII.— SACRED TOWNS.- Zarhon, history and description of 
shrine; Wazzan and its shareefs; A Hebrew saint; She- 
shawan, situation, fanaticism, industries. 

XVIII.— MINOR TOWNS.— El Kasar el Kabeer, description and 
history; Sifru; Tadla and Bu Jaad; Damnat; Taza; 
Dibdu; Oqjda and the Algerian frontier. 

XIX.— SPANISH POSSESSIONS.— A visionary possession— 
Santa Cruz; Ceuta, history, capture, description; Penon de 
Velez; Alhucemas; Melilla; The Zaffarine Islands. 

province of Sus; Ineffectual attempts to open it up; Agadir 
Ighir; Tarudant; Glimin; Arkshish; Wad Nun; The 
Draa country and the Sahara; Tafilalt and its dates, Figig; 
Tuat and the Moorish Sudan. 


way; The "screaming gate"; Quadrupedal amenities; "A 
continuous picnic"; Life in a country kasbah; Tracks in 
winter; Penalties of camp-life; Sloughs and fords; A weary 
trudge; The poor camels. 

XXIL— IN THE GUISE OF A MOOR.— Advantages and dis- 
advantages; A double existence; Strange quarters; A gruesome 
lodging ; Writing under difficulties ; Extremes of position ; My 
"nom de guerre"; Curious misconception; "An Arab of the 
Arabs"; Forbidden ground. 
cycling without roads ; Remarkable loads ; Peculiar tracks ; 
Native excitement; Randon surmises; Quaint effects; "Break- 
ing in" a bicycle; Travelling companions; Sumptuous fare; 
Ministerial warning. 

XXIV.— IN SEARCH OF MILTSIN.— A "geography" moun- 
tain; Unsuccessful searchers; A glorious valley; Thomson's 
record and mistake; Uninviting accommodation; Opposition; 
The final climb; Conveniently lost ; Disappointment; Results. 

To be published in January, 1900. Demy 8vo, cloth, profusely illustrated, 15s. 

London: SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., Lim., Paternoster Square, E.C. 

Uniform with this Volume, by the same Author. 

"The Moors," 


Part I.— SOCIAL. 

INTRODUCTION.— The word "Moor"; the Berbers; the Arabs; 
the Moors a white race; Distribution of population ; Native name 
of country. 

I. — "THE MADDING CROWD."— A Moorish market, its 
din, its colours, its constituents; A mule sale; A bargain; 
Trading encampment. 
II. _«« WITHIN THE GATES."— The City Wall; Shops, trade 
centres and markets; Stores and cafes; Residential quarters. 

III.— WHERE THE MOORS LIVE.— No "homes"; Typical 
houses and their decoration ; Gardens, kitchens, furniture, 
receptions; Building. 

IV.— HOW THE MOORS DRESS.— Suitability and elegance 
of costumes; Useful articles; Jewelry, washing, cosmetics, 
tattooing, soaps. 


Salutations; Kissing, sneezing, yawning and complimenting; 
How to enjoy a joke; Superstitions; How to eat with the 


national dish; the acme of cooking; Moorish pastry; Recipes 
for a number of good Moorish dishes. 

VII.— MOORISH DOMESTIC LIFE.— Birth-feast; Names and 
their meanings; Babyhood; Amusements and entertainments; 
Condition of women. 

MOORS. — The slave trade; Prices and auctions; Absence of 
race-hatred; Marriage and Manumission; Treatment; Domestic 

IX.— MOORISH COUNTRY LIFE.— Origin of Moroccan 
nomads; Encampments; Tent furniture; Villages in transition; 
Agriculture; Irrigation; Pests and poverty. 


of business; Usury; Country markets and traffic; Beasts of 
burden ; Caravan travel ; Posts ; Coinage ; Exports. 


achievements; Origin of horse-shoe arch; Stone- work; Designs 
and colouring; Leather; Carpets; Pottery; Music. 

XII.— MOROCCAN THERAPEUTICS.— Native classification of 
disease; Inoculation; National disease; Leprosy; Plagues; 
Midwifery; Surgery; Veterinary methods. 

"THE MOORS" : (Contents continued.) 

master passion; Self-control; Fatalism; Endurance; Fellow- 
feeling ; Integrity and lying ; Sensuality ; Humour ; Religion. 


The era and calendar; Moorish feasts and their celebration; 
Religious orgies; Fasting and sacrifice; Pre-Muslim festivals. 

Comparison with the East; Typical mosques; Services and 
calls to prayer; Saint shrines; Preaching; Maintenance. 

Ablutions; Forms of set prayer ; Direction; Specimen prayers; 
Guardian angels; Hours of prayer; Rosaries. 

AMONG THE MOORS.— Generosity ; Tithes; Alms- 
giving seasons; Beggars; The retort courteous; Hospitality; 
Entertaining Europeans; Pilgrim outfits. 

XVIIL— EDUCATION IN MOROCCO.— Primary Schools; Fees; 
Holidays; Hours and methods of study; Graduations; 'Varsity 
life; Colleges; The faculty; Attainments; Books. 


Holy madness; "Lives of the Saints"; Religious orders; 
Patron saints; The spirit world; The "evil eye"; Charms; 
Fortune-telling ; Magic. 

manage their "love affairs"; Professional match-making; 
Furnishing the home; The bridal "at home"; The great day; 


of death ; The death wail ; Mourning ; Last offices ; Funerals ; 
Specimen chant; Burial service; Interment; After death. 


XXIL— THE MOROCCO BERBERS.— Historical importance; 
Habitat; Race; Language; Literature, etc.; Physique; 
Character; Customs; Dress; Dwellings; Food, etc. 

XXIIL— THE JEWS OF MOROCCO.— Varieties; History; 
Jewries ; Pages of honour ; Folk-lore ; Present condition ; 
Sufferings; Feastings; Costume; Character; Hope. 


Festivals ; Ritual ; Day of Atonement ; Feast of Tabernacles ; 
Purim; Passover; Feast of Weeks. 

To be published in April, 1900. Demy 8vo, cloth, illustrated, 15s. 

London: SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., Lim., Paternoster Square, E.C. 















XTbe IRiobt Ibonourable 

£be Xorfc Cur3on of IkeMeaton, 

Dicerop of out Jnfcian Empire, 

in appreciation 

of botb pleasure ano profit 

oeriveo from bis works 

on "tbe incomparable Bast"; 

ano also 

to tbe Members of 

Zbe Consular an& diplomatic Bodies 

in /l&orocco, 

in wbose bancs are not alone 

tbe interests of tbose tbeg serve, 

but also, to a great extent, 

tbe prospects of tbe /ifcoorisb ^Empire, 

tbis volume is presented 

as a token of tbe autbor's confloence 
ano expectation. 



T has been more than once suggested that among the 
reviews of a new publication there should be one from 
the pen of its author, but that privilege is assured to him 
already in a measure by the preface, which affords him 
scope for the expression of his object and his principles, 
and of the degree of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with 
which he regards his completed task. 

The chapters to which these lines are prefixed grew 
out of an attempt to acquire some knowledge of the 
antecedents of the Moors, the better to understand them 
as they are to-day. Originally intended to form one 
section only of a comprehensive volume, they have been 
reduced to the narrowest possible limits, and all facts not 
vital have been cast aside. The extreme compression 
rendered necessary also by the crowded lives of pre- 
sumptive readers has precluded unimportant detail and 
elaboration, so that instead of a word being added to 
spin out the tale, a single epithet must frequently convey 
the spirit of a well-digested chapter, or a few lines express 
an opinion sifted from many volumes. The dual task 
before me was of no slight difficulty, for it has been 
my endeavour throughout to present in a popular form 
a picture of sufficient detail accurately reproduced to 
satisfy the student. 

Those who seek for polished diction, or the swing of 
a continuous narrative, must suffer disappointment. The 
fact that the subject is almost new to English literature, 


and that it is treated here more comprehensively than 
hitherto in any language must be the excuse for abundant 
shortcomings. Neither fertile imagination nor poetical 
diction is the ideal of historians, but an unswerving 
devotion to fact, with the power to discriminate between 
conflicting witnesses, and the ability to make the dead live 
once again in the great scenes in which they played their 
parts, confronting thus the present with the past. It may, 
perhaps, be suggested that the critical consideration of 
a subject so remote from European interests is hardly 
worth the pains bestowed upon it, but to this it may be 
answered that the study of the Moors is of far more than 
ethnological or geographical importance. As a chapter in 
the story of the human race its incidents assist the study 
of mankind. It is as a contribution to universal history 
that I have gathered and marshalled the facts which 
together form the record of the Moorish Empire. 
Volunteers for work upon nations more closely related 
to us, where the soil has been ploughed and re-ploughed, 
are numerous enough, but there is work, no less im- 
portant, to be done upon the fallow ground. For this 
reason the inducement to devote the labour of years to 
increase our acquaintance with the Moorish people, past 
and present,* has been the conviction that the service 
rendered was greater than would be afforded by any 
treatment, however novel, of some well-worn theme, 
albeit popular and therefore lucrative. 

In the spirit in which Arnold edited Thucydides I 
entered on this work, not as "an idle inquiry about 
remote ages and forgotten institutions, but as a living 
picture of things present, fitted not so much for the 

* These and other remarks in this preface refer equally to the companion 
volumes on The Moors and The Land of the Moors. 


curiosity of the scholar as for the instruction of the 
statesman and the citizen."* It is my hope to have 
provided a store-house to which students of many subjects 
may turn with success. The genuine pleasure which 
results from the fortunate search for facts and incidents 
long buried is one which I cannot expect my readers to 
share : my enjoyment has been that of the miner ; theirs 
can only be that of the heir to a fortune. If they will but 
use it for the good of Morocco they are most welcome, 
and I am more than repaid for the years so spent. 

Only when viewed in the aggregate, magnified in 
scenes long past, do the effects of Moorish thought and 
principles upon the national life become apparent, and 
then only can their influence upon the individual be 
rightly weighed. For this purpose it is the internal 
history, as pictured by the people themselves, which is 
of supreme importance. As M. Houdas aptly remarks, 
in his introduction to Ez-Zai'ani : " The social condition 
of the followers of Islam is so different from our own 
that we have always some trouble to appreciate at their 
right value the events which occur in a Muslim land. 
Moreover, as the result of a natural tendency, we willingly 
neglect that which concerns their private history, con- 
centrating our attention on their outer history, the interest 
of which appears to us greater and more important." No 
policy could be more short-sighted, whatever the value, of 
information as to past external relations, since the most 
uninteresting petty details of the home-life, whether of 
the nation or the individual, become attractive when 
regarded as indicative of character and tendencies. In 
this case it has been most disappointing that the native 

* Preface to vol. iii. , p. xxii. 


writers have furnished so little direct light as to the 
condition of the nation in its various stages. Wherever 
possible, advantage has been taken of the occasional 
glimpses afforded, but it has been impossible to fully 
portray the national life at any other period than the 
present. Yet from what chance evidence is available, it 
would appear that no such changes have occurred in 
Morocco during the last thousand years as have altered 
the life of Europe. 

The remarkable familiarity with certain points of current 
Moorish history displayed by many of the earlier writers, 
side by side with the grossest of blunders, and with utter 
lack of sympathetic interest, may be explained by the 
intimate relations with Moorish life and movement of 
some Christian slaves, but more especially of renegades. 
Warped though they might be, embittered though they 
could not fail to be, they both knew more and chronicled 
more of the essential life of the country than could the 
present average European resident, who knows no more 
of what is going on than the local newspapers can tell 
him, and they have sprung into existence only of recent 
years. The best contemporary informant can tell us less 
of Morocco than the slaves knew two hundred years ago. 

The Oriental scholar, or the student who has time to 
draw his own conclusions, I would refer to the authorities so 
freely quoted and so gratefully acknowledged,* especially 
to those translations of the Arab records to which I am 
so deeply indebted — to De Slane, Gayangos, Baumier, 
Houdas, Fagnan, Jones and others. My object has rather 
been to present to an uninterested public an account — 

* The references to authorities in these pages number 1,175. P art HI. 
contains reviews of 223 of the volumes employed. 


drawn from original and reliable sources — which should 
be brief enough and bright enough to interest, and to 
impart a faithful picture of the rise, progress and con- 
dition of the Moorish Empire, enabling them thereby to 
gauge its character and trend. 

I would ask historical critics to bear in mind that as my 
object has been rather a contribution to our knowledge 
of the people than to that of dry-as-dust facts, while 
exercising every reasonable care, I have not applied the 
modern critical methods to all statements quoted. I 
have rather preferred to give " chapter and verse," and 
to record elsewhere my opinion as to the value of the 
various works as evidence. Especially is this the case 
with the native writers, who, however mistaken they may 
sometimes have been as to dates, or credulous as to 
exploits, have seldom, if ever, misrepresented the national 
spirit. From this point of view, a picturesque touch or 
a glimpse of feeling often contains far more truth than the 
least assailable statements of unadorned fact, and to the 
student of mankind their value is unquestionably greater. 

Throughout I have endeavoured to attach the story to 
chronological landmarks which should already exist in 
the reader's mind, and as the Mohammedan Era conveys 
no idea to others than its special students, I have dis- 
carded it altogether. The lunar standard of the historians 
quoted renders nice adjustment with our solar years 
impossible without defining the months, which in a work 
of this nature would be much more objectionable than 
occasional discrepancies. 

With regard to dynastic and other dates, I have on 
the whole followed native authors, carefully collated and 
compared. The difficulty of compiling a satisfactory list 


of the Moorish sultans, and of exactly fixing their dates, 
arises chiefly from the conflicting statements of the 
chronicles, which sometimes vary according to the rivals 
whom the writers favoured, and from the fact that either 
two or more were reigning in different parts at the same 
time, or that a reign commenced at one time in one part 
and in another later. But for all practical purposes it is suf- 
ficient to know their approximate epoch. It is hoped that 
the chronographical method adopted in the chart may faci- 
litate the mental tabulation of the periods dealt with in a 
manner which to many is impracticable with figures alone. 

In the matter of illustrations — as for most of the facts 
brought together — I have largely drawn on predecessors 
in this field, since my desire has been to produce a work 
which should be complete rather than throughout original. 
Wherever the source of an illustration could be ascer- 
tained it has been acknowledged, and I would here 
express my thanks to all whose illustrations have been 
reproduced. Each has been selected for some particular 
interest, and many are from photographs specially taken 
for these volumes by friends. The small map is from one 
larger and more complete, specially drawn for The Land 
of the Moors. 

In conclusion, let me say that wherever other students 
differ from me as to either facts or figures, the invariable 
refuge of the native writer, when confronted with con- 
flicting statements, shall still be mine : " God alone knows 
the truth ! " 

One only favour I would ask of my readers, and that is the 
indication to me of whatever oversights or errors they discover i?i 
these volumes. 

Letters may be addressed to the care of the Londo?i publishers. 

El Manar, Hampstead. 


T N such a work as this the question of transliteration 
*- calls for remark, and its importance has secured its 
most careful consideration. The system followed is that 
adopted by the Beirut missionaries in 1838 and confirmed 
in i860, modified to suit the singularly pure and classical 
Maghribin pronunciation under the advice of several well- 
known Arabic scholars, and as the outcome of many years 
of experiment. Since each Arabic letter is distinguished 
by a dot or other sign, the original form of a word can 
be at once reproduced ; and since Arabic is written 
phonetically, the correct pronunciation can be arrived at 
by anyone acquainted with the values of the original 
characters. In my Morocco- Arabic Vocabulary this 
system was strictly adhered to — printer's errors excepted 
— but in a work intended to present native words in a 
form for popular use, it has been deemed essential to make 
certain modifications for the sake of simplicity.* 

Thus "ee" and "00" are frequently written, in proper 
names especially, as i or i and u ; the " ee " is retained in 
words of one and two syllables when the accent falls upon 
it, for the convenience of ordinary English readers; the final 
ya (i) of adjectives derived from names is also modified to i. 

* This does not of course apply to Arabic names of objects, phrases, etc., 
which are transliterated strictly. 


The final h is usually omitted from feminine proper names 
(students will remember that it always follows an un- 
accented a, becoming t for euphony when the following 
word begins with a vowel). The ' accent denoting the 
initial alif or " vowel prop " is omitted when the initial 
vowel is a capital. The dots which distinguish consonants 
unknown in English (d, h, k, s, and t), the tie-dash be- 
neath letters which can only be approximately rendered 
by two characters in English (dh, gh, kh) ; and the 
sign ' (representing the hamzah), necessary to enable 
students to identify the words, can always be omitted 
in popular use ; but it is strongly recommended that, 
with the exception mentioned, the accent be always 
retained, as on it so much depends. The standard for 
the names of places is throughout the local spelling 
(and therefore pronunciation) of the educated classes, to 
obtain which special pains have been taken. 

It is the hope, therefore, of the writer, who has made 
large concessions in this matter to the views of others, 
that he has not expended this labour for his own works 
alone, but that he has provided a standard of spelling 
which will be adopted by future writers. It may be added 
that these renderings are in accordance with the principles 
adopted by the Royal Geographical Society, the Foreign, 
India, Colonial, and War Offices, the Admiralty, and the 
Government of the United States, all of which will here 
find their authority for Moorish names. 

(A glossary of common words will be appended to 
The Moors, and a list of place-names to The Land of 
the Moors.) 


Every letter is pronounced: consonants have the English, and single 
vowels the Italian value. 


a or 








i or i, 


nisbah, short open sound, 
as "a" in "can," some- 
times " ii" as in " but." 

\ alif with nisbah, longer 

open sound, as " a " in 

^5 limalah, or alif maksoorah, 

as final " a " in " papa " 

(always final). 

* £ am, long " a," far back in 
the mouth, as in the 
"baa" of a sheep. 

*-» ba, as in English. 

o dad, 

* dhal, „ „ 

<j=> dad, strongly articulated 
* palatal " d." 

k dha, thick " dh," some- 
thing like " th " in 
" thee." 

or , nisbah or khafdah, short 
English "e."' 

*„ ya with khafdah, as in 

o» fa, as in English. 

/ gn-f, ,, „ hard. 

S jeem, „ „ „ (g). 

t gli ain, deep guttural. 

*> ha, as in English. 

£ ha, „ ,, like 

" " hh." 

„ khafdah, as in English. 

\ alif with khaf cj i h, like the 
first "i" in "India." 

- ya, as in English. 

S jeem, 

J kaf, 

o kaf, peculiar hard " k " 
low i i the throat, as 
" ck " in " kick." 

kh, # t kha, rough guttural sound 
as in Scotch " loch." 



htm, as in English. 



meem, „ „ 



noon, ,, „ 


„.S (doubled final 
J = '' short vowels) " »» 









„ with rofah, as in 



ra, as in English. 






sad, ., „ hard, 

like ss. 









ta, short palatal " t." 



tha, as in English "three," 
but rather more of the 
" t " sound. 



rofah, as in English. 



alif with rofah, as in 
English " up." 



wau, Continental " u " 
sound, as in "pull." 



wau, as in English. 







, = ° hamzah, showing that the pre- 
ceding vowel is cut off short, and a 
slight pause made. 

' shows that a letter is elided in the 
pronunciation, generally "a" in ordi- 
nary conversation. In past participles 
it is generally " u " which is elided. 

1 denotes an initial ain followed by a 
short vowel other than nisbah. 

• is placed between two letters which 
might be sounded as one, to separate 

# The correct pronunciation of these letters is only to be acquired from a native ; 
the nearest possible English rendering being given, no difficulty will be experienced 
in connecting them with their Arabic equivalents. 




^or A'l or el 


„ A'llah 


„ A'meer 


„ Arab 


„ Bani 


,, I'smaail. 


„ Kaid 


„ Mohammed 


more strictl) 



„ Mulai 


„ Seedi (more 

correctly Seyyidi^ 


„ Sultan 



For A'sfi 


, E'l Jazair 
, E'l Jazirah 

, Fas 




, Hajrat N'kur 
, Jazair Zafran 


, Meliliyah 
, Miknas 
, Ribat 




, Sibta 


, Sla 


, Talimsan 
, Tan j ah 
, Tettawan 




, Tunis 



Megalithic Remains at M'zora 

Sites of Prehistoric Remains in Northern Morocco 

El Utad— ' ' The Peg "—at M'zora 

Ruins of Volubilis 

Roman Coin struck at Babba in Morocco 

Remains of Volubilis in 172 1 

Gateway at Volubilis in 172 1 

A Berber 

Berbers at Home . 

A Moorish Water-carrier and Customer 

An Arab Camp in Morocco . 

Shareef's Home at Beni Ai'sh, Anjera, Morocco 

An Atlas Valley . 

An Arab Home 

Silver Coin of Idrees II. 

In the Mosque of Cordova, eighth century 

A Home in Central Morocco 

Silver Coin of Idrees I. 

Saints' Shrine near Azila 

An Atlas Valley . 

Coin of an Unknown Ameer 

Dinar of Yiisef bin Tashfin 

The Court of Lions, Alhambra Palace, Granada 

Imitation "Maravedi" of Alfonso VIII. 

Coin of Ali III. 

A Country Kasbah (M'turga) 

The Unfinished Hasan Tower at Rabat 

The "Torre de Oro," Seville 

Silver Coin of Abd el Mu'min 

The Moorish Castle, Gibraltar 

The Kutubiya Tower at Marrakesh 

The Giralda Tower at Seville 

Sheikh's House at Zarkton . 

Tomb of Beni Marin Ameer, at Fez 

Beni Marin Tower at Tlemcen 

Tomb of "The Black Sultan," All V., at Sheila 

Gold Coin of Ahmad II. 





















face p, 

Gate of the Nazarenes, Sheila 

The Sheila Gate, Rabat 

An Algerian Type 

Outer Gate, Rabat 

Coin of Mulai Zidan 

A Town Moor (servant) 

Part of Military Camp on the Marshan, Tangier 

Tangier under the English . 

Coin of Mulai Ismail 

" Powder- Play " 

Tangier from the Sand Hills 

Tangier from the Ruins of the English Mole 

A Bokhari Raid of the Black Troops . 

Seal of Mulai Ismail 

On the Market, Tetuan 

Gate of Mansur the Renegade, Mequinez 

Copper Coin of Mohammed XVII. 

Street Scene in Tangier 

Ukia of Mohammed XVII. 

City Gate, Tangier 

Fortress of a Country Governor 

Great Courtyard of Tangier Citadel . 

Palace in Tangier Citadel 

Unique Photograph of the late Sultan, Mulai el Hasan, and 

The Morocco Cabinet in 

Mulai El Hassan III. returning from Mosque in Tangier 

Women's Enclosure in Camp 

Moorish Sword {See/) 

,, Dagger {Kumiya) . 
Gate of Fez adorned with Human Heads on Spikes 
A Moorish Governor 
Camp of a Governor "on Circuit " 
Moorish Notarial Document 
Rif Musket 
Moorish Infantry . 

Siis Musket 

Kaid Maclean on Parade 

A Salli Rover in Pursuit 

A Moorish Shaloup 

A Xebeck 

Engagement off Salli 

A " Salleeman" . 

Contemporary illustration of treatment of Christian Slaves in Morocco 

his Ministers 

to face p, 



Procession of Franciscan Priests outside Casablanca 

Audience of Redemptionist Fathers in 1794 

Mission School Children at Tangier . 

Interior of Tulloch Memorial Hospital 

Letter from Ahmad V. of Morocco 

British Embassy en route 

Belgian Embassy in Camp . 

Private audience of an Envoy to Morocco 

Sir Anthony Sherley 

Entry of an English Embassy into Marrakesh 

Public reception of a Foreign Envoy at the Moorish Court 

East and West in present-day Tangier 

Scene on the Tangier Market 

"Alas ! The Land Steamer 's Come ! " 

Between the Gates, Tangier 

Camp of Country Traders on Tangier Market . 

In Search of Protection 

Armed Countryman 

Secretary of State returning from the Palace 

Country Governor and Suite 

"AH Bey" .... 

Contemporary idea of Mulai Ismail 

An English Officer of the Tangier Regiment (17th century) 

Georgius Host .... 

James Grey Jackson 

Title page of Dutch edition of St. Olon, 1698 . 

,, ,, English edition of " Tafiletta," 1669 
Dr. Spence Watson in travelling costume 
Contemporary idea of Mulai Abd Allah V. 
Title page of Relation Historique de P Amour de V Empereur de 
Title page of The Present State of Tangier 









Gate of Citadel, Tangier (from a photo by Molinari, Tangier) . . cover 
[ The furthest house on the right is that in which the author worked 
for five years on this volume.} 


The Moorish Empire at successive periods — 
The Moorish Empire as understood in 1597 
Central Morocco (from Mouette, 1683) 

Morocco . 

to face p. 491 

. /. 496 

to face p. 560 

Chronographical, Genealogical and Comparative View of the Moorish 

Empire ..... to face p. 1 

Genealogies of the Moroccan Shareefs . . ,,115 


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Part I. 



I. Mauretania (Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals, and Goths), 

500 B.C. -69O A. C. 3 

II. The Mohammedan Invasions . . 690-788 21 

III. The Foundation of Empire (Idreesi Period) . 788-1061 35 

IV. The Consolidation of Empire (Murabti Period) 1061-1149 49 
V. The Extension of Empire (Muwahhadi Period) 1 149-1269 65 

VI. The Contraction of Empire (Marini Period) 1213-1524 89 

VII. The Stagnation of Empire (Saadi Period) . 1524-1659 115 

VIII. The Personification of Empire (Mulai Ismail — 

Early Filali Period) . . . 1659-1727 135 

IX. The Existing Empire (Later Filali Period) . 1 727-1894 163 

X. The Moorish Government . . . . 197 

XI. The Present Administration . ... 217 



(500 B.C.— 69O A.C.) 

OF ancient Mauretania* the records that exist are very 
scanty and unsatisfactory. The information which 
has come to us is so conflicting — when not 

Scanty Records. 

manifestly borrowed — that there is no certain 
ground on which we may build history, or even a romance. 
The earliest authorities, who dealt almost exclusively with 
myths and legends, may be set aside at once, for Morocco 
lay so far out of the beaten tracks of those days, that it is 

only when the Carthaginian Hanno makes a 
Hann °cir 500 b c colonising expedition to beyond the Herculean 

Pillars, that we meet with dependable state- 
ments. Even Hanno's authenticity has been disputed 
(although unsuccessfully), and nothing certain is known 
of his person or date. All that remains is the account of 
his "Periplus" or voyage, graven on a stone in the temple 
of Saturn at Carthage on his return, and copied by a 
Greek traveller centuries later. 1 

With sixty galleys of fifty oars each, conveying no 
less than thirty thousand men, the bold Phoenician set 

* This spelling is established as correct by coins and inscriptions of the 
period, including those discovered at Volubilis. 

1 Mannert, p. 577. 


[Phoenician Era 

forth on his daring errand. Until his return — 
The Phoenician anc i j n sp j te f t j ie won ders he had to relate, 

Era. * 

for many a long day thereafter — all beyond 
those mighty pillars was dark, and darkness meant 
terror. The majestic swell of the ocean was more than 
the barques of the Midland Sea could withstand, and even 
Hercules himself was fabled to have gone no farther. 
But the Carthaginian Empire was expanding, and the 
first of the great Punic Wars had not been fought ; her 
waxing power demanded feeders ; her commercial instincts 
called for wider enterprise. Slowly coasting along the 
North African shore, at last the dread corner was 
turned, and after two days' sail the explorers landed to 
establish their first colony at Thymatherion, somewhere 
in Central Morocco.* Proceeding thence, five other 
colonies were planted, Karikon-Teikhos, Gytta, Akra, 
Melitta and Arambys, none of which are now to be 

Thus far the colonisation ; what followed was more 
properly exploration. Up to that point the adventurers 
had probably encountered only people of the stock which 
we know as Berber, with whom they would be able to 
converse, since the majority of the colonists must have 
been drawn from the districts round Carthage, the modern 

* This is not the place in which to discuss the many debatable questions as 
to the sites of the various stations and landmarks in Morocco mentioned by 
ancient writers — the more certain of which are noticed in the companion 
volume to this, The Land of the Moors. The matter has been thoroughly 
sifted by other writers to whose sources of information there has been no 
addition, and as a concise and reliable summary is given in the Bibliography, 
where it will not be available to many of my readers, by kind permission of 
the late Sir Lambert Playfair it is here presented — shorn of bibliographical 
data — in the form of an Appendix. The most convenient summary of all we 
know about Mauretania is Gobel's pamphlet in German, to which the reader 
is referred for particulars here omitted. 

t An epitome of Hanno's "Periplus" will be found in The Land of the 



Tunisia. But now they began to meet or hear 

Aborigines. . . 

of strangers ; savage and inhospitable tribes, 
some of them Troglodytes, or cave-dwellers,* who 
furnished Hanno with interpreters. Possibly they repre- 
sented the first of those waves of humanity which had 
passed over North Africa, causing a modification of type 
in the so-called Berbers of the Sus and the Draa.f That 
there was an earlier race is also manifest from the existing 
megalithic remains, J many more of which would doubtless 
be discovered, were Morocco opened up and properly 

By this time the travellers must have reached the limits 
of what has since become the Moorish Empire, and in an 

* Caves once used as human habitations are plentiful in many parts, as 
along the coast of the Tansift, in the Atlas, in the Ain Tarsil, 1 west of 
Amzmiz, in the Gindafi valley, near Sheshawan, and beyond Wazzan. 

Tissot also describes dolmens, menhirs, galgals, barrows, and cromlechs in 
Morocco, 2 and Martiniere notes a cromlech on Jebel Zarhon, near Zeggota. 

t Dr. Bertholon, who has made careful researches, and has taken measure- 
ments of the skulls of this prehistoric race, remarks 3 : — "There would appear 
to have been in North Africa at the time of the ^Egean immigration, only 
populations which had not got beyond the stone civilisation. A few tribes, 
akin to the quaternary man of Neanderthal, were at the stage of chipped 
flint ; others, more numerous, of the same race as the Iberians, were raising 
megalithic monuments, and were living in a less profound state of barbarism." 
Dr. Bertholon 4 believes that the Libyans or Celto-Ligurians emigrated 
from somewhere round the Danube about 1500 years before Christ, and 
settled in North Africa, "where, as the Egyptian monuments attest, they 
attacked Egypt itself." He believes further that "they spoke a European 
language, the Phrygian dialect, no doubt, which Fisk has shown to be a sister 
tongue to the Greek. This dialect, more and more altered, has kept itself up 
to our times in the Berber language." 

But Professor Keane holds this view to be incorrect, believing that the 
migrations were from Africa, where, rather than in periodically ice-clad 
Europe, the Afro-European or Caucassian type was slowly formed. 5 

X As at M'zora, near Azila, 6 and to the east of Wazzan. 7 

1 Described by Harris, Land, p. 244. See also Globus, xxiv. p. 175, Dolmen in 
Marokko (unsigned); and Vilain, Le Dolmen des Beni Snas>an (Ma>-oc), Paris, 1885. 

2 pp. i 7 5, 178. 

3 Revue Tunisienne, Oct. 1897, p. 418. 4 I.e., p. 419. 
•"> Man, Past and Present, 1899, p. 455. 

fi Spence Watson, p. 100, and Brooke, vol. ii., p. 36. ' Rohlfs, p. 36. 



island called Kerne — about which hopelessly conflicting 
statements are all that remain — they made a stay of 

.EolwlU dc i.Soer 

From Tissot. 

sufficient length for a considerable commerce to spring 
up. They had journeyed then as far beyond the Straits 
as the Straits were from Carthage. From Kerne they 


[Phoenician Era 

, pushed on till they met with crocodiles and hippopotami 
and " hairy men and women " or " gorillas," * from which 
it is evident that they were well within the tropics, perhaps 
at the mouth of the Niger. For the elephants they found 
in Sus there is no difficulty in accounting, since they were 
still to be seen there nearly a thousand years later, 1 but 
the presence of the river denizens sets the extent of their 
journey beyond all doubt. 

Of the fate of the colonies founded nothing is known, 
but it seems certain that they seldom or never included 
the surrounding territory, and that they were 
little more than trading stations, of which, 
according to Eratosthenes, quoted by Strabo, 2 Carthage, 
when it fell, possessed no fewer than three hundred along 
this coast. Thus it is not wonderful that the traces are 
slight, nor must it be forgotten that the city of Dido itself 
was entirely exotic — a parasitical growth — and that, as one 
writer puts it, " Carthage in the height of her power paid 
ground-rent." 3 That there are so few remains to indicate 
the situations of these colonies is not so remarkable as the 
almost complete obliteration of the " wiped out " parent 
city.f Thus the Phoenician Era came and went, leaving 
hardly a memory ; only the faintest of traces. 

No account has survived of the peoples with whom 

the colonists traded. It was not until the troops of 

Hasdrubal and Hamilcar and Hannibal had made their 

last march to the narrowing Straits, and the avenging 

Roman, having driven them back from Spain, 

Aboriginal pressed after to establish an African Empire, that 

Inhabitants. L ... . . . 

the oldest existing legends about the natives 

* This is one of the few Punic words which have become English, and its 
use dates from this expedition. 

t As long ago as the time of Pliny there was " no remembrance nor yet 
the slightest vestige" of these colonies. 4 

1 Pliny, bk. v., chap. i. See The Land of the Moors, chap. iv. 

2 bk. xvii., § iv. 3 Ur^uhart, p. 225. 4 Pliny, bk. v., chap. i. 


Cavilla, Photo., Tangier 


[Phcenii iai i 

were placed on record. A thousand years after the 
voyage of Hanno, a Roman scribe, Procopius of 
Caesarea — secretary to Belisarius in Justinian's Vandal 
War in Africa — wrote that in his day there existed 
near Tangier two white columns of stone by a 
gushing spring. On these were inscribed in the Phoenician 
language, " We have fled before the face of Joshua the 
robber, son of Nun."* Procopius explains that the 
inhabitants of these parts were descended from the 
Canaanites expelled before the Children of Israel, whom 
he appears to have confused with the early Phoenician 
settlers. But whatever the truth may have been, the 
Arab historians also attribute a Canaanitish origin to the 
Berbers, assigning a more recent date for their expulsion, 
which they declare took place under Goliath (Jalut), their 

* "Hie Populi numerosi habitavere, Gergescei, Jebusoei, aliaque habentes 
nomina Hebneis voluminibus memorata, qui ... in Africam penetravere, 
ubi civitates quamplures habitentes omnem eum tractum usque ad Herculis 
columnas tenuerunt, semi-Phoenicia lingua ac catalecto ufentes. Oppidumque 
Tingen situ munitissimum in Numidia cedificaverunt, ubi duo ex albo lapide 
columns prope magnum fontem constitute, in quibus Phcenicum lingua 
litterre incassre sunt hujuscemodi: ' Nos a facie fugimus Jesu praedonis filii 
Nave." 1 

Kenrick {Phanicia, p. 67) and Ewald (ii. 298) are both strongly opposed 
to the acceptance of this inscription, although there must have been some 
foundation for the report. The Talmud (Jerusal. Jesimoth) ascribes to Joshua 
a proclamation offering permission to depart to such of the Canaanites as 
desired to do so, whereupon a portion of them found their way to Africa. 

"I believe in the columns, I doubt the inscription, I reject the pedigree," 
says Gibbon; 2 but Dean Milman adds in a note that the same inscription 
was mentioned in the Armenian history by Moses of Chorene more than a 
century before Procopius. Five hundred years earlier Sallust had suggested 
that the Berbers were the remnant of the army of Medes, Persians and 
Armenians brought to Spain by Hercules, 3 and it is possible that there may 
be some truth in both these stories. The geographer Yakut says that 
similar columns existed at Carthage, imitations of two which had originally 
stood at Tyre. 

1 De Bello Vandalico, ed. 1531, lib. ii. p. 222; Ibid., ii. 10. Also Suidas, in voce 
" Canaan," Moses Ckorenensis, i. j8, and Rawlinson's Hampton Lectures, p. 381. 

2 Decline mid Fall, ed. 1855, vol. v., p. 121. 3 De Bello Jugurth., c. 21. 


king in the time of David. 1 Whether they only imper- 
fectly echoed what Procopius had stated, or whether both 
had before them a local tradition, it is now impossible to 
say ; nor can the racial question be here discussed, * 
although, from its connection with Biblical history, it 
fascinates so many, and has led to so much theory- 
building and random assertion. 

With the advent of the Romans we are at last 
brought in touch with well -authenticated history, but 
even then their westernmost African province 
was not of sufficient importance to call for 
careful notice from contemporary writers. Sixty-four 
years after the burning of Carthage, when Rome had 
been captured by four united foes, the army of Sertorius, 
one of the number, having been expelled from Spain by 
a lieutenant of the dictator Sulla, attempted, with the 
aid of Sicilian pirates, to land on the Moorish coast, but, 
driven back by the inhospitable natives, he was forced 
to make for the Canaries. Already, in the previous year, 
Bogud, son of King Bocchus of Tangier, had sent his son 
Ganda with troops to the aid of Pompey against Yarbas 
the Numidian, so that the Moors had evidently realised 
the growing power of Rome, and knew what the fall of 
82 b.c. Carthage implied. Consequently, when Tangier 
was taken immediately afterwards by a fresh band of 
Sicilian corsairs, led by Ascalis, Roman troops were sent 
to its assistance, but in vain. The successful Sertorius 
was enabled to collect an army which included seven 
78 b.c. hundred Berbers: with their support he invaded 
Spain, and recovered the ground he had lost. 

It was not, however, till the time of Augustus that the 

* This question is fully entered into in the chapter on the Berbers in my 
companion volume, The Moors. 

1 Ibn Abd el Hakim (tr. Jones), p. 45. Ibn KhaldCn (tr. de Slane), vol. iii., p. 181 
also vol. i., Ap. 1. Ibn Jakir et Tabari, apud Ibn Khaldun, vol. i., p. 175. 



Romans acquired any real power on this coast, and then, 

so far as concerned Morocco, it was indirect. Just at the 

time of the birth of Christ, Numidia was handed over by 

that emperor to Juba the younger, to be held as in 

25 a. c. fief from Rome,* and twenty-four years later 

Mauretania was given to him by Tiberius in exchange. 

Mauretania then included little more than Algeria, and 

although raised by Augustus to colonial rank, as Julia 

Constantia, it soon lost all importance. Juba, like those 

who succeeded him, found the mountain Berbers hard 

to control, and was compelled on several occasions to 

request the aid of Rome. The most important of these 

expeditions took place in the first year of the 

Expedition of reign of Claudius I., under that Suetonius 

Suetonnis Paultnus. 

41-2. Paulinus who, two years later, was to traverse 
Western Europe, and establish Roman rule 
among the distant savages of Britain. 1 This was the 
greatest undertaking of the Romans in Morocco, for 
Suetonius pursued the indomitable natives under ^Edemon, 
as far as ten days' march across the Atlas, with its eternal 
42. snows, until he reached the " deserts of black 
earth," and the river still known as the Ghir, towards 
Tafilalt. 2 Perhaps to his expedition were due the ancient 
Roman remains referred to by Leo, possibly a fortified 
outpost, but not everything in Morocco known by the 
name of " Rumi " is to be attributed to them.f 

* Some hold that Numidia proper was never given to Juba II., but certain 
portions of Gaetulia. 3 The wife of this Juba was a daughter of Antony and 
Cleopatra. He died about 21 A.c. 

t " By the word Rumi the author means imperialists. The word was first 
used to designate the Romans of the lower empire, and the people living in its 
dependencies. It became in time a synonym for Christian, owing to the Greeks 
generally professing Christianity. However, Ibn Khaldun, in his history of 
the Berbers, condemns the use of the word in the latter acceptation. He says 
' I do not recollect ever meeting with the word Rum as applied to any nation 

1 Dion Cassius, i, Ixc, chaps, viii. and ix. 2 Pliny, bk. v., 14. 

3 Dion Cassius, liii., 526. 

Era] THE ROMANS 1 3 

Salabrus, king of the Mauri, being thus overthrown, the 

whole of his country was merged in the Roman province. 

This at no time extended further along the 

E Kom<mProvince. COaSt than Salli > ° r > aS the M °OrS Call it, Sla, 

a name recalling Sala, that by which it was 
known to the Romans. In the Antonine itinerary it is 
spoken of as " Salaconia," but this can hardly have 
been an abbreviation of " Sala Colonia," as some have 
supposed, since Pliny, when enumerating all the other 
colonies, makes no mention of it as such. Nor did the 
province stretch much further inland than Volubilis, the 
ruins of which still stand on the hillside of Zarhon. Here, 
eight centuries later, Mulai Idrees erected his standard, and 
established a Moroccan dynasty. A glance at the map 
will show that with the exception of the district of Er-Rif, 
whose inhabitants were never fully subjugated — since 
under Marcus Aurelius they were able to rebel and carry 
the war into Spain 1 — the Romans only mastered the 
northern plains, hemmed in by mountains to the South 
and East* Though southward of Salli stretched then, as 
now, vast fertile plains, they are described by Pliny as 
deserted, and the home of elephants. 

The enterprising Juba left a treatise on what he saw 

or race of people inhabiting this country (Africa) at the time of its occupation 
by the Arabs, nor have I ever met with it in the ancient works which relate 
these events, whence I suppose they were called so by antonomasia, since the 
Arabs of those days, not being acquainted with the Franks (Vandals) as a 
nation, and having no other people to deal with and make war upon in Syria 
but the Rum, to whose empire they imagined all the other Christian nations 
to be tributary, thought that Heraclius, the Roman Emperor, was the king of 
all Christendom. Hence the name of Rum was given by them to all Christian 
nations.'" 2 

* Nevertheless, Martiniere found capitals and other vestiges of Byzantine 
work at Agadir Ighir in Sus, " which throw an altogether new and interesting 
light upon the Byzantine rule in this part of Africa." 3 

1 Spartian, Hadrian, xxii., p. 194. 

2 Gayangos on El Makkari, bk. iv., chap, i., note 16. 

3 Comptes Rendus de I 'Academie des Inscriptions, etc., Paris, vol. xix., p. 347. 


in his African kingdom in several books, which have 

unfortunately been lost, and our only knowledge 

Position of the Q f ^q people is derived from Pliny, who quotes 


Suetonius about the Gsetuli, a name which has 
by many been identified with the more modern Gazzuli or 
Jazzuli. Of these and kindred nations the historian Gibbon 
has remarked 1 that "during the vigour of the Roman power 
they observed a respectful distance from Carthage and the 
sea-shore ; under the feeble reign of the Vandals they 
invaded the cities of Numidia, occupied the sea-coast 
from Tangier to Caesarea, and pitched their tents with 
impunity in the fertile plains of Byzacium. . . . The 
Moorish princes . . . aspired to receive in the emperor's 
name the insignia of their regal dignity." Such a prince 
was Juba himself, although more strictly speaking he was 
a Numidian, for the word Mauretania* was of a much 
more vague significance than our expression " Morocco." 

In order to propitiate the people of Bcetica the 

Mauretanian province was by Otho annexed to Spain, 2 

70. and ultimately the western half of Mauretania 

was placed by the last of the Caesars under a procurator, 

and named Mauretania Tingitana, after its chief 

Mauretania town Tingis, now Tangier. The eastern half 

"% 5 received the appellation of Csesariensis, and the 

two formed part of the emperor's special domain. 
At first they were garrisoned by troops of the second 
order, under the procurator, but latterly the offices of 
governor and general were separated, as together liable 
to tempt ambition.! 

* In Greek, Maurusia. 

t From the various inscriptions discovered, M. Pallu de Lessert constructed 
a list of thirteen Roman governors of Mauretania Tingitana, 3 ranging from 
the time of Galba (68 A.c.) to the latter part of the fourth century a.c. 
Inscriptions from Volubilis enabled M. Heron de Villefosse to add another 

1 I.e., p. i22. 2 Tacitus, Hist., bk. i., chap. 78. 

3 Les Gouverneurs des Mauretanies, p. 135. 


[ Vandal 

In Hadrian's time the Mauri rose under a Berber 
leader known to the Romans as Lusius Quietus, who, for 
117. faithful service in command of Berber troops 
while assisting Trajan, had been previously entrusted 
with the government of Palestine, 1 but whether his home 
was Morocco or not cannot now be determined. One of 
the last occurrences on record in connection with the 
Roman occupation is an expedition under one of the 

i38-i6i. generals of Antoninus Pius against the Moors, 
whom he drove before him into the Atlas valleys. It is 
instructive to note that at the same time another Roman 
general was driving the Brigantes of the Yorkshire moors 
from the borders of his province of Britain. 2 The benefit 
derived by Rome from Mauretania appears to have been 
slight, although its forests afforded supplies of the treasured 
thuja or citrus wood, whereof the wealthy patricians were 
wont to carve their priceless tables. 3 A peculiar purple dye 
was also procured here, which appears to have supplanted 
in popular favour even the purple of Tyre. 4 

From this time the power of the Romans waned, for 

luxury and its attendant vice had sapped the nation's 

strength. One by one her possessions slipped 

The vandal Era. f r0 m her, and Mauretania Tineritana was not 

Cir. 268. ' fe 

one of those dear to her heart. When the 
league of the Franks led to their invasion of Gaul and 
Spain, we read of their seizing Spanish vessels wherewith 
to invade Morocco, 5 but with what success they met 
we know not. At length, soon after the Vandals and 

about the time of Marcus Aurelius — whose name occurs on more than one of 
the Volubilis monuments — while a fifteenth is mentioned in an inscription 
from Vienne in Dauphine. 6 

1 Mercier, vol. i., p. 107. 2 Pausanias, 1. viii., c. 43. 

:{ See The Land 0/ the Moors, chap. iii. 4 Mela, 1. iii., c. 10 ; and Pliny, 1. v., c. 1. 

5 Gibbon, I.e., vol. i., p. 392 ; Anson, Epist. xxv. 58; Aurel. Victor, De Ccesar, c. 33. 

6 Allmer, Inscr. ant. de Vienne, No. 1963; Corp. inscr. latin., xii., No. 1856; Bull. 
Arch, du Com. des Trav. Hist., Paris, 1891, p. 14T. 



Suevi and Goths had made their way into Spain with 
429. Genseric as their leader, they also passed into 
Africa. Boniface, the governor, facilitated their invasion, 
as did the Spaniards also, glad enough to see them depart. 
They formed a body of 80,000, more than half of whom 
were soldiers, and their way led eastward, for their goal 
was Carthage, which they were successful in acquiring ten 
years later. They do not appear to have established 
themselves in Morocco, though Ceuta and Tangier became 
618. tributary to them, and so remained till the 
coming of the Goths three centuries later. Here again a 
period of total darkness stretches over Mauretania, and 
we cannot even say with certainty what influence the 
outside world had on _ 

the Berber tribes, or />*^* 

how far Christian in- i<f vfSt ^ 

fluences penetrated. It 
is unlikely that they 

ever reached the * ,. XJD 

Koman limits, ana 11 ROMAN C qin struck at babba in morocco 

not, the general COn- Ti. Claudius, Caesar Augustus, 41-54 a. c. 

,• r r-M- * x.' (In the British Museum) 

ception of a Christian 

Era in Morocco must be very much exaggerated.* 
In dealing with the records of those times, it is 
imperative to bear in mind the narrow meanings of 
such terms as Africa, Numidia, Mauretania, the Mauri 
and the Berbers, all of which have now far wider 
applications, calculated to produce erroneous impressions. 
The only important Roman remains in Morocco are 
those of Volubilis — some three and a half hours' ride 
from Mequinez — the identity of which has 

Roman Remains. . 1 1 • • , • r-\ r . 1 

been proved by inscriptions. One of these, 
formerly adorning the triumphal arch which, though now 
in ruins, still forms the most striking feature, is in honour 

* This question is fully discussed in chap. xv. 




of Caracalla and Julia Domna. This establishes a date as 
posterior to 213 A.C. 1 , further confirmed by the tombstone 
of Q. Caecilius Domitianus, which gives also the name 
of the town.* By the natives these remains are known 
as Kasar Faradn (" Pharaoh's Castle "), and at times they 
have been freely quarried, notably so by Mulai Ismail, 
when building the Mequinez palace. Their present 

(From Windus) 

disjointed condition, and the changes which have taken 
place since then — evident from comparison with the 
account and drawing published at that time by Windus 2 — 

* The ruins have been most industriously searched by M. de la Martiniere, 
the result of whose excavations is of no small value. In 1888 and 1889 he 
collected forty-three inscriptions, dating chiefly from the close of the second 
century a.c. Of these two or three are in Greek, but they are badly mutilated, 
and one of the Latin inscriptions reads, as though Semitic, from right to left. 
Two of them are of an imperial nature, two votive, thirteen honorific, and 
twenty-six sepulchral. M. Heron de Villefosse has transcribed them fully for 
the " Paris Comite des Travaux Historiques." 3 

1 See Tissot, p. 151. 2 i n I?2I) p . 85. 

3 Bull. Archeologiq?te, 1891, vol. ix., p. 135. (B. Mus., Ac. 437.) 



prove that earthquakes are responsible for much of their 
dilapidation; probably that of 1755, which was severe 
in Mequinez, was among the number. Useful descrip- 
tions are also given by Tissot, Leared, 1 and Martiniere,* 2 
among others, all with illustrations, and Captain Boyd, 3 
a slave, has left us a drawing coeval with that of Windus. 
The ruins of Tocolosida, which was the next Roman 
station on the road to what is now Mequinez, seem to 
have been entirely dispersed and re-utilised. f 

For detailed speculations as to the geography and history of 
Mauretania, the reader is referred to the works of Mannert, 4 
Duprat, 5 Saint-Martin, 6 and Tissot, 7 published in the 
order named. The system followed by Mannert is 
principally geographical, each district being dealt with separately; 
that of Duprat is historical, each race or nation which has 
occupied the country being treated chronologically in its turn ; 
that of Saint-Martin is bibliographical, the statements of each 
writer being considered separately, and of the three this is of the 
greatest value; it was deservedly "crowned" by the " Academie 
des Inscriptions et de Belles Lettres" of France. But all of these 

* When I visited Volubilis I found Martiniere digging, but his subsequently 
published volume is disappointing, as it fails to give an account of his labours. 
These appeared later in the Comptes-Rendus of the "Academie des Inscrip- 
tions et de Belles Lettres," t. xix., p. 348. His researches on the site of Lixus, 
near Laraiche, are described with plates in the Bull. Arch, du Com. des Trav. 
Hist, et Sc.y t. viii. , pp. 134-148 and 451. See also Revue Archeologique. 

t Dr. Spence Watson 8 describes what he took for the ruins of a Roman 
town at Madrisa Sayufa, about two miles nearer Tangier than the fondak on 
the Tetuan road, on a high hill to the South called Zinat. Tissot has gone 
thoroughly into the various fragmentary traces of the Roman occupation. 

1 Visit i Appendix B. 

2 p. 186. 

3 Inserted in the English version of De la Faye, known as Several Voyages to Barbary. 

4 Geographie ancienne, Paris, 1842 (originally in German). 

5 Essai historique sur les Races anciennes et modemes de V A/rique septentrionale, 
Paris, 1845. 

6 Le Nord d' A/rique dans V Antiquite grecque et romaine, Paris, 1863. 

7 Recherches sur la Geographie de la Mauretanie Tingitane, Paris, 1877. (See works 
reviewed in Part III. of this volume.) 

8 P- 297. 



were written from an outside standpoint, in reliance, necessarily, 
upon the statements of others. It remained for Tissot, when the 
representative of France at the Moorish Court in 1875, t0 present 
to the Academie mentioned a most comprehensive and scholarly 
memoire drawn up on the spot, which included the results of 
personal investigation and excavation. With this before him, it 
is useless for the student to attempt new theories until fresh 
documents or monuments have been unearthed. The best con- 
secutive history of Mauretania is given by Mercier. 1 

Histoire de V Afrique septentrionale, vol. i., Paris, 

(For review see Part III.) 

1<j£NTH how 

(From Windus) 




SLOWLY had the wave of Islam flowed along the 
coast of Barbary. Within a score of years from the 
flight of Mohammed from Mekka — the date 
The Coming known as "Annus Hejirce" "The Year of the 

0/ isidm. Flight"— Arab hordes had borne down on the 

a.c. 640.* delta of the Nile There they soon subdued 
the natives,f most of them of Christian faith, but mingled 
with them many Jews. A few more seasons, and the tide 
642-3. had flowed along the lowlands of the Cyrenaica, 
till Tripoli was reached. Soon Ifrikiya (Africa) — which 
646. then meant much what we now style Tunisia — 
was subjugated, and the leaders pushed on into the 
648. Maghribs — the Central Maghrib (el Ausat) or 
Algeria, and the Further Maghrib (el Aksa) or Morocco. 

An Arab author 1 tells us that in those days a prince 

named Jirjiz, or Girgiz (the prefect Gregorius) ruled 

from Tripoli to Tangier as the lieutenant of 

the Berbers. tne Byzantine emperor Heraclius,; but what 

the real weight of his hand was we do not 


* All marginal dates are those of the Christian Era. 

t Still retaining their ancient name of Egyptians (Gybti, Kubti, or Copts), 
and still professing the Christian faith, in spite of the large numbers who have 
from time to time embraced Islam. 

+ Constantinople itself was besieged by the Arabs in 626 and 716. Heraclius 
reigned from 610 to 641. 

1 Ez-Zohri, quoted by En-Noweiri (tr. De Slane) Journal Asiatique, Serie 3, vol. xi.,p. 103. 





know. Probably in the more remote Moroccan province 
it did not avail much against either Berber or Vandal.* 
To the former the Arabs came as liberators from a 
foreign yoke, and willingly the clansmen joined their 
standard. Forty years later they found they had only 


changed masters, and rebelled, establishing an independent 
kingdom at Kairwan, the new capital built by the Arabs 
to the south of Tunis. Aid for its recovery was sought 
from its founder, 'Okba, the great Arab leader, who on his 
666,670. second and third expeditions had, with the 
assistance of Berber proselytes, exterminated the remaining 

* His seat of office was Tripoli, where he was slain in fight with the Arabs. 


'OKB A 23 

Christians of Ifrikiya. Recalled from an expedition 
682. which had brought him to Ceuta and Tangier, 
he defeated a combined host of Berbers and Greeks in a 
most sanguinary battle at Tahuda, but lost his life before 
the Arabs, under another leader, saw themselves masters 
688. of Kai'rwan again, and the power of the 
independent Berbers for ever crushed. 1 

Judging between contradictory assertions in the Arab 
histories, it would appear that when 'Okba approached the 
walls of Ceuta he was met with presents by 
the Visigoth governor, Count Julian, and that 
Tangier paid him a like homage.* He could enforce no 
more with what remained of his army after so long a 
campaign, 2 and it was left for his successor Musa to 
subdue them. It was on this occasion that, riding across 
the plains of Bubana or Sharf el Akab, 'Okba reached the 
shores of the Atlantic, and as he urged his horse into the 
surf, gave utterance to the historic cry : " Great God ! if 
my course were not stopped by this sea, I would still go 
on to the unknown kingdoms of the West, preaching the 
unity of Thy holy Name, and putting to the sword the 
rebellious nations who worship any other gods than Thee !"t 
But Morocco itself remained yet to be conquered, though 
the contest with the Greeks and the Berbers of Tunisia and 
Algeria, under Kahuna,; their queen, delayed the attempt 

* See El Kiithiya, in the Journal Asiatique, ser. 5, t. 8, p. 435. 

t The original authority for this is Noweiri, but I give the rendering of 
'Okba's cry by Gibbon, 3 who, however, is mistaken, in common with many 
other writers, in supposing that 'Okba reached the present province of Sus, as 
he only reached what the Arabs called Sus el Adna (Hither Sus) or Northern 
Morocco, as distinguished from Sus el Aksa (Further Sus), which commenced 
at the Um er-Rabia. 

% Described as a Jewess, which her name, which means a female Levite 
(anglice Cohen) would also imply. 

1 En-Noweiri, I.e., p. 116. 

2 Marrakshi, Ar. f. 7; Fr. 1891, pp. 213-4. 

3 Decline and Fall, vol. vi., p. 348. 


698. for twenty years more. It was not until Carthage 

had fallen before them, that the Muslimin were free to 

proceed to the west. Musa ibn Nosair was then deputed 

to lead the van, and after subduing those tribes 

conqunto/ Morocco. who bordered on the Sahara, he bore along the 


northern shore to Sus, the Draa, and Tafilalt, 
where Abd el Aziz his son maintained authority, supported 
by ten thousand horse. The ancient Berber tribes of the 
Zanata, Masmuda, Sanhaja, Ketama, and Hawara, were 
one by one vanquished, or won over by the tact of Abd 
el Aziz, while his brother Merwan took Tangier and 
7io. garrisoned it with ten thousand Arabs and 
Egyptians under Tarik ibn Zai'd en-Nafisi. 1 There, as 
also in Tetuan and Azila, they found many Christians, 2 of 
whom the majority fled into Spain. " They say," writes 
El Makkari, " that Tangier had never been taken by an 
enemy before the days of Musa, and, once in the hands of 
the Muslims, it became one of their strongest citadels." 
Tarik was able to add to his forces nineteen thousand 
Berbers, whom he placed under the teaching of Arab 
religious instructors. Most of his original army had 
belonged to the Madina party and their kinsfolk, who 
had been so signally worsted by the Syrians at the battle 
of Harra. 3 Thus already were sown in the West the seeds 
of the strife which had weakened the eastern Mohammedan 
forces, and which in time would bring about an independent 
khalifate in Spain. 

Of the progress of Islam in the interior of Morocco 
not much is known, but the story appears to have 

differed little from that which might have been 
isidm in the ^ \^ further east. This much only is certain, 

that when Mulai Idrees arrived in Morocco, 

1 El MakkAri ; MarrAkshi ; Ibn Abd el HAkim, p. 18. 

2 Gayangos, vol. i., p. 252. 

3 Dozy, vol. i., p. 234; MarrAkshi, Ar. f. 10; Fr. 1891, p. 21 




towards the close of the following century, he was able 
to take shelter with a Muslim governor of Volubilis, and 
that the neighbouring tribes were sufficiently Muslimised 
to appreciate his sanctity as a member of Mohammed's 
family. 1 On the other hand, the far more interesting 

story of the 

invasion of 
Spain has 
been told 
and retold till 
the truth is 
hard to win- 
now from the 
fiction. It 
may be pre- 
sumed that 
the eight 
years which 
elapsed be- 
tween the ac- 
quisition of 
Tangier and 
the crossing 
of the Straits 
were em- 
ployed in 
tribes, and in 



Photograph by Dr. Rudduck 

Berber force which was soon to play so important a 
part. It is doubtful whether an invasion of Spain was 
ever seriously contemplated. 

1 Ibn Khaldun, vol. i., p. 290. 



Ceuta still remained in the hands of the Goths, then 
masters of Spain, and Julian is described by an Arab 
author as the chief of the Ghomara or Rifian Berbers.* 1 
These would therefore appear to have retained their 
allegiance to Spain, while the Arabs passed to the south- 
wards of them along the natural highway provided by 
plains and valleys. 

But the sight of the fair province of Hispania, distinctly 

visible across the Straits, and the opportunity afforded by 

the despotism and treachery of Roderic, King 

of Spain. X °f tne Goths, proved too tempting to the 

Muslimised Berbers.! Incited by the wronged 

Count Julian 2 and a "leading Christian of Tangier," 3 they 

710. made a preliminary foray from Algeciras, the 
rock beside which was thenceforward called Jebel Tarik, 
after the one general, as was that on the opposite coast, 

711. Jebel Musa, after the other. Next year the 
invasion began in earnest, Tarik burning his boats behind 
him4§ Further it would here be out of place to follow 

* Ibn Abd el Hakim shows him also to have been Governor of Algeciras 
and " Lord of the Straits." 4 

+ Called by native writers Mustarab {i.e., Arabicised), a word corrupted by 
Spaniards into Mozarab, but since this is as frequently applied to Muslimised 
Spaniards and others, it is here discarded in favour of a more distinctive term. 

X There exists in the French National Library a coin of Musa ibn Nosair, 
struck in Spain in A.H. 94 = A.C. 713. The earliest mintage in Spain 
sometimes bore Latin intermingled with Arabic. 

§ The jealousy of Musa was so great in consequence, that he afterwards 
imprisoned Tarik on a charge of plundering, but, on the appeal of the latter 
to the khalifa, Musk's son was held as hostage for his life, and Tarik was 
conveyed to the East. 5 

1 Ibn Khaldun, vol. i., pp. 212 and 2S7 ; vol. ii., p. 135 ; En-Nasiri, vol. i., p. 31. 

2 En-Noweiri, J. As., ser. 3, vol. xi., p. 124), TarJf ibn Tarik (" Abentarique "), 
Verdadera Hist, del Rey don Rodrigo, Saragossa, 1603, p. 11, etc. Also Ibn Abu el 
Hakim (p. 19), and the Annals of Ed-Dhahebi. The oldest and most trustworthy Arabic 
writers on this point are Ibn Abd el Hakim, El Kuthiya, and Et-Tabari. Among Christian 
authorities are the Chronicon Albadense vel AUnrilianense, the Chronicle attributed to 
Alfonso III. of Austria, both of the 9th century, and the Annates Ecclesiastici of Baronius. 

3 Conde, vol. i., p. 25. 

4 P- 19. 

5 Ibn Abd el Hakim, p. 25. 



them, although, as the story of the Moorish Empire is 
unrolled, its scenes will often be transported across the 
Straits. Thrice in their career the Moors have con- 
quered Spain — once from " infidels," and twice from 

To quote x-\rab records again, " El Hijari, Ibn Hazzan, 
and all other writers are agreed in saying that the first 
man who entered Andalus with hostile inten- 
tions and deeds was Tarif the Berber, a 
freed-man of Musa ibn Nosai'r, the same who afterwards 
gave his name to the Peninsula of Tarifa, situated on the 
Straits. He was assisted in that expedition by Yilian 
(Julian) the Christian,! Lord of Ceuta, who had conceived 
animosity against Ludherik (Roderic) King of Andalus." 

The number of troops engaged in the first expedition 
amounted to only one hundred horsemen and one hundred 
foot. They crossed the Straits in four vessels in the year 
91 (710), over-ran the country, and returned laden with 
spoil. 1 In the words of Dozy, 2 " By a stroke of good 
fortune, expected by none, a simple raid had become 
a conquest." The condition of Visigoth Spain was so 
rotten that when the Moors came they found no one at 

* The extent of their conquests in Europe before they were defeated at 
Tours by Charles Martel in 732 is seldom realised. Not only did the Moors 
over-run the Peninsula, but they commenced an invasion of France. The 
tiny Pyrenrean republic of Andorra owes its independence to the gallant stand 
its people made against them, but much of the district beyond fell before 
their arms. : 'Toute la cote, depuis Toulon jusqu'a Antibes, a ete regardee 
comme le pays des Maures ; mais on designe plus particulierement sous cette 
appellation la region montagneuse etendue entre Hyeres et Frejus." 3 Among 
other relics of the Muslim occupation is the name of the town of Ramatuelle, 
corrupted from " Rahmat Allah " — " The mercy of God." 

t Large numbers of "Christian" serfs of the Vandals in Spain became 
Muslims to attain their freedom. 4 

1 El Makkari, bk. iv., chap. i. 

2 vol. ii., p. 36. 

3 Le Pays des Maures, by Mme. Vattier d' Ambroyse, Paris, 1888. 

4 Dozy, vol. ii., p. 52. 



the head, and all fled before them, including rulers and 
prelates. " God had filled with fear the hearts of the 
infidels," wrote a Muslim chronicler, and indeed it was 
a general sauve qui pent. 

But in Morocco things ere long looked black. Here, 
as in Ifrikiya, the Berbers began to fret beneath what 
they had learned to be a heavy yoke, and the 
' treatment received by those of their number 
who had invaded Spain soon roused echoes of discontent 
at home. At last, on the death, at Kairwan, of Yazid, 
lieutenant of the Khalifa 'Omar II., an attempt was made 

739. by 'Omar el Moradi, Governor of Tangier, to 
impose a double tribute on the surrounding tribes. This 
brought them down to the number of thirty thousand, 
" with shaven pates and Kor'ans hung upon their lances," 
to the Tangier river. Seizing the town, they slew the 
governor and all the Arabs they could find, pro- 
ceeding thence to Sus, where the governor met with a 
similar fate. 1 Deciding thereupon to establish for them- 
selves a khalifate, independent of the Arabs altogether, 2 
they elected as their leader, Maisara el Hakir, once a 
water-carrier of Kairwan. But when reinforcements from 
Spain had overcome him, he met the fate of many a 
fallen hero ; he was deserted and slain at Tangier. 
His successor was more fortunate, and gained a victory 
so disastrous to the Arabs that it was thereafter known 

740. as the ' battle of the nobles,' since in it Khalid, 
their leader, and the nobles with him perished to a man. 3 
To avenge this, troops to the number of thirty thousand 
were levied in Syria and Egypt under Kolthum El 

74i. Kashairi and his nephew Balj, but their force,, 
which with the African garrisons reached a total of 

1 Ibn Abd el HAkim, p. 34; En-Noweiri and Dozy, vol. i., p. 249. 

2 El MakkAri, bk. v., chap. v. 

3 Ibn Khaldun, vol. i., pp. 217 and 238. 




seventy thousand, was also defeated.* Pursued by the 
victors, the fugitive Syrians reached Tangier, which they 
tried in vain to enter, so pushed on to Ceuta, on which 
they were able to seize, repelling five or six attacks. 
With the assistance of a second army the Syrians, though 
they still remained centred in Ceuta, defeated the Berbers, 
whose kinsmen on the European side had meanwhile been 

The Berbers of Galicia, 
Murcia, Coria, Talavera, 
and other parts united 
and elected a chief, an 
imam. Dividing them- 
selves into three corps, 
one marched 

The Echo in Spain. 




Toledo, one to attack 

Cordova, and the third 

to Algeciras, to seize 

on the fleet in that 

harbour, wherewith to 

cross the Straits and to 

exterminate the Syrians 

in Ceuta, bringing back 

with them a crowd of 

Berbers into Spain. At 

that time Spain was governed by the Madina party, 

known as the " Defenders " of Mohammed, to whom 

the Syrians were quite as hostile as to the Berbers, 

so that no warm welcome awaited those whom fate 

had driven to seek refuge across the Straits. At 

this point the tables were turned, and galling as it 

must have been to them, the Spanish Arabs had now 

According to one account, a third of this force was killed, and another 
third taken prisoners. 


no choice but to make peace with' their Syrian rivals 
and invite their aid. Vessels were sent to Ceuta for 
them, but at the same time hostages were taken for their 
behaviour while in the Peninsula. By their help the Berber 
columns were defeated one by one, and their members 
" hunted down throughout the country like wild beasts." 

In Morocco it was not till many years had elapsed that 
a final pacification was effected. Even though within that 
788. generation the coming of Idrees enabled the 
Berbers to set up a throne of their own, it was solely in 
his spiritual right — Divine right they still call it — that they 
would accept the foreigner. To this day the only hold that 
his successor has upon them depends on this conception 
and on force of arms. " The Mohammedan conquest of 
Africa," says Dozy, 1 "was only achieved after seventy years 
of murderous warfare,* and then on condition that their 
rights should never be interfered with, and that they 
should be treated, not as the vanquished, but as brothers." 
But as brothers they were not treated, unless that means 
after the manner of IshmaeTs sons. Not alone in Morocco, 
but as long as Mohammedan kingdoms existed in Spain, 
there was a constant and bitter feud between Arab and 
Berber, one party recruiting from the East, the other from 
Morocco. The Arabs had themselves to thank for this ; 
they never realised the Berber strength, although it was 
by Berber arms that they had conquered Spain, they 
supplying only leadership, religious zeal, and education. 

The great historian's verdict is explicit. 2 " The Berbers 
established in the Peninsula, although they do not appear 

to have been exactly oppressed, shared never- 
The Berbers in theless the jealous hatred of their brethren in 

Africa for the Arabs. They were the veritable 

* In a.h. IOO (A.C. 718) says Ibn Abd el Hakim, 3 "There remained not a 
single Berber in the provinces (of Ifrikiya) who had not become Muslim." 
1 vcl. i., p. 229. 2 Dozy, I.e., vol. i., p. 255. 3 p. 29. 



conquerors of the country. Musa and his Arabs had done 
nothing more than pluck the fruits of the victory won by 
Tarik and his twelve thousand Berbers over the Visigoth 
army. At the moment of their landing on the Spanish 
coast all that remained for them to do was to occupy 
a few towns ready to yield at the first summons. And 
yet, when it came to dividing the fruits of the conquest, 
the Arabs appropriated the lion's share ; they seized the 
best part of the booty, the government of the country, 
and the most fertile lands. Retaining for themselves the 
fine and wealthy Andalucia, they relegated the companions 
of Tarik to the arid plains of La Mancha and Estre- 
madura, to the rugged mountains of Leon, Galicia, and 
the Asturias, where they had to wage incessant warfare 
with half-subdued Christians." " Saragossa was the only 
part of Northern Spain in which the Arabs were in the 
majority." 1 Such a state of things could only lead to 
trouble. Till the close of the ninth century the Berbers 
remained independent masters of Jaen, Elvira, Estrema- 
dura, and Alemtejo, 2 and in Carmona they ruled till the 
eleventh century, when the Arabs were compelled to yield 
to their implacable foes under the leadership of Badis, 
ameer of Granada. Later on a king of Seville suffocated 
the three Berber princes of Ronda, Moron, and Xeres in a 
1010. steam-bath. When in the first years of the 
eleventh century the Ummeyi khalifas of Spain sent 
help to the usurper El Mansur, the Berbers of Europe 
revolted in protest, but were overpowered. As a penalty 
they were forbidden either to ride or bear arms in 
Cordova, and were forced to submit to the same 
insults and indignities which Jews who live among 
Mohammedans must still endure. Finally an order was 
issued for their expulsion, but they were powerful 

1 Dozy, p. 257. 

2 See Ibn HayyAn, fol. 173 and v. 99r.-ioor. (Dozy, vol. ii., p. 259). 


enough to support a rival to the throne, Sulaiman 
(El Mustaain b'lllah*), under whom they captured 
Cordova, and put the khalifa El Hisham to death. 1 
It was nevertheless the puerile ambition of even a 
king of Granada to prove his tribe, the Sanhaja, to be 
of Arab, not Berber, descent. 2 In Morocco the Berber 
dynasties which successively conquered Spain were proud 
of their birth, but in the artificial atmosphere of Muslim 
rule in Europe they would fain conceal it. Thus it has 
come to pass that even serious historians have employed 
throughout the misleading expression, " Arab dominion in 

In Morocco the Arabs played a still smaller part. 

Spain was their El Dorado, and it does not appear that 

there was ever any general migration from east 

The Arabs in ^ ^^ fa North AfHca ^jj ^ middle Q f the 


eleventh century, when almost all the Arab 
tribes now settled in Morocco found their way across. 3 
The origin of this movement was the transportation by 
the khalifa El Aziz — after the Kamata rebellion, half 
a century before — of large numbers of Arabs from Nejd 
and the Hajaz to Upper Egypt, where they never satis- 
1049. factorily settled. So they turned their steps 
towards the more promising West, of which the Fatimi 
khalifa "made them a present," and it is estimated that from 
one hundred and fifty thousand to two hundred thousand 
Arabs migrated on this occasion.! Those who reached 

* " He who seeks help from God." 

t Mercier estimates the number distributed in Barbary at two hundred 
thousand to two hundred and fifty thousand. 4 En-Nasiri gives the names 
of the immigrant Arab tribes as the Beni Hashem, Beni Maawia bin Bakr, 
Beni Hilal bin Aamr bin Sasa, and Beni Solai'm bin Mansur. 5 

1 El MakkAri. 

2 Ibn HayyAn apud Ibn BassAm, v. i, fol. 122 r. (Dozy). 

3 Ibn KhaldOn, vol. ii., and iv., p. 259, and De Slane's notes on that writer, p. xxix. 

4 Etablissement des Arabes, p. 143. 
•"> Ar. vol. ii., p. 77. 



Morocco — just about the time that the Murabti invasion 
occurred, when all the petty states into which the country 
had been divided were united under the house of 
Tashfin* — found their homes upon the plains of which 
they have since remained masters, while most of the 
Berbers were content with their inaccessible mountains. 
To these Hilali Arabs the province once known as 
Sajilmasa owes its change of name, having been called 
by the Berbers Tahilalt, or ' the Place of the Hilali,' which 
has been corrupted to Tafilalt.f Yakiib el Mansiir, in 
the following century, also introduced Arabs, this time 
from Tunis. 

* See chapter iv. 

f See The Land of the Moors, chap. xx. 

Photograph by Dr. Ruddnck 







N the dispersion of the family of the Imam 
Mohammed bin Abd Allah, fifth in descent from 
the so-called prophet, — in consequence of their 

Whence the Stock. . , , t . . A _ 

unsuccessful rivalry with the Abbasi khalifas 
Abu Jaafar el Mansur and El Mehdi — one of the Imam 

762,785. Mohammed's brothers, Idrees or Enoch, fled 
into Egypt.* He was accompanied by a faithful follower 
named Rasheed, and the two, forced by emissaries of the 
khalifa to flee yet further, struck across North Africa, 
until they reached Morocco at Tangier, then its chief city. 

Volubilis, 1 the ancient Roman city, six days inland, was 
at that time under a certain Abd el Majid of the Auraba 
tribe, 2 a partisan, we are told, of the Muatazila or Shia 

* The immediate cause of his flight was an unsuccessful rising of his family 
at Mekka and Madina. " Strange to say this arose from the intemperance of 
some members of the saintly house of Ali, who, for drinking wine, were 
paraded with halters about their necks in the streets of the holy cities. The 
family thereupon broke out into rebellion, and some hard fighting was needed 
before peace could be restored. Among those who escaped was Idrees, great- 
grandson of Ali, aided by postal relays . . . The post-master of Egypt was 
beheaded for having connived at his flight." 3 

1 Raod el Kartas, p. 7. 

2 Ibn Khaldun, vol. i., p. 290. 

3 Sir William Mi/ik, The CalipJiate, 1891, p. 470. 



sect,* to which the Persians belong. This sect upholds 
the direct succession of Mohammed's family through All 
ibn Abu Taleb. in opposition to the Turks and other 
Sunnis who accepted the Abbasi khalifas. Therefore to 
Volubilis the fugitive I drees repaired, finding there not 
„ , ,. - only a home but a kingdom. Within six 

Proclamation of J <=> 

[drees the Eider, months of his arrival Abd el Majid pro- 

788- claimed him king, with the support of his 

own clan and that of the Zanata and other surrounding 

Berber tribes,f of whom few were really Mohammedans, 

the greater part being still Jews, Christians, or idolaters. 1 

Then commenced the usual religious warfare, the jehad, 
in which successively the provinces of Tamsna, Tadla, 
and the East of the Maghrib became involved. The city 
of Salli, or Sheila, whichever was the one then in ex- 
istence, soon fell before Idrees, and thus was provided a 
centre round which those fierce Berber tribes could rally. 
As each fresh district succumbed, its strength was added 
to the overwhelming torrent of the Idreesi party, which 
in a short time became irresistible. 

Mulai Idrees himself was not fated to rule for long. 

Three years later he suddenly breathed his last, and was 

buried on the mountain of Zarhon, where a 

Fate of idreesi. sacrec ] town known only by his name has 

grown around his shrine. Rumour of the period 

* Called Muatazilas or Separatists in 728, when formed into a sect denying 
the eternal attributes of God to exist apart from His Nature, believing such an 
idea to be inconsistent with the doctrine of God's Unity. The name Shias 
or " followers "—i.e., of Ali, Mohammed's cousin and son-in-law — originated 
much earlier, the great split having taken place in 680 (60 A.H.). The two 
are now confounded. 

t The names of the first tribes to join him are given by Ibn Khaldun as 
the Zawagha, Lawata, Sadrata, Nafza, Ghaiata, Miknasa, and Ghomara, of 
whom the last three retain their semi-independence to-day. Among the first 
attacked were the Bahliila (who still inhabit a small town near Fez), and the 
Mediona, also existing to the present time. 

1 Raod el Kartas, pp. 14-16; also Ibn Khaldun. 




ascribed his unexpected death to jealousy upon the part 
of the khalifa of Baghdad, the great Harun er-Rasheed, 
hero of the Thousand Nights and One, who was believed 
to have despatched a messenger to do his business 
secretly. 1 The wily emissary, posing as a fellow-refugee 
and partisan, obtained the confidence and friendship of 
Idrees, but only to abuse them on the earliest occasion. It 

Photograph by Dr. Rudduck 

is said that, to relieve the toothache from which the prince 
was suffering, he provided some poisonous drug, though 
this after all may only have been misapplied. But his 
immediate flight was regarded as proof positive of guilt, 
and in hot haste Rasheed successfully pursued him. 

To understand the object of the Abbasi khalifa — 

" Aaron the Upright " — it must be remembered that 

Position of the Idrees, as an Alawi, or descendant of Fatima, 

Mohammed's daughter, and Ali, the last ortho- 


2 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., Ap. iv. 

3 8 ID RE ESI PERIOD {Eighth and Ninth 

dox khalifa, was a rival both of the preceding dynasty 
of the Ummeyya and of their Abbasi successors in 
the East, whose star had risen only forty years before. 
The Idreesi dynasty was therefore, like the Fatimi in 
Egypt, Shia, not Sunni. So also have been the last two 
Moorish houses of shareefs or nobles, though in all 
doctrinal matters the Moors are Sunni, that is, they accept 
the "Traditions" — Sunna — as well as the Koran, as, 
indeed, do the Shias also.* 

Thus there can never be among them the absurdities to 
which the Persian party, in its hatred of the Turks, has 
given rein, and Morocco is free from this great religious, 
or, more strictly speaking, racial, dissension. It was as 
a claimant to the khalifate that Mulai Idrees was received 
by the Morocco Berbers, weary of the treatment they had 
met with from the Sunni Arabs, and thenceforward they 
were able to appeal against fanaticism to fanaticism. 
With a direct descendant of Mohammed at their head, 
they were protected from the inflaming charge of rebelling 
against the faithful, for in future they were the faithful, 
who have ever since maintained their independence. 

Idrees had little more to do to establish a kingdom 

than most Moorish sultans have to secure the succession, 

and everything appears to have been settled 

Progress of their ^^ ^ ^^ R[s ^ , ^ b fe of 

Arms. ° 

Sus el Adna, since known as the kingdom 
of Fez, for to the south of the Um er-Rabia the fierce 
Masmuda Berbers held their own unflinchingly. Among 
those vanquished in the north we are again told of 
Christians and Jews, 1 as well as of a goodly remnant 
of heathen, some of whom are described as Zoroastrians, 
using fire temples. 2 To the west the rule of Idrees 

* Neither the religious division nor the word Sunni is known in Morocco, 
both being of Persian origin. 

1 Ibn KhaldOn, vol. ii., p. 560. - Ibid., lc , p. 562. 

Ct nfuries] 



789. extended to Tlemcen, where he founded the 
great mosque, as testified by an inscription on the mombar 
or pulpit which existed in Ibn Khaldiin's time. But 
this town was soon lost, and had to be recovered by 

8i2. his son, who rebuilt the mosque. Eventually 
Tlemcen was allotted to Sulaiman, brother of Idrees the 

828. elder, who settled there among the Zanata, 

Photograph by Dr. Ritdduck 


and established an independent rule. But his descendants 
were unsuccessful in maintaining a kingdom, and migrated 
to Siis. 1 There they have since played an important part 
as the influential Hosaini shareefs, who continue to trouble 
the sultans of Fez. Although several times conquered, and 
for a while incorporated in the Moorish Empire, Tlemcen 
never formed an integral part of Morocco. 

Thus the foundations of empire were laid, and though 
almost two centuries had to elapse before the super- 

1 Raoo el Kartas, p. 9. 



[Ninth and Tenth 

Ti n , ■, „, „ struc ture was raised by the Murabti dynasty, 

The Outside World. . . J J > 

the coming of Idrees forms its first great 
historical epoch. Those were stirring times in the West, 
as in the East, for while Harun er-Rasheed taught 
the Arabs justice in Baghdad, an equally famous man 
768-8H. exercised power in Europe, Charlemagne— 
" The Great Charles." Meanwhile, in little, far-off England 
783. the Danes over-ran our plains at the same time 
as Mulai Idrees found a home in Morocco. 

On the death of its founder the prospects of the newly- 
formed kingdom were 
far from bright. The 
untimely end of Idrees 
had left 

££& him with - 

out an heir, 
but at the suggestion 
of Rasheed, the suc- 
cession was held in 
abeyance till the birth 
of a posthumous son. According to native writers, under 
Rasheed's tutorship this lad became a prodigy, and before 

807. he was quite twelve years old, assumed the reins 
of government, which he held for twenty-one years. Coins 
had been struck in his name all the time,* for the faithful 
Rasheed, who might so easily have usurped the throne, 
posed merely as regent, until the hand of an assassin laid 

804. him low, when his charge was still in his tenth 
year. Beyond the consolidation and confirmation of the 
kingdom which his father had set up, and the foundation 
of Fez as the dynastic capital — where his tomb is the 
principal shrine, — Idrees the Younger was the hero of no 
deeds worth chronicling at this distance of time. Of his 
successors there is still less to relate. 

(British Museum) 

Struck at Volubilis in 815 a.c. 

The earliest in the British Museum is dated 793. 

centuries] FALL OF THE LDREESLS 41 

Mohammed, son of I drees II., contemporary of our 

Egbert, partitioned the realm with his seven brothers and 

Sulai'man, his great-uncle, a mistake from which 

Record of . & 

idreesi Dynasty, his house never recovered. From that time it 

828 - was divided against itself, and Mohammed I. is 

the last who possessed a mint of which coins exist. He 

836, 848. was first succeeded by one son, Ali I., and then 

by a second, Yahya I., after which, just at the middle of 

the ninth of our centuries, all trace of dates is lost till three 

more reigns had passed — those of Yahya's son, Yahya II.; 

of his cousin, Ali II. ; and of another cousin, Yahya III. 

Then, as the tenth century opened, in the time of our 

904. Edward the Elder, came the nephew of Ali II., 

Yahya IV., a powerful and learned man, summoned from 

his province of Er-Rif. 

Still greater misfortunes overwhelmed him, for the 
Muslim rulers of the East, unable to brook the presence 
of an independent Shia khalifate in Barbary, fomented 
discord and despatched assistance to a Mahdi — 'Obeid 
ibn Abd Allah — who had at one time been a prisoner 
909,917. in Tafilalt, but who had established himself in 
Ifrikiya. Their united forces laid successful siege to Fez, 
and put an end to the first line of the Idreesis.* 

Ruhan el Ketami, a usurper, next secured a brief 

921. authority, but was soon followed by Hasan I. 

(El Hajjam), a great-grandson of Idrees II. through 

another line, which was destined to maintain the dynasty 

TheMiknasa provincially over half a century longer. But 

Dynasty. the Miknasa Berbers, who supported the Fatimi 

interest, were too strong for El Hajjam, and 

although successful in a great battle between Fez and 

Taza, Fez was lost to him by treason. Musa ibn Abd el 

Aafia, the Miknasa leader, entered it as the first of a new 

* See note at end of chapter v. 

42 IDREESI PERIOD [Tenth Century 

dynasty, 1 holding the kingdom in fief, however, from the 
Ummeyyis of Spain. 

Mtisa extended his rule to Tlemgen, and seemed likely 
938 to found a powerful house, but on his death his 
three sons — El Biiri, Maclin, and Ibrahim — fought for the 
succession, 2 without either creating history or adding to 
romance, although their line dragged on for close upon 
a century. 

Thus for some time the Idreesis retained their hold on 

the greater part of the kingdom, although the area of their 

authority diminished constantly. After the loss 

Fate of the idreesis. Q f p ez ft^y set up their capital at Hajrat en- 

Nasr — near the present Alhucemas — where a 

brother of El Hajjam, El Kasem (known as El Kennun) 

948. ruled for twenty-three years, and was succeeded 

by Ahmad I. (Abu el Ai'sh) his son. The chief event of 

934 El Kasem's reign was the repulse before Fez 

of a Fatimi army despatched against him from Tunis. 

Another son, El Hasan, followed, the capital of his 

restricted kingdom being Basra, the traces of which may 

still be observed between El Kasar and Wazzan. Tangier 

972. and Azila were likewise in his possession until 

captured by the invading Ummeyyis. This El Hasan II. 

was the last of his line, for he was carried with his family 

974. to Cordova by Ghalib, general of the Ummeyyi 
Khalifa, El Hakim. 3 Fez had previously been besieged, 
and El Hakim's vassal Mfisa slain, by a Shia army from 

975. Egypt under one Jauhar, and Ghalib's campaign 
recovered the Ummeyyi position. 

Next year El Hakim exiled El Hasan to Egypt, whence 
he soon after succeeded in returning to raise once more 
the fallen standard of his house at Basra. His success 
was short-lived, for El Mansur, a powerful general, having 

1 Ibn KhaldOn, vol. i., p. 267. 2 Ibid., vol. i., p. 267. 

:i Raod el Kartas, p. 129. 

(Eighth Century) 


enlisted an army of Zanata and other Berbers, among 
whom were the Maghrawa and Beni Yifren, overthrew 
985. him and the Miknasa ruler as well, he losing 
city and life at once. 1 Thus fell the last of the Idreesis, 
just two years before the last of the race of Charlemagne 
perished, in the time of Ethelred of England, of Vladimir 
the Great of Kief, and of the predecessor of Hugh Capet 
of France. The total duration of their line had been almost 
two hundred years.* The short-lived Miknasa dynasty can 
hardly be said to have survived them, although El Buri's 
successor, his great-great-nephew El Kasem, did reign 
1014 over some portion of the kingdom in the early 
years of the next century. 

Nor can the race which followed, the Ma gh rawa, claim 

much credit, and they hardly deserve to be regarded as a 

The Maghrawa dynasty. Having mastered Tafilalt (then Sajil- 

Dynasty. masa), under a leader named Ziri ibn Atia, they 

possessed themselves of parts of the kingdom 

of Fez. In company with the Beni Yifren, one of whom, 

Yaala bin Yaala, entered Fez successfully, Ziri was driven 

993. out and slain. 2 He was succeeded in Fez by 

iooo, 1026. El Muaz, his son. Of the subsequent sovereigns, 

1039 and 1059. Hammama, Dunas, and Fatuh, little more is 

known than their names.! Two others, El Moannasir and 

* The National Library of France possesses a unique collection of Idreesi 
coins. Idrees I. inscribed on his dinars a verse from the Kor'an : "Truth has 
appeared and falsehood has vanished : falsehood is destined to vanish." His 
mints were at Volubilis (Walili) and Todgha. His son struck coins at 
Volubilis, Tangier, Fez, Ujda, and Metghara. The places at which the 
brothers of Mohammed struck coins which still exist were Tajarjara, 
Warzigha, Wargha, Watil, Yajarhan, Wazakur, and Uttt, but all have since 
disappeared. See also the British Museum collection. 

t In the French National Collection there is a coin of El Khair bin 
Mohammed (El Mustansir bTllah), who appears to have been a Maghrawi 
ruler between 961 and 971.' 1 

1 El MakkAki, bk. vi., chap, vi., pp. 187, 189. 

2 El Makkari, I.e. 

3 Lavoix, p. 403. 



1065 and 1067. Tamim, indeed, belong to this house, but their 
short reigns were swallowed up in the struggle against the 
Murabti horde. 1 At this time, too, occurred the great 
influx of Arabs from Egypt, bringing with them the pure 
dialect of Nejd, to which Moroccan Arabic owes so much. 
Throughout the Idreesi period there had been concur- 
rent dynasties in at least three kingdoms thenceforth to be 
incorporated in the IMoorish Empire. Of these 
rane°ou° s K^r ms .the oldest-older indeed than that of Fez by 
nearly two centuries, although not destined to 

(a) Aihucemas. play so important a part in the foundation of the 

Empire — was that of Hajrat N'kor, close to Aihucemas. 
710. There Salih ibn Mansur of Yemen had been 
authorised by the khalifa, in the time of Miisa and 
Tarik, to hold the adjoining district of Tamsaman in fief. 2 
His descendants were known as the Beni 'Omar ; by them 

750, 76i. Hajrat N'kor was built. This city was hardly 
completed before it was taken by Normans (Majus), but 
they were soon driven out. 3 Protected by their mountainous 
environment, the Beni 'Omar were enabled to survive the 
usual vicissitudes of dynasties in these parts for three 
1015, 1067. hundred years. Their seat was destroyed, and 
their existence ended, by the conqueror of O'ran, Yaala ibn 
Fatiih of the Azdaja tribe, who retained possession till the 
time of Yusef bin Tashfin. 

Ceuta was then the capital of a small kingdom ruled 
by the descendants of one Majakis,* who rebuilt it after 

(b) Ceuta. the Berbers had destroyed it in their great 

74 °- revolt under Mai'sara. This house retained its 
independence till the fall of the Idreesis and the spread 
of the Miknasa power, 4 when Ceuta was captured by 

931. Abd er-Rahman of Cordova. It subsequently 

* After whom it took the name of Majakisa. 

1 Ibn Khaldun, vol. iii. - Ibid., vol. ii., p. 137. 

3 Ibid., I.e., p. 143. 4 Ibid., I.e., p. 136. 

4 6 



passed into the hands of the Berghwata, a Masmuda tribe 
possessing the plains of Central Morocco from Salli to 
(c) Central Morocco. Saffi, whose authority had been established by 
740. one of Maisara's generals, Salih bin Tarif. He 
had set up as Mahdi with great success, 1 his descendants 
assuming royal dignity, and reigning till they also were 
overwhelmed in the Murabti invasion.* Until then they 


Photograph by Dr. Rtidduck 

had remained idolaters, although Salih, who is described 
as being a native of Spain of Jewish origin (probably one 
of the Berber-Jewish families who had accepted Islam 
and taken part in the invasion), had established among 
them a religion of his own, based largely on Islam. t 

* Coins of a ruler of Ceuta, Sakut bin Mdhammed (El Berghwati), dated 
1069-1073, exist in the French National Collection. He was overthrown by 
Yusef bin Tashfin.- 

t His Kor'an is described in The Moors. See Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii. , p. 181 

1 Ibn Khaldun, I.e., p. 125. 

2 See El Makkari, vol. i., pp. 36 and 333 ; Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., pp. 74 and 154 ; Raod 
el Kartas, pp. 162, 178, and 179, and Ibn Bassam. 

Century] AG H MAT 47 

In the South there was another independent dynasty, at 
Aghmat, in the Atlas, afterwards the first Murabti capital, 
{d)Agkmdt. the germ of the southern kingdom. Only the 

scantiest information has reached us as to what occurred 
there, or as to who were its kings. Its last ameer was 
1058 to 1067. overthrown by the Murabti invaders, and his 
widow, Zainab, became the wife, first of Abu Bakr, and then 
of his cousin, Yusef bin Tashfin, to the success of whose 
arms her counsel is believed to have greatly contributed.* 1 

{British Museum) 

" There is no god but the one God ; He has no partner. 

" In the name of God. This dirham was struck at Beda (?) in the year one 
hundred and seventy-four (790 A. a). 

" Mohammed is the messenger of God. The prayers of God be on him 
and peace on him who commanded it, Idrees bin Abd Allah. 

"Truth has appeared, and falsehood has vanished, for falsehood was 
destined to vanish." — Kor'an, s. xvii., v. 83. 

* Of this ancient capital very little trace remains beyond its name, borne 
by one of the gates of its successor, Marrakesh. Its site is at the entrance to 
the Urika Valley, at the foot of the Great Atlas, some three hours south of 
Marrakesh, 2 and in its palmy days under the Murabtis it was a great centre 
of trade with Timbuctoo. y Beaumier speaks of it as still possessing some 5500 
inhabitants, with 1000 Jews, but he was probably referring to the district, of 
which he speaks as a day's journey south of Marrakesh, on the Tafilalt road. 4 
Davidson tells of ruins at Tasermut, one day from Marrakesh, which were 
three miles in circumference, with walls, gates, baths, and arches of rude 
unhewn stone still standing, the arches built without keystones. 5 Then from 
Idreesi we learn that there was a second town, Aghmat Allan, six miles 
to the east, inhabited exclusively by Jews, who were not permitted to reside 
in the metropolis, and outside their own walls their lives were at the mercy 
of anyone. 6 

1 Ibid. I.e., p. 272, and Raod el Kartas. 2 Ahu'l Feda. ;! Idreesi, p. 76. 
4 Note to Raod el Kartas, p. 178. 5 p. 58. 6 p. 79. 



1061-1 149 

CONTEMPORARY with the Norman conquest of the 
106I Saracens in Sicily, and of the Anglo-Saxons 
1066. in south-eastern England, rose the Moorish 
Empire, of which hitherto the foundations alone 
state of Morocco had been laid. Not one of the petty Berber 
States into which Morocco was then divided was able to 
take the lead or to coerce the others, and it was not until 
an outside kindred power came amongst them, and by 
one fierce on-rush broke down tribal barriers, that it 
was possible to weld them into one. Such a power was 
the house of Tashfin, afterwards known as the Murabti* 

* On the authority of ancient writers whom he names, the author of 
Raod el Kartas 1 tells how these Berbers earned their name of Murabti, 
which by European wi iters has been corrupted into " Almoravide. " One of 
their leaders, Yahya bin Ibrahim, having abdicated that he might perform the 
pilgrimage to Mekka, on his way home met at Kairwan a learned teacher 
from Fez, who, hearing from him of the ignorance of the Sanhaja, tried in 
vain to institute a mission from his students for their instruction. Neverthe- 
less he succeeded in inspiring Yahya with a zeal to perform this task, in 
which he found a colleague among the pupils of a teacher of Jebel Nafis. 
This colleague not only induced the Lamtvma to heed his words, and among 
other reforms to reduce their unlimited number of wives to the four allowed 
by Mohammed, but gathered round him, in a hermitage which he established, 
a thousand of the principal Sanhaja. These he daily instructed, and they 

1 pp. 165 to 174. 
E 49 


| Eleventh Century. 

dynasty, originally nomads of the Sahara. Although 
Sanhaja Berbers 1 — similar in stock to the Tuareks, who 
still inhabit parts of South Algeria, they are sometimes 
described erroneously as Arabs, on account of their mode 
of living. From their desert habit of wearing veils when 
riding they were called by the Arabs Mulath- 

The Lamtuna . ^ 

or Murdbtis. thiamin or "veiled," but more generally Lamtuna, 
from the lamta or buffalo skins 2 of which their 
shields were made. 

To them the disordered state of Morocco and its 
sub-divisions rendered it a prey too tempting to resist, 
and the eleventh century was just half through when they 
commenced its conquest. Tafilalt, the portion nearest to 
1055-1056. them, was the first to be subdued, and next 
year Sus was at their feet. Then they crossed the Atlas, 
and Aghmat, held at that time by the Beni Yifran of 
1057-1058. Tadla, 3 fell before them. The surrounding 
Masmuda Berbers, then ruled by the Maghrawa, were 
conquered next year, as also Tadla. Abu Bakr, the 
Lamtuna leader, espoused the defeated king's widow, 
Zai'nab the magician, so called on account of her wonderful 

Thus far all had gone well, but with the news that the 

Sahara was in revolt came the need of the leader's 

presence at home. Yusef bin Tashfin, his 

Yusef bin Tashfin. . . . . . , 

cousin, was left in command, and, moreover, in 
1061-1106. \ ^ ' ' 

possession of Zai'nab, whom Abu Bakr declared 

became known as Murabtin (plural of Murabit, "bound," i.e., in a religious 
Order, and therefore attached to its hermitage or ribat). When duly prepared 
they proclaimed a jehad against their irreligious kinsmen, promising, if need 
were, to slay their own fathers. At the point of the sword large numbers 
were forced to join them, and the Lamtuna made Yahya their king. Having 
conquered the western Sudan and the adjoining Sahara, they turned their 
steps towards Morocco. 

] Raod el Kartas, p. 162; Ibn Khaldin, vol. ii, p. 67. 

' 2 Marmol, vol. i., p. 52. :! Ibn Khaldln, vol ii., p. 71. 

Photograph by Dr. Ruddttck 



[ Eleventh 




| ' 

he loved so much that he could not contemplate her being 
left a widow should he not return. He therefore divorced 
her, bidding her marry his cousin as soon as the days 
of her purification were ended. 1 By means of the power 
he thus acquired, Yusef extended his rule so widely, and 
established his authority so firmly, that Abu Bakr — whom 
the tidings found victorious over his foes — hastened back 
to resume control. But the sweets of independence were 

not as easily relinquished, 
and Yusef had formed his 
plans. When his chief 
arrived he was met by 
the Vice-regent on horse- 
back as by an equal, 
followed by a formidable 
army and a valuable 
caravan of presents, which 
he was informed were for 
his use in the inhospit- 
as a hint 
to return in peace — due, 
so it is said, to Zai'nab's 
advice, — the poor ameer 
accepted the gifts with 
what grace he could, and re-crossed the Atlas, ultimately 
1087. dying from a poisoned arrow while in battle 

with the infidels. 2 


i. ii. 

(British Aliisettm) 

I. Area. — "There is no god but God, 
and Mohammed is the messenger of God. 

"Ameer Ibrahim ben Abu Bakr." 

Margin. — "Whoever shall profess any 
religion than Islam shall in no wise be aD * e oanara 
accepted by God, and shall perish at the standin 0- this 
last day." 

II. Ar,>a. — "The Imam, a slave of God,* 
Prince of the Believers." 

Margin. — "In the name of God this 
dinar is struck in Sajilmasa in the year 
462 (1069)."! 

* This phrase which, when interpreted as " Abd Allah," a proper name, 
has greatly puzzled numismatists, appears also on the coins of the Saadi 
dynasty, as on the illustration given in chap, vii., so that it can hardly have 
referred — as has been supposed — to some particular khalifa, at Baghdad or 

t Coins of the years 1069 and 1072 bear the name of the Ameer Ibrahim, 
son of Abu Bakr, unmentioned by historians, so that he was probably ruler 

1 Raod el Kartas, p. ii 

2 Ibn KhaldCn. 



Thus Yusef I. (bin Tashf in) became ameer of the Ma gh rib. 

He is described 1 as a man of medium height, thin, hardy, 

ceaseless in his care of the State and his subjects; generous, 

kind, though austere in his mode of life ; like a wise man 

clothed entirely with wool, and living solely on barley, 

meat and camel's milk. He was fifty-six years of age 

1060. when entrusted with vice-regal power, and he 

died at the age of a hundred,* 2 having reigned forty-seven 

years since the forced abdication of Abu Bakr. The 

Buiidin of year after his first appointment he acquired 

Marrdkesh. the ground on which the city of Marrakesh 


stands, and pitched his tent thereon, erecting 
a small fortress to protect his valuables. Next he built 
a mosque, on which he laboured with his own hands, 
at a place thereafter known as Sur el Khair — " Wall of 
Prosperity." 3 Wells were dug and trenches cut, and 
soon a colony was gathered round him, though he never 
1132. erected a wall, a task which fell to his son 
after seventy years.! 4 

Fez continued to be recognised as the metropolis, and 

whoever ruled there possessed in a measure a prescriptive 

. . right to imperial powers. For this reason its 

Improvement ° r r 

of Fez. capture was Yusef s first task, and one in which 

he was successful, after having first taken Sefru. 

But while away on another expedition Fez was recovered 

over Sajilmasa only. 5 Abu Bakr himself had struck coins, one of which is 
given by Adler {Collect. Nov. Num. Cuf.), p. 133, but the date 472 (1079) 
is either a mistake for 462, or it is a proof that Abu Bakr continued independent 
rule in the Sahara. 

* A hundred and four according to the Arab calendar. 

t The peculiar colour of the soil of the district in which Marrakesh stands, 
most striking in its mud-built walls, has conferred upon it the same epithet 
for the same reason as that which distinguishes the palace of Granada, 
"El Hamra"— "The Red." 

1 Ra6d el Kartas, p. 190; Ibn KhaldOn. * Holal el Manshiva. 

3 Raod el Kartas, p. T95. 4 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 73. 

5 Lavoix, p. xlii. ; Marsden, Numismata Orientalia, pt. i., p. 344. 



by its former owners. A few years afterwards, however, 
1069. Yusef re-entered it, and caused a fearful 
massacre of its inhabitants. Over three thousand men 
were killed in the Karueein and Andalus mosques, 1 and 
the streets were filled with corpses. From that time Fez 
dates its prosperity, for the new ameer, as became a 
victorious empire builder, spent great pains in its im- 
provement and embellishment. Significant of his policy 
throughout the country was his demolition of the walls 
which had hitherto separated the rival Karueein and 
Andalus sections, making the city one. Mosques, baths, 
fandaks,* mills and other public buildings ' rose on 
every hand, and the inhabitants of any street which 
could not boast a mosque of its own were loudly 

Yusef s armies had in the meantime extended his sway, 
and had subdued opposing powers until, by the capitula- 
ry tion of Tangier, he found himself master of the 
Growth of Empire, whole country with the exception of Ceuta, 
1083. which held out for several years. He was the 
first entitled to be called an Emperor of Morocco. 
Forthwith he began the conquest of Algeria by capturing 
Tlemcen, where he superintended the foundation of 
1080. the modern town. To this foreigners were 
welcomed to encourage trade, which speedily grew and 
flourished. The district of O'ran also succumbed, and the 
Moorish Empire extended nearly to Algiers. 

Spain too, heard of the conqueror's fame, greatly 
enhanced by reports of the skill of his followers in the 
use of weapons of war — " from the sharp-edged sword, 
which, handled by them, cuts a horseman in twain, to 
the ponderous lance which goes through both horse 
and rider." At the rumour of projected invasion the 

* The caravan-sarais of the East. 
1 Raod el Kartas, p. 198. 




Alarm of the 
Muslims of Spain 

hearts of the Spaniards 
the advice of the King 
powerful of their number, 
rulers between whom the erstwhile 
formidable empire of the Ummeyya 
had become divided, addressed to 
Yiisef a joint epistle, in the following 
words l : — 

"If thou desist from thy undertaking 
and do not attack us, thou wilt act 
generously, and thy name will not be 
coupled with an unjust or dishonour- 
able deed. On the other hand, if we 
answer thy call, and acknowledge thee 
master, we shall do that which is wise 
and prudent, and thou wilt remain 
where thou now art, and allow these 
poor dwellers in tents to continue as 
they are, for upon their preservation 
depends, to a certain extent, the dura- 
tion and strength of thy empire." 

Wise words, but what language 
this from the rulers of Muslim 
Spain to the Berber! Truly the 
tables had turned. Yusef knew not 
Arabic, 2 and only uttered in reply 
when this was interpreted to him, 
"B'ism Illah ! — In God's Name!"— 
by which he meant to grant their 
request. With the returning mes- 
sengers others were sent, bearers 
of costly presents, among which 
was one of the shields of Yusef's 
tribe, whereof the covering was a 

Acting under 


of Seville, the most 

the petty Andalucian 


Struck at Cordova in 1103. 
{From Coder a) 

Inscription. — " There is 
no god but God, and Mo- 
hammed is the messenger of 

" The Ameer Yusef bin 

"And he who seeks re- 
ligion outside Islam, it shall 
not be accepted from him, 
and his recompense shall be 
with the banished 3 

" The Imam, the slave of 
God, Prince of the Believers. 

" In the name of God this 
dinar was struck in Cordova 
in the year six and ninety 
and four hundred." 

1 El MakkAri. bk. viii., chap, v., on the authority of Er-Raod el Muattar. 
- Kor'an, s. iii., v. 99. 3 Ibid., I.e., p. 276 ; Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 450. 



skin of the laint, an animal unknown in the peninsula, 
but typical of his original home.* 

Thus the evil day was postponed for a time, but soon 

the growing power of Alfonso the Sixth of Leon — 

surnamed the Valiant — caused the Mohammedan 

Invasion of Spam, . . , . , . ., 

princes to despatch three kadis and a wazeer 
to invite as their ally him whom they had recently 
dissuaded from appearing as their foe. The crafty Berber 
affected at first to have too much to do in Africa, and it 
was not till the ameer of Seville came in person to 
beseech him, and sent him the keys of Algeciras, 
that he consented, the Andalucians taking the wise 
precaution to obtain his promise that he would not 
dethrone them. 1 Then, after two years of prepara- 
tion, during which he built himself galleys, Yusef 
landed at Algeciras, and proceeded to Seville. Alfonso 
lay at Badajoz, on the Portuguese frontier, and the 
K86. two kings met hard by at Sacralias, known 
to the Moors as Zallaka, 2 of which spot all trace has 
been lost. 

Yusef having offered Alfonso the choice of Islam, 
tribute or death, in an epistle "long and elegantly 
written," which aroused a fiery indignation in the mind 
of its recipient, " indicative of its miserable state," the 
" Christian bishops and monks held up their crosses in 
the air, and displaying their gospels, pledged themselves 
to die for their religion." 3 So they did, for the fierce 
Berbers carried all before them, and their own writers 
say that there were slain of the Christians twenty- 
four thousand horsemen and two hundred thousand 

* Ibn Haukal, however, says that these shields were so named from Lamta, 
a town in the further Sus, from which, possibly, the animal itself may have 
been named. See p. 62, note *. 

1 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 77. 2 Raou el Kartas, p. 206 ; Holal, vol. ii., p. 197. 

3 El Makkari, I.e. Recorded in a letter of Yusef's, ap. Raod el KartAs, p. 213. 

Century] SPAIN INVADED 57 

footmen.* Arab writers tell how Alfonso, to gain time 
and opportunity, suggested that the armies might repose 
on the Friday and Sunday, their respective days of 
worship, fighting on the Saturday only, but Yusef saw 
through the ruse, and ordered an immediate attack. 
After the day was won heaps were made of the heads 
of Spanish officers, from which the mudhdhens summoned 
the victors to prayer ! Forty thousand heads are said to 
have been carried to Morocco, and distributed among its 
cities to adorn the gates. 1 

Flushed with victory, the ameer returned to Morocco, 

but next year undertook another expedition to Spain, 

1088. which proved unsuccessful. He had seen too 

much of the rich fields of Andalucia, and of its flourishing 

cities, to be content with his share of the booty. He had 

Mohammedan tasted blood — Nazarene blood, so sweet to the 

spain invaded. Muslim raider — and he determined that the next 

time he visited Spain it should be unhampered 

by pledges, and free to carve out for himself. 

After two more years of preparation he crossed a third 
time on his own account, avenging thereby the wrongs of 
the Berbers by crushing the Arabs beneath their yoke, but 
bringing Berber and Arab and Spaniard alike under his 
own rule. To disarm suspicion his first attempt was, as 
before, directed against the Christians. Having occupied 
Tarifa on landing, he proceeded to besiege Toledo, the 
Spanish capital, but without success. On his way back to 
Morocco he attacked and conquered the ameer of Granada, 
on the pretext that he had not come to his assistance. 
One of his generals, who had been deputed to obtain the 
submission of, or to dethrone, the kings of Murcia, 

' The total losses of Alfonso, who escaped with only a hundred horsemen to 
Toledo, are given as eighty thousand horse-soldiers and two hundred thousand 
foot-soldiers, against but three thousand slain of the Moors. 

1 Raod el Kartas, p. 2 12. 




Almeria and Badajoz, during Yusef's absence, boldly 
struck for Seville. After a stubborn resistance that 
city fell, and the king, with his Christian wife Romaica, 


was carried to Aghmat, where after five years' exile 
he died. In order to preclude objections Yusef had 
obtained a legal opinion condemning the ameer of 
Seville for having sought help from the Christians, 
deemed by jurisconsults a sufficient excuse for his 




deposition. 1 Thus was an end put to the petty 
States which had arisen when the khalifate of Cor- 
dova was broken up. So much importance did Yusef 
attach to this conquest, that when nominating 

Court Transferred , 

to Seville. ' his successor he expressly stipulated that 

io9i. henceforth Seville should be the capital 
instead of Cordova. 

Although the greater part of Portugal was lost to 
1095. the Moors in the next few years, before the 
century ended — in the time of our Henry I., when the 
earliest crusaders were appearing at Jerusalem — the 
Murabti were masters of the whole of Spain. To secure 
at least his neutrality in the struggle, they tacitly acknow- 
ledged the supremacy of the khalifa of Baghdad, by 
sending him an embassy with presents, and Ali III. only 
styled himself on his coins* Ameer el Muslimin (Prince 
of the Surrendered). Nevertheless he was really in- 
dependent, and his subject princes did not hesitate to hail 

* The Murabti coins in the British Museum are 114 in number, forming 
one of the most complete sets in the national collection, as every prince but 
Ibrahim bin Tashfin, a child, is there represented. The coins are chiefly of 
gold, clearly stamped, and of a high standard, the average weight being 
6. 1 7 grammes. They 
were struck at Agh- 
mat, Fez, Marrakesh, 
Sajilmasa, Tafilalt, 
and Tlemcen, 2 as 
also in Valencia, 
Murcia, Almeria, and 
Seville. It is from 
a corruption of the 
name Murabti, as 
applied to their coins, 
that we have the word " Maravedi 


(From Codera. Also in British Museum) 

The good value of the Murabti dinar was 
such, that it became current throughout the western world of those days, equal 
in value to, and rivalling, the Constantinopolitan besant. But the most curious 

1 El UfrAni, p. 124. 

2 See Stanley Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. v., 1880, class xix. ; and 
Add., vol. ii., 1890. Also Casiri's translation of the Rcgum Almorabitarum Series of 
El Khalibi. 


\ Twelfth 

him as Ameer el Mu'minin 1 (Prince of the Faithful), a title 
only borne by the khalifas. 

The reign of Yusef was marked not only by the 

consolidation and growth of the Moorish Empire, but 

by a wise administration. Every year he made 

A <i ministration r . r . . , . . - 

of vusef i. a t° ur °* a great portion ol his dominions, thus 

keeping employed and well in hand the forces 
which might otherwise have overthrown him. He had 
gathered round him learned counsellors, and although 
confining his taxes to those authorised by the Kor'an, 
he amassed more riches than any who preceded him. 2 
In Morocco his borders stretched to the " Mountain of 
Gold," an unidentified feature of the western Sudan. 
His was the reign of his house, and his the character 
which turned a simple raid into the conquest of an 
empire. He was the leader for which the Moroccan 
and Spanish kingdoms were waiting, though their actual 
sovereigns always showed fight, and were sometimes able, 
by the help of their armies, to withstand him for a time. 
The common people only wanted a strong, wise ruler, and,, 
tired of the oppression of their own chiefs, were nothing 
loth loyally to accept the man who could overthrow them. 

thing about this coin is that Alfonso VIII. was forced to imitate it in self-defence, 
retaining its Arabic inscriptions, which he adapted to the Christian faith. On 
it he appeared as "Ameer of the Catholics," and the Pope of Rome as the 
" Imam of the Church of Christ." It was issued " in the Name of the Father, 
the Son, and the Holy Spirit, one only God," in place of the Muslim creed;, 
and " Whosoever believeth and is baptised shall be saved " stood in place of 
the denunciation of those who refused to accept Islam. 3 There could hardly 
be a more curious coin. The author of the Kartas is in error in saying that this 
denunciation was added after the battle of Zallaka, as it had already appeared 
in the year 1058 on the coins of El Miiaz bin Badisand Abu Bakr bin 'Omar. 4 
Instead of these "Maravedis" the subsequent Muwahhadi ameers coined 
square dirhams, 5 which were only discontinued in 1670, 6 to be replaced by 
the present round pieces. 

1 Raod el Kartas, p. 103; Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii. 2 Raod el Kartas. 

a See Lavoix, Cat. des Monnaies Mussulmanes de la Bibliotheque National, Paris, 1891, 
p. xxxi. 4 Ibid., p. xli. 5 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 168. (i Ez-Zaiani, p. 22. 





This is how it happens that we see the conqueror of one 

day the popular general of the next. 

Of Ali, Yiisef's son and successor, there is not much 

to tell. His nature was rather that of a devotee than 
of a ruler, and his empire was controlled by 
religious teachers. Yet during his reign, which 
lasted thirty-seven years, no less than three 

expeditions were undertaken to Spain. In the first — one 
1109. of the most important of such enterprises — 

while he failed in his attempt on Toledo, he captured 

Madrid, Oporto and 

Lisbon, "purging the 

whole of those western IgfjEbOBLJ 

provinces (El Gharb or 

' Algarves ') from the 

filth of the infidels." 1 

Then the tide turned. 

Saragossa was restored 

(Struck at Aghmat in 1 107) 
Inscription as on the coins of his father, but 
with the title "Ameer el Muslimin" for himself 
for the first time. 

ins. to the Ara- 
gonese, assisted by the 
French and by the introduction of artillery or " thun- 
derers,"* which brought the ameer back in the following 
year for a successful expedition, and two years later for a 
third. On the last occasion he was recalled 

MuwdhhadiRisin g . hy ^ jjj newg of & r j s j ng pQwer |n MoroccQ 

— which was to supplant his house — that of 
Mohammed bin Tiimart, whose disciples were to found 
the Muwahhadi dynasty. To leave things more secure 
in Spain, he took the precaution of transporting to his 
1126. towns of Mequinez and Salli many thousands 
of the tributary Christians settled in the kingdom of 
Granada, 2 who, by reason of the assistance they were wont 
to render to the Spaniards, were most dangerous subjects. 

* Er-radat. 
1 El MakkAri, bk. viii., chap. i. 2 Ibid., bk. viii., p. 306. 


[ Twelfth 

Mohammed bin Tumart soon afterwards died, and his 

ii30. pupil Abd el Mu'min was at once set up as 

Ali's rival. For thirteen years the ameer lived to maintain 

1143 the struggle. The fact of his death at Marrakesh 

was concealed for three months till Tashfin, his son by 

a Christian slave, could be proclaimed as his successor.* 

Tashfin had reigned but a year when the Murabti dynasty 

was put an end to by the decisive victory of Abd el 

ii44. Mu'min near Tlemcen. Tashfin escaped to 

O'ran, but when that town fell before his relentless rival 

he was forced once more to flee. Mounted on 

Fate of the a « wind-drinking mare," in the darkness the 

Murdbtis. ° 

ins. unlucky ameer was carried over a precipice, 
wherein he met his death, f at a spot still 
known as the " Salto del Caballo."J 

In Spain affairs had been steadily growing darker, for 

at Ourique Ali's forces had been vanquished by Alfonso I., 

ii39. Count of Portugal — who had been thereupon 

made king— while Alfonso VIII. of Leon had defeated 

the Moors in the preceding year. This induced Abd el 

1144. Mu'min to despatch an army at once, both to 

drive back the Christians and to secure the Empire for 

ii46. himself. But the second crusade was about 

ii47. to start, and, with its assistance, Lisbon was 

recovered by the Portuguese. 

After Tashfin came a weak and incapable son, Ibrahim, I., 

from whom Abd el Mu'min took Mequinez in the first year 

ii46, ii47. of his reign, and Fez and Salli in the second, 

when Ibrahim was put to death. Is-hak, his son, inherited 

* From 1 136 to 1144 coins had been struck at " Nul Lamta," possibly 
Nun or Glimin in Sus. See French National Collection. 

t Tashfin bin Ali did not die in 539 (1144) as stated in Raod el Kartas, as 
there exists in the British Museum one of his coins struck in Seville in 540 


% " The Horse's Leap." The scene lies some three kilometres from the 
town, near the " Bains de la Reine." 



what remained of the Murabti Empire, but after two more 
1149. years of ineffectual struggle, Abd el Mu'min 
was established firmly as the emperor of all Morocco and 
Muslim Spain. The fugitive Murabtis sought a refuge in 
the Balearic Islands l till they went to Tunis, where they 
unavailingly attempted to restore the fortunes of their 
house. So terminated their career of ninety years. 

1 Ei. Makkari, bk. ix., p. 86. 

!^y ^^^P^^^^'-^SL' 

**-*- ' TWTTWffWWW 

% M /I/*'*'";- 1 

Photograph by Herbert E. White, Esq. 

From a photograph by Cavilla, Tangier 



GREAT as had been the effect of the Murabti 
invasion, and wide as under them had grown the 
limits of the Empire of which they were practically the 
constructors, there had been for some time rising in 
the Atlas mountains a religious force, whose destiny 
it was to stretch the Moorish Empire far beyond the 
dreams of Yusef bin Tashfin. At its head was 
ibn Tumart Mohammed ibn Tiimart, perhaps the most 

the Mahdi. r L 

remarkable of all the figures which appear 
upon the stage of Moorish history. 

A native of Sus — although a member of the Har gh a 
tribe* of Masmuda Berbers — he laid claim f not only to 
Arab descent, but also to descent from Mohammed, either 
through a family which came to Morocco with Musa, 1 or 
through Sulaiman the brother of Idrees, whose family had 
settled in those parts.; 2 As a youth he visited the East 
for purposes of study, and acquired a great reputation for 
strictness in religious duties, by the fearless way in which 

* Since lost sight of. 

t By a holograph genealogy, declared by Ibn Khaldun to be a forgery 
(vol. i., p. 251). Ibn Khallikan says that the first Muwahhadis acknowledged 
the Abbasi khalifas. J See p. 39. 

1 Ra6d el KartAs, p. 242; Abd el Wahhi'd, p. 128 ('92, p. 205); Ibn Khallikan, 
vol. iii., p. 206. 2 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., pp. 163-4. 

f 6; 


L Twelfth Century ' 

he attacked all laxness in others, even to the extent of 
breaking their wine jars and musical instruments. " Pious 
and devout, he lived in squalid poverty, subsisting on the 
coarsest fare and attired in rags, yet exhibiting good 
nature in his face, and ever manifesting a propensity to 
acts of devotion. He carried with him no other worldly 
goods than a staff and a water-skin ; his courage was 
great ; he spoke correctly both the Arabic and Moorish 
languages ; he blamed with extreme severity the conduct 
of those who transgressed the Divine law . . . and 
suffered with patience the vexation to which this exposed 
him." 1 The unveiled faces of the Murabti women were 
especially abhorrent to him. 

Such a course met with the usual fate. Expelled from 
Mekka, and refused an asylum in Egypt or Tunis by the 
well-to-do against whom he inveighed, he found a refuge 
among the less corrupt although more superstitious Berbers 
of the Moroccan Atlas. At the then existing village 
1120. of Tinmalalt — " White Mountain " — one day's 
journey beyond Aghmat, near the source of the Wad 
Nafis, the mountaineers were able to protect him even 
against their ameer, whom also he had offended by his 
plain speaking.* His age was then but eight-and-twenty, 
and he is described as " of medium stature, though slight, 

* On hearing of the Mahdi the ameer had sent for him, and on expressing 
surprise at finding him so poor, was informed that he thought only of the world 
to come, not of this, where his only business was to teach men to do good 
and cease from evil, proceeding to address the magnate in the most outspoken 
terms. Like Pharaoh of old, the ameer summoned his wise men to refute 
him, but their uproar growing unseemly, two were chosen to examine him. 
Taking the bull by the horns, he inquired of his judges : "Tell me— are the 
ways of knowledge limited, or not?" " Yes, to the Kor'an, its commentaries, 
and the traditions," was the reply. " Can you not confine yourselves to my 
question, according to rule?" asked the Mahdi. The wise men not being 
ready to answer, he proceeded to instruct them that the sources of good and 
evil are four — knowledge, the source of the right way, and ignorance, doubt, 
and opinion, sources of evil. 2 

l Ibn KhallikAn, I.e. Raod el Kartas. 

THE "TORRE DE ORO," SEVILLE (1220 a.c.) 



▼nth large head, of a tawny complexion, and with piercing 
eyes." 1 His character, graphically sketched by another 
Arabic writer, 2 is summed up in the statement that " He 
would rather shed the water of life [his own blood] than 
that of the face [his tears, i.e., of shame] . . . ' Whoever 
follows me,' he said, ' for this world's goods, shall get 
nothing from me but what he sees here ; but whoever 
follows me for the recompense of the next world shall find 
his reward with God.' " 

Somewhere along his route — authorities are not agreed 

where 3 — he had encountered a youth named Abd el 

Mu'min, in whom he perceived great powers. On his 

early death this pupil not only succeeded to his hopes 

of a worldly kingdom, but lived to enjoy their 

The Muwdhhadi . r. 11 1 • 1 r 1 

Doctrines. realisation. Supported by a third confederate, 

113 °- whose part it was to play the fool till the time 
came for him to have a revelation, 4 and with ten ignorant 
but sturdy Berbers as bodyguard, 5 he was soon in a 
position to strike for power, and was proclaimed as the 
promised infallible Mahdi or " Directed One " of Islam.* 

* The word Mahdi is the passive participle of the first form of the verb 
hada, "he directed," and it has come to be applied exclusively to some 
pretender in consequence of Mohammed's prophecy that a " Directed One " 
should after his death arise to lead the fortunes of Islam. But from the 
nature of the traditional prophecies ascribed to the Arabian teacher by 
El Bokhari and others, it appears that no one figure was consistently before 
him, but rather an indefinite leader who might some day be expected to arise. 
Nevertheless, Mohammed is held to have stated definitely, " The Mahdi will 
be descended from me. He will be a man of open countenance and high 
nose. He will fill the earth with equity and justice, even as it has been filled 
with tyranny and oppression, and he will reign over the earth seven years." 
Elsewhere his death is foretold at the end of that period, during which 
" men's lives shall pass so pleasantly that they will wish that the dead were 
alive again." 6 The Shias maintain a tradition that the promised Mahdi shall 
be "the seal {i.e., the last) of the Imams, who will conquer all religions, and 
take vengeance on the wicked." 7 

1 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. iii., p. 214. 2 KitAb el Muarif. 

3 Rao? el KartAs, p. 243 ; Ibn KhallikAn, I.e., p. 208 ; Ibn KhaldCn, vol. ii., p. 164. 

* Ibn AdhAri apud Ibn Khald., append, v. 5 *\ BD EL WAhhJd (1892), p. 244. 

6 Mishkdtu 7 Masdbih, bk. xxiii., chap. iii. Hiyatu l Kuh'ib, Merrick's ed., p. 342. 



To those who agreed to uphold him he gave the name 
of Muwahhadi — Unitarian — since a special feature of his 
doctrine 1 was the stress laid on the absolute Unity of God, 
apart from whom His attributes cannot exist, enforced by 
the allegorical interpretation of obscure passages in the 
Kor'an. 2 Because the Murabti interpreted these passages 
literally, he charged them with anthropomorphism,* the 
conception of God as finite, tangible and visible. 3 By 
numerous ingenious tricks t he was successful in imbuing 
the surrounding Masmuda tribes with an intense devotion 
to his sanctity, while by the compilation of several 
important works in their own tongue — notably the 
Murshidah, "Directress " or " Guide" and the Tafihid or 
" Unity"*' — he impressed them with an admiration for 
his learning. % 

At last his followers came to blows with the imperial 
troops, and although they were able to cut off a body of 

* Calling them Mujassimin or "Corporealists." 

f For instance, after a battle with the Lamtuna in which he was defeated 
with serious loss, the Mahdi went at night with some of his surviving followers 
and buried them alive, with only a hole through which to breathe, inducing 
them to submit to this process by the promise that if they would inform any 
who made inquiry that they were enjoying in Paradise the rewards of death in 
conflict with the infidels, he would disinter them, and allot them important 
posts. Returning to his disheartened supporters, Ibn Tumart remarked on 
the good fortune of those who had fallen in battle, adding that if any had 
doubts they should go and ask the dead themselves. Not to be outdone, they 
went to the grave-sides and shouted, "O dead Companions, tell us what you 
have received from God Most High." One can imagine their surprise when 
gladsome voices from the very earth assured them of a present state of bliss. 
Further proof was needless, and Ibn Tumart's cause revived, but as really 
dead men tell no tales, return of fortune was denied to his accomplices, 
whose breathing holes the Mahdi filled up after lighting fire over them. 5 

+ Of the works of Ibn Tumart, De Slane remarks in a note on the praise 01 
them by Ibn Khallikan: 6 "Having examined the collection of treatises by 
Ibn Tumart, I can bear testimony to the correctness with which his talents are 

1 See Goldziher, Zeitschrift d. D. M. Ges., vol. xli., p. 30. 

2 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 257. 3 Gayangos on El Makkari, p. 523. 

4 Ra6d el Kartas, p. 250 ; Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 532. 

5 Raod el Kartas and Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., Ap. v. 6 Vol. iii. p. 215. 


Castilian mercenaries sent to collect the local taxes, they 

were defeated outside Marrakesh, and one of Ibn Tiimart's 

ten companions was slain. This resulted in a general 

rising. By union with the seven leading Masmuda tribes* 

Ibn Tumart gained a following whose force was irresistible, 

wherewith he overpowered the remaining Berbers, who 

thenceforward fought by his side. All were organised 

under a council of fifty, selected from among the chiefs of 

each tribe, the original bodyguard 

4 ';i Jl .^ holding an independent position. 1 

1 Abd el Mu'min was placed at the 

jj head of affairs, while Ibn Tumart 

silver coin of 'abd devoted himself more than ever to 

el mu'min the life of a hermit. Thus for once 

Inscription. — "Praise the rival clansmen of the central 

be to God, the Lord of Atlas _ the Masmuda Zanatas-were 

the Universe. 

"Abu Mohammed Abd combined against their old foes the 

el Mu'min bin Ali, Prince Lamtuna Sanhajas. 

of the Believers. Jaen At ^ Jnt the death Qf Jbn 

(in Spain). l 

Tumart left the field free to his 
less austere and more martial disciple, Abd el Mu'min, 
who became the founder of the greatest dynasty 

here appreciated. The treatises form a small but closely-written volume, 
transcribed fifty-five years after the author's death." 2 Another work, called, 
from its first words, 'Aazzu via Yatldb ("The most precious thing one 
can seek "), taught the Shia doctrine of the infallibility of the Imam. The 
author of the Kartas says, " He was without equal for eloquence and knowledge 
of the sciences." 

* These were the Hantata and Gedmiwa, who still remain, the Hargha and 
Tinmalal, who were exterminated or dispersed in the subsequent wars, and the 
Kiimia ; Gurfisa, and Hezerja. The Tinmalal, who rallied round the tomb of 
Ibn Tumart as their headquarters, believed, even after the power of the 
Muwahhadis had fallen, that he would return to restore it. 3 One section of 
the confederation, the Siksawa, long maintained complete independence, 
proclaiming their own ameers. 4 

1 Abd el Wahhid, p. 134 (1892, p. 266), History of the Muwahhadis. 

2 To be found in the French Bibliotheque Nationale, Supplement. Cat. des MSS. Arabes, 
No. 1451. 3 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 260. 4 Ibid., p. 270; Abd el WahhJd, p. 247. 

Cen tury\ 'ABD EL MU'MIN 7 1 

Morocco ever knew.* Ali bin Yusef bin Tashfin 

Congest d " adl still reigned, however, and though within the 

j Abd ei Mumin. next few years 1 the whole of the Draa and 

H30-H63. c en t ra i Morocco gave way before the fierce 

1134. attacks of the mountaineers, nearly a score had 

passed ere the Empire changed hands. By that time they 

had extended their operations during a seven years' 

ii42. campaign in Spain, where, after Cadiz, Xeres 

ii44. was the first important town to fall. Two years 

later their Berber supporters, with the help of the kadi, 

expelled the Murabtis from the ancient metropolis, Cordova, 

where civil dissensions had permitted the Spaniards to 

make a raid and picket their horses in the great mosque. 2 

ins. Malaga was theirs next year, and Abd el Mu'min 

was proclaimed at Seville, although ten years passed before 

ii55. he became the master of Granada. 

On the African side during the same period the 

Muwahhadis were successful. O'ran and Tlemcen first, 

ii43. then Fez, Salli and Ceuta capitulated, and, 

ii47. after a siege of eleven months, 3 Marrakesh; f 

then Aghmat and Tangier, and finally Mequinez, which 

ii50. had supported a siege for seven years. Abd 

el Mu'min received at Salli the homage of almost the 

whole of Mohammedan Spain, 4 which, during the contest 

* The pupil was no less ingenious than his master, for in view of possible 
competition on the Mahdi's death, he had trained a lion to follow him like a 
dog, and had taught a bird to say, " Victory and power belong to the khalifa, 
Abd el Mu'min !" The deliberations of the Muwahhadi Council in the choice 
of a successor were interrupted by the advent of a lion from the forest, which, 
having put all the others to flight, crouched at the feet of the unperturbed 
Abd el Mu'min. At the same time the commotion caused a hitherto unperceived 
bird to shriek and repeat its lesson. The effect was magical, and all opposition 
was overcome. 5 

t Ibn el Athir says the Murabtis lost Marrakesh by the defection of their 
Spanish mercenaries. 

1 Ra6d el KartAs, I.e. 2 El MakkAri. 3 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. ii., p. 138. 

Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 189. 5 Raod el KartAs. 


between the falling and the rising dynasties, had again 

split up into numerous petty states.* Henceforward the 

Muwahhadis were supreme, and, turning their attention 

1152. to their neighbours, they proceeded to invade 

Algeria. Algiers, Constantine and Bona yielded to their 

ii58. arms, 1 which a few years afterwards won for 

them Bougie, Tunis, Kai'rwan, Susa, Gabes, Sfax, 

Mehediya,f Tripoli and Barka, the point at which the 

ii60. Moorish Empire touched its furthest limits. 

Such were the glories of the reign of Abd el Mu'min 

el KumiJ — the son of a potter 2 — first Muwahhadi ameer, 

ii67. who thereupon assumed the title of Ameer el 

Mu'minin. § His patron the Mahdi had declared to 

him : " Thou possessest in perfection all the qualities 

with which thou art endued, whence joy and 

vudliMitmin. happiness for all of us. Thine are the smiling 

mouth, the liberal hand, the noble soul, the 

open countenance." 3 

Fair, but with ruddy cheeks and dark eyes, shaded by 

* "As at the overthrow of the Beni Ummeyya the provinces of their vast 
empire had been parcelled out among their generals and governors, so now 
every petty governor, chief, or man of influence who could command a few 
followers and had a castle to retire to in case of need, styled himself sultan, 
and assumed the other insignia of royalty. As the historian Ibn Khaldun has 
judiciously remarked, ' Andalus afforded the singular spectacle of as many 
kings as it possessed towns.' " 4 

t From the Sicilian Normans, who had held it since 1148. 

% i.e., a member of the Kumiya, a tribe on the coast near Nemours 
(Ghazawat) in Algeria. 

§ The Muwahhadi ameers, in thus laying claim to the khalifate, adopted 
the title " Kholafa er-Kashidin," or "Orthodox Lieutenants." a title usually 
restricted to the first four khalifas. The title Ameer el Mu'minin — 
"Commander of the Faithful," or rather "Prince of the Believers" — 
corrupted to " Miramolin " by mediaeval writers, was adopted by 'Omar on 
succeeding to the khalifate as preferable to the alternative — " Successor of 
the Successor of the Prophet of God," i.e., successor to Abu Bakr. 5 

1 Hl MakkAri, I.e. 2 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. ii., pp. 182-3. 

3 Ibid., I.e., p. 183 ; also KartAs and Abd el WAhhid. 

4 El MakkAri, bk. viii., chap, ii., p. 309. 

5 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. iii., p 632; and Ibn KhaldOn. 



long lashes, with an aquiline nose and a plentiful beard ; 
tall of stature, and a great horseman, 1 Abd el Mu'min was 
the beau ideal of his warriors. At the same time, as 
strictly religious, as a student, and withal a poet ; 
sympathetic, and endowed with a persuasive voice, 2 he 
secured the warm support of the bigoted lettered class. 
His unbiassed judgment and untiring energy enabled him 
to earn the love and admiration of all. Throughout 
victorious, he lived through insurrection and intrigue to 
the age of sixty-three, when he was still described by 
a contemporary writer 3 as " an aged man of upright 
stature, with a large head, dark eyes, bushy beard, and 
callous hands ; tall even when seated ; with teeth of the 
purest white, and a mole on his right cheek." Outside 
ii63. Salli, on the point of invading Spain, surrounded 
by the largest army he had ever gathered,* "death," says 
a native writer, 4 " whose fierce blows spare neither great 
nor small, surprised him." 

Of Abd el Mu'min's administration there remain 
abundant traces. To him was due the building of 
Gibraltar, which he re-named in vain the 

Reign of 

k Abd e i Mu'min. " Mount of Victory " (Jebel el Fatah). Here 
1161, his engineers erected the existing castle (now 
the military prison) and the windmill, 5 which has lent its 
name to a prominent site. In Africa he founded the new 
1145-H50. town of Tlemcen, close to the old, and re-built 
Mequinez. All the mosques, walls and fortresses throughout 
his empire were by his order repaired, while the aqueduct 
of Salli also dates from his reign. 6 But the walls of Ceuta 

* According to El. Makkari 7 he had mustered three hundred thousand 
Arabs and Zanata from his Algerian and Tunisian provinces, and a hundred 
and eighty thousand Moorish volunteers. 

1 Ra6u el Kartas, p. 288. 2 Abd el WAhhId, p. 142 (1892, p. 275). 

3 Quoted by Ibn Khai.likAn, vol. ii., p. 184. 4 El MakkAri. 

5 El MakkAri, bk. viii., p. 315. 6 R A 6y el KartAs, pp. 378-9. 

7 Bk. viii., chap, ii., p. 317. 




were razed because its people had revolted against him. 
He was the first to make a complete tithe survey, from 
Barka to Wad Nun, 1 between which points the roads for 
once became secure. After an attempt on his life, rendered 


fruitless by the self-sacrifice of a noble servitor, his own 
tribe furnished him with a bodyguard of forty thousand 
men, but his less fortunate wazeer was given poison in 
milk. 2 

For his expeditions to Spain and Tunis he equipped a 
large fleet, no less than four hundred vessels being furnished 

Raod el KartAs, p. 2E 

2 Ibid., p. 283. 

Century^ YUSEF THE WISE 75 

at once by Tangier, Ceuta, the Rif ports, and O'ran, to 
which Spain added eighty. 1 One thing which did much 
to endear him to his people was his care to recompense 
all who had succoured him or his patron while poor and 
unknown, and a lasting memento of his dynasty is the 
expression with which he ordered his epistles to be 
headed, " Praise be to the only God ! " 2 which it is still 
the custom to use in Morocco. 

Immediately before his death Abd el Mu'min nominated 
as his successor his son Mohammed, who was easily 
supplanted by his brother Yusef, since he 
Reign of Yusef ii. was addicted to drink, and suffered from a 
loathsome disease. 3 Yusef confided the ad- 
ministration of Spain to another brother, 'Omar, until he 
had thoroughly remodelled that of the Maghrib. He 

ii70. then crossed over to Europe, and transferred 
his court to Seville, 4 where he ordered the erection of 
the great mosque and the aqueduct from Carmona. 5 
With the exception of Toledo, all the possessions which 
the Franks had taken from the Muslims were recovered. 

1180. Ten years later he extended his empire by an 
expedition to Tunisia, taking Gabes, where there had 
been an insurrection. A few years afterwards he lost 

ii84. his life while besieging Santarem, in Portugal. 
Yakub I., his son, thirty-two years of age, was chosen at 
once to succeed him, and was proclaimed by the army. 7 

Yusef II. was one of the wisest and best of the 
Moorish ameers, a great student,* noble-minded, and 

* Especially of medicine and philosophy. He knew the Kor'an and the 
Sahih el Bokhari by heart, 8 and he was a great collector of books. Aristotle 
and Plato were among his classics. 9 The great kadi Mohammed ibn er-Rushd 

1 Raod el KartAs, p. 284; Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii. 

2 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii. See The Moors, chap, xviii. 

3 Ibn Khallikan, vol. iv.,p. 474. 4 El MakkAri, bk. viii., chap. iii. 

5 Ibid., p. 319. 6 i\ BD EL WahhJd, p. 182 (1892, p. 382). 

7 Ibn el AthJr, vol. ii., p. 288. 8 Ibn Khallikan, vol. iv., p. 47 . 

y Abd el Wahhid, p. 170. 



generous. The special feature of his administration was 
his delegation of power to provincial governors, whom he 
had the knack of choosing well. The taxes he received 
from Ifrikiya loaded one hundred and fifty mules, 1 and 
a like amount was received from Seville,* 2 besides what 
was derived from Bougie, Tlemcen, and Morocco. During 
ins. his reign there appeared in Barbary a new race, 
which was thereafter to play an important part in the 
eastern provinces, the Turks, who, however, never managed 
to secure a foothold in Morocco or Spain, although they 
were employed in the militia of the Moors, together with 
Spaniards, Greeks and other foreigners. 3 

With the exceptions of Mulai Idrees and Mulai Ismail, 

no other Moorish ameer is so well known to Europeans, 

at least by name, as the prince whose reign 

Yakub ei Mansur. was now inaugurated before Santarem, to 


whom his followers gave the title of El 
Mansur — " the Victorious." His father's unusually wise 
administration, coupled with his still more exceptional 
policy of employing his son as a wazeer or minister, 
had given him an admirable training, 4 and his able 
hand was felt at once. He was a tall, good-looking 
man, of light brown complexion, with ample limbs, wide 
mouth, loud voice, and large, dark eyes, clad always 
in simple wool, " the most veracious of men, and the 
most elegant in language," 5 just, even when the interests 
of his own family suffered thereby. His motto was "Ala 
Allah Taukalt" — " In God have I trusted."! Like so many 

(Averroes) was among the learned men he drew to his court : he died there in 
1 199 under Yakub el Mansur, who had a few years previously imprisoned him 
for literally translating a passage which referred to Venus as a goddess. 6 

* Gold coins were, however, struck in Mohammed's name. 

t Cf. the motto on the edge of some U.S.A. dollars. 

l 'Abd el WahhJu, 1892, p. 385. 2 Ibn Khallikan, vol. iv., p. 475. 

3 Abd el Wahhid, p. 248. 4 Ibid., p. 189. 

5 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. iv., p. 353. 6 Abd el WAhhjd and Ibn Khaldun. 




other Morocco rulers, he was the son of a Christian 
slave. 1 

According to custom, two of his brothers and one of 


Photograph by Herbert White, Esq. 

his uncles were killed lest they might prove rivals. 2 A 
much more reassuring omen for his reign was the distri- 
bution of no less than one hundred thousand golden 
dinars from the treasury, the opening of all prison doors, 

1 Abd el WAhhJd. See chap, x., p. 203, note. 

Ibid. (ii 


[ Twelfth 

and a general reparation of outstanding injustices. 1 These 
measures introduced a method of government so wise, 
that it is recorded that while Yakub el Mansur reigned 
a woman could travel alone in safety from Wad Nun to 
Barka. 2 The same writer says that " he was the greatest 
of the Muwahhadi kings ; the most magnanimous in every 
respect. His government was excellent ; he added to the 
treasury; he increased his power; his actions were those 
of a famous sovereign; his religion was deep,* and he did 
much good to the Muslimin. May God have mercy on 
him by His grace, His kindness and His generosity, for 
He is pitiful, and loves to pardon." 

" In the days of Yakub," says another African historian, 

"conquests succeeded each other without interruption." 3 

After establishing his rule in Morocco, he made a successful 

1186-7. expedition against the Murabti chieftain Ali 

ibn Ghania, who had escaped from Majorca, and had set 

up his standard in Tunis. But urgent matters 

clZpaign m Morocco demanding a hasty return, he 

accomplished the overland journey from Bougie 

to Tlemcen in seventeen days. 4 

A few years earlier the Fatimis of Egypt had been 
overthrown by " Saladin,"j- who had established the 

1171, ii87. Mamelukes in their stead. Now, having taken 

* Yakub's piety was manifested not only by his love of justice, which he 
would constantly administer personally, though on occasion giving the 
bastinado to anyone bringing before him a trivial question, but by his 
strictness at public prayer five times a day, at which he revived the practice 
of the orthodox khalifas of presiding as imam : those who did not attend 
were flogged ; those who drank wine were executed. All decisions were 
ordered to be based on the Kor'an itself, not on the opinions of commentators, 
according to general custom. It was El Mansur who introduced the recitation 
of the B'ism Illah, "In the Name of God," before the Fatiha, or opening 
chapter of the Kor'an. 5 

t Yusef ibn Ai'yiib, surnamed Salah ed-Din, or, "Soundness of Religion." 

1 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 207. 2 Raod el KartAs. 

3 El MakkAri, bk. viii., chap. iii. 4 Abd el WAhhId, 1893, p. 38. 

5 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. iv., p. 343. (See De Slane's Notes.) 

century] VICTORY OF EL ARC OS 79 

Jerusalem from the Crusaders, the great Saracen leader 

was desirous of Yakub's assistance by sea in his projected 

attacks on Acre, Tyre, and Tripoli (Syria). Accordingly 

' , , he sent to Morocco an embassy with many 

Embassy from J ' 

ii sa/adin." valuable presents, including two fine Kor'ans, 

balm, aloes, ambergris, musk, and other spices, 
gold - embroidered saddles, Arab bows and Indian 
lances. 1 But the envoy was accredited to the Ameer 
el Muslimin — " Prince of the Resigned," not to the 
Ameer el Mii'minin, 2 so all was in vain. Though 
kindly received, he went back without having attained 
his object. Yakub even contemplated invading Egypt 
himself, " with a view to the suppression of the heresies 
and other abominations " that flourished there. 3 Never- 
theless, a fleet of a hundred and eighty vessels was 
subsequently despatched to Syria to the assistance of 
the Saracens.* 

But the triumphs of Yakub's reign were his expeditions 
to Europe. As a place of embarkation he rebuilt at the 

ii90,ii9i. narrowest part of the Straits the Kasar 
Masmuda, since known as El Kasar es-Saghir, long in 
ruins. These preliminaries were interrupted by preparations 
for another Eastern campaign, and a five years' truce was 
concluded with the Spaniards. This was in its turn set 
1194. aside in its fourth year by reason of news from 
Spain that the Franks were collecting an army, 4 and a 
second invasion was ordered. 

The two hosts met on the field of El Arcos, near 

Calatravaj where "the engagement began by champions 

, sallying forth to encounter their adversaries in single 

* A corruption of the word Sharkeein, "Easterns," or "Levanters," 
inapplicable therefore to the Moors of Morocco or Spain, 
t A corruption of Kalaat er-Rabat — "The Camp Fort." 

1 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 208. 

2 Ibn Khallikan, vol. iv., p. 344 ; Abd el Wahhid, p. 209 (1893, p. 48). 

3 Ibid., p. 206 (1893, P- 48)- 4 Ibn Khaldun, vol. ii., p. 208. 



combat, whilst the armies kept their ground. 1 
victory of ELArcos. At length the issue was joined. Yakub rose 

from his sick bed and collected one force 
round the royal tent to focus the attack, while he with 
a larger force swooped down upon the foe from another 
direction, carrying all before him. 2 Sixty thousand coats 
of mail, historians state, were secured for the treasury, and 
five thousand prisoners were exchanged, 3 while the enemy's 
total loss was one hundred and forty-six thousand.* 4 The 
total number carried captive to Morocco to work on 
Yakiib's great buildings has been given as thirty or forty 
thousand. One of three acts for which he expressed regret 
on his death-bed was the liberation of these captives, and 
their formation into a separate tribe, 5 since he feared lest 
they might re-commence the war. The other acts which 
troubled him at death were the waste of money over this 
unfinished town, and the introduction of wandering Arabs 
from Ifrikiya. 6 As it was, he made yet a third invasion, 
1197. his last great step, for he died in the same year 
as our Richard " Cceur de Lion," who had been opposing 
" Saladin " in Palestine. The still existing monuments of 

Yakub el Mansur are amon? the most re- 

El Manstlr's ' " ° 

Monuments. markable in either Morocco or Spain. In 

ii84. Seville the date of his accession was marked 

by the foundation of the great mosque tower, now known 

as the Giralda.f Two sister towers of kindred design 

* The value of the spoils on such an occasion may well be believed to be, 
as El Makkari describes it, incredible, for it included fifty thousand tents, 
eighty thousand horses, one hundred thousand mules, and four hundred 
thousand baggage asses. A captive was sold for a dirham, a horse for five, 
and an ass for one — facts more eloquent by far than doubtful native statistics. 
Cf. I Sam. xxi. 1 1. 

t This was designed by Ahmad ibn Basa and Abu Daud Jaliil ibn Jaldasin, 7 
though some have given the architect's name as Guever or Weber. 

l Ibn KhallikAn, vol. v., p. 340. ' 2 El Makkari, bk. viii., chap. iii. 

3 Ibn KhaldOn. 4 El Makkari, I.e. 5 See chap. xv. 6 Raod el KartAs. 

7 Ibn SAhie es-SalAt, ap. El MakkAri, bk. viii., p. 319. 

Son/lens chart, & C° lim, . LvrwUrn, 



were erected across the Straits, the Kutubiya of Marrakesh, 
and the Hasan tower of Rabat, but the latter was never 
finished. The two which were completed were surmounted 
by a series of gilded metal globes, trophies from the spoils 
of El Arcos. The gilding of one set alone is said to have 
required one hundred thousand gold dinars. 1 

Rabat itself is one of Yakub's monuments, for on his 
return from the East he there pitched his camp, calling the 
1197. town into which he transformed it 2 Ribat el 
Fatih, " Camp of Victory," in accordance with a prophecy 
of Ibn Tiimart the Mahdi, who had said that after the 
Muwahhadis had built themselves a capital they should 
have victory. The plan is said to have been copied from 
that of Alexandria, 3 whence its wide, straight streets, so 
unlike those of the majority of Moorish towns. Most of 
his cities were embellished with mosques, hospitals, and 
schools ; Marrakesh in particular was endowed with a 
special hospital, richly furnished, with abundance of water 
and trees, to which the ameer himself paid a visit each 
ii89. Friday after noon prayers.* 4 The same city 
owes to him the development of its underground water 
supply. 5 

When he " received the visit of death " at Salli, and was 

buried with his father and his grandfather at Tinmalalt, 

his subjects were so loth to believe it, that he 

£/ ii9T"" r was declared to have departed on a pilgrimage 

to Mekka from which he never returned. 

A century later a tomb was shown with pride near the 

village of Mijdal in Coelo-Syria as that of "Ameer Yakub 

of the Maghrib," 6 but " this," remarks El Makkari, on the 

* One is reminded of the Arab proverb, " No palm-grove flourishes which 
does not daily hear the voice of its owner." 

1 Raud el Kartas. 2 Ibid. 

' A Ibn Khallikan, vol. iv., p. 341 ; Abd el WAHHfD, p. 195 (1693, p. 28). 

4 Abu el WAhhid, p. 209. 

5 Raod el Kaktas. See The Land of the Moors, chap. xvi. 

6 Ibn Khallikan, vol. iv., p. 341. 



l Twelfth 

authority of an earlier writer, 1 " is one of the tales of the 
vulgar, who were in love with their king." A higher 
testimony could not be desired, but equally touching was 
his iast expressed wish, that he might be buried beside 
a highway, that the passing travellers might pray for him.' 2 
Alas for human wishes ! Yakub's body, together with 
those of his predecessors, was exhumed and dishonoured 3 

1195. by the dynasty which Abd el Hakk el Marini 
was even now establishing. 

The first shock of reverses in Spain was received by 
El Mansur's successor, his son by a Christian slave, 4 

1199. Mohammed III.,surnamed En-Nasirli Din Allah 
— "the Victor in the Religion of God." In Tunisia he had 
been victorious over the Murabti remnant, but he lacked 
his father's talents, and failed to win the love of his troops.* 
Therefore, when near Puerto Realj or, as the Arabs call 
it, El 'Okab, they found themselves confronted 

Defeat of "Las ' 

Navas de Toiosa." with a formidable Spanish army, the Moorish 
1212 ' troops deserted on account of arrears of pay. 
The Franks were thus enabled to win the overwhelming 
victory which they know as " Las Navas de Toiosa." } 5 

The one other notable fact of En Nasir's reign is the 
petition for help which reached him from the hard-pressed 
John of England, who is alleged to have offered to accept 

* The Black Guards were already in existence at this time. 6 
t Whence centuries later the great Armada was to set out for England. 
X Of six hundred thousand Moors, it is said that only one thousand escaped, 
Morocco being left almost depopulated. " This defeat may be regarded as the 
real cause of the subsequent decline of the Ma gh rib and Andalus. ... In 
the consequent decline of their Empire the Moorish princes came at length not 
only to hire the enemy's troops, but to surrender to the Christian kings the 
fortresses of the Muslims, that they might secure their aid against each other. 
At last the Andalusian chieftains and the descendants of the line of the 
Beni Ummeyya united together and expelled them from the country." 7 

1 Abu Shareef el GharnAti. 2 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. iv., p. 342. 

8 Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 83; En-NAsiri, vol. ii., p. at. 

4 'Abd el WAhhid, p. 225. 5 El Makkari, bk. viii., chap. iii. 

6 El MakkAri, p. 225. "' Ibid., I.e. 




Ramon Almela, Photo., Seville 


(Cir. 1 1 84 A.C.) 


[ Thirteenth 

Mohammed, and to hold his kingdom in fief 
Appeal from f rom t h e Moors, if by their aid successful 


against his barons. It seems that, having 


been excommunicated by Innocent III., he 
had to look outside the pale of Christendom for help, 
and despatched to Morocco Thomas Hardington, Ralph 
Fitznicholas, and " Robert of London," a priest. They 
were received after passing through a suite of apartments 
and hedges of guards. They found the ameer reading, 
and on the presentation of John's letter he inquired as to 
the population and strength of his kingdom and as to 
his personal physique and character. Then he had a 
private talk with Robert, the bearer of this remarkable 
offer, who on his return was made abbot of St. Albans. 1 
How far John seriously thought of going, or how far the 
priestly envoy was authorised, it is impossible now to 
decide ; but it appears, from " Matthew of Paris," 2 who 
alone records the event, that the proposal that John should 
change his creed was scouted with disdain, though this is 
hardly the manner in which a Muslim potentate might be 
expected to take so momentous an offer. The Pope, 
who understood that a " king of Salli " was willing to 
acknowledge the claims of Christ and himself, acted very 

In the year which followed his defeat at El 'Okab, 
En-Nasir was slain by his own guards, while roaming in 

disguise in his park at Marrakesh. His death 

A Divided Empire. . ir.ii i • r , i -r-* 

1213 was a signal for the breaking up of the Empire. 

Spain had already all but slipped from him, and 

in Fez, as soon as he was gone, Abd El Hakk was 

enthroned, and the reign of the Beni Marin had begun. 

* See chapter xv. 

1 Matthew of Paris, Hist., pp. 205, 206; Ann. Waverl., p. 176; Lives oj the Abbots 
of St. Albans, p. 1044. 

2 Rohrbacher, vol. xvii., p. 333. See also Lingard, Hist, d Angleterre, Paris, 1834, 
vol. iii., p. 37; and Godard, p. 338. 


In Marrakesh he was succeeded by Yusef III., his son* 

misnamed El Mustansir b'lllahf — " About-to-conquer-in 

God " — for though a handsome and eloquent man, he was 

without energy, and never stirred from the metropolis. 

christian Missions. It was in this reign that Francis of Assisi first 

1214. sent Christian missionaries to Morocco, that the 

1220. first were martyred, and that a bishopric was 

1223. established at Marrakesh. J While Yusef III. 

indulged himself the shadow of empire diminished. 

On his death a son of Yusef II., Abd el Wahad I., was 
selected to inherit the throne, as being advanced in years 

1223. and wisdom, but was found disappointing, so 
after nine months he was put to death by strangulation. § x 
He is known as El Makhloowi — "the Un-nerved," or 
"Deserted." Meanwhile Abd Allah II. (El Aadil— " the 
Just"), a son of Yakub el Mansur, had raised a rival 
standard in Murcia, where he was soon overcome by the 

1224. Spaniards. When crossing to Morocco to 
enforce his claim there, he left his brother I drees as 
lieutenant in Seville. But here he met with poor welcome, 

1226. although Yahya V., a son of En-Nasir, who was 
proclaimed, proved " a youth without experience, and 
totally incapable of conducting affairs." 2 

So Idrees III. was able to secure the throne, — which he 

1227. ascended under the name of El Mamun — "the 
Trustworthy," — but only to see his Spanish dominions 

slip from his grasp. With the help of European 

Mercenaries. mercenaries whom he had introduced, his Chris- 

1232 - tian wife was able, on his death, to proclaim 

* Abd el Wahhid 3 and Ibn Khaldiin 4 say that he too was the son of a 
Christian, but from this the Kartas differs. 

t Given in Raod el Kartas as El Muntasir, "The Conqueror." 

% See chapter xv. 

§ His head was held under water in the palace by the rebels, after which he 
was strangled with a turban. 

1 Ibn KhallikAn, vol. iv., p. 346. 2 El MakkAri. 

3 p. 237. 4 vol. ii., p. 227. 


\ Thirteenth 

her son, Abd el Wahad II. (Er-Rasheed I.), at Ceuta* 
which the Genoese were about to attack. There Rasheed 
unsuccessfully besieged for three months a rival brother 
who was assisted by Ibn Hud, the ameer of Saragossa. 

1242. For a moment he revived the fallen hopes of his 
house by restoring the Mahdi's name to the proclamation 
at Friday prayers, f 1 but he was drowned in a tank in 
his park at Marrakesh before he had time to accomplish 
much. His brother, Ali IV., es-Sai'd (El Moatadid 
— " the Sustained "), who followed, had had to suffer the 

1245. loss of Mequinez, and was killed on his way to 
besiege Tlemcen. 

A grandson of Yusef II., who succeeded, 'Omar I. 

1248. (El Mortada — " the Acceptable "), saw Fez lost. 

The Beni Marin were by this time fairly established, 

The Last of the an< ^ ^he ^ as ^- Muwahhadi ameer, Idrees IV. 

Muwdhhadis. (El Wathik — "the Confident," or Abu Dabbus 

— " He of the Club ") — descended from Abd 

el Mu'min by a different line — who with their assistance 

drove his predecessor out of Marrakesh, was himself 

1269. slain when that city was taken by Yakub II., 
the fifth of the Beni Marin ameers. This fate was 
incurred because Abu Dabbus refused to share his 

* By a tax levied in Marrakesh she raised five hundred thousand 
dinars of gold for their pay. They were afterwards cut to pieces by 
Yahya's army. 

t That Ibn Khaldun is mistaken in supposing that El Mamun had repudiated 
the Mahdi in favour of the Ba gh dad khalifas is shown by the Mahdi's name 
appearing on his coins. (See Brit. Mus. Cat. of Coins, S. Lane Poole.) 
It was only in 1229, according to El Makkari, that the Mahdi's name 
was omitted from the Friday prayers and the coins. In the mosque 
El Mamun himself preached "Call not Ibn Tiimart the innocent imam 
(masum), but rather say that he is blood-stained (madmum) : there is no 
other Mahdi than Jesus." The Berber reference to the Mahdi in the 
call to prayer was omitted at the same time, as also the " Rise and 
Praise God." 3 

J Ibn Khallikan, vol. ii., p. 348. 2 El Makkari, I.e. 


dominions with Yakiib according to treaty. 1 So came 
to an end Morocco's greatest dynasty, after a space of one 
hundred and fifteen years.* 


Morocco, in common with most Mohammedan lands, has had its share of 

soi-disant Mahdis. Among these may be mentioned a Mudhdhen of Tlemcen 

who, in the year 851, took upon himself to propagate numerous 

_ /'" innovations in Mohammedan practice, such as forbidding to cut 

Reformer. l ° 

the hair or nails, or to wear ornaments, acts which he regarded 
as either detracting from, or adding to, the work of the Almighty. Many 
proselytes in Africa and Spain adopted his teaching, but he was eventually 
crucified by the ameer of Andalucia, exclaiming, " Will you kill a man 
because he says, ' God is my Lord ' ? " Half a century later Ifrikiya was 
subjugated by a more successful Mahdi — 'Obeid Allah, founder of the Fatimi 
Dynasty — who took Fez by assault, and then Sajilmasa, but as his steps were 
turned towards Egypt, of which he became master in 960, his history passed 
away from Morocco. Yet it is important to notice that he is erroneously 
credited with having been the first to coin money in this country.' 2 

Another man — one Hameem — set up as a prophet in 936 in Ghomara, and 
obtained a goodly following. He appointed two hours of prayer only — sunrise 
and sunset — instead of the usual five, three prostrations to be 
' made each time, weeping, with the hands between the head and 
the floor. At the commencement the worshipper exclaimed, " Deliver me 
from sin, O Thou who givest eyes to see the Universe. Deliver me from sin, 
O Thou who drewest Jonah from the stomach of the fish, and Moses from the 
flood." 3 To the ordinary confession was added. "And I believe in Hameem, 
and in his companion, Abu Ikhlaf, and I believe in 'labia, aunt of Hameem. 
Fasts were to be observed on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays, during ten 
days of Ramadan, and ten of Shoowal. A fine of three bullocks was to be 
paid for eating on Thursday, and two for eating on Tuesday. Pilgrimage and 
certain purifications were abolished, and sows were permitted as food, but 
eggs, the heads of animals and other things, were prohibited. The fate of 

* The gold coins of this dynasty are remarkable for their profusion of 
genealogical information, for their large area, though thin, and the invariable 
absence of dates. Most of the successors of Abd el Mii'min stated on their 
coins " El Mahdi Imam el Amman— The Mahdi is the Imam of the 
People,"' as well as the special motto of their sect, "El Hamdu l'lllah 
Wahadahu— Praise be to the Only God," which has obtained so firm a hold 
in Morocco. 

1 El MakkAri. - Raud f.l Kartas. 3 Kor'an, s. xl., v. 29. 


[ Thirteenth Century 

this Mahdi was crucifixion at El Kasar Masmuda, and his head was sent to 

Cordova. 1 

During the Muwahhadi Period, as if to distinguish himself from Ibn Tumart 

one Mohammed ibn Hud assumed the kindred title of El Hadi, " the Director." 

Ke was successful in inducing the people of Salli to support his 

./J! 1 S 1 °{ /T ., . claims — for which they suffered the loss of their walls at the 

A bd el Mu mm. f 

hands of Abd el Mu'min — and although he obtained a large 

following in Sus and Central Morocco, he was overthrown by the Muwahhadis. 

Under Abd el Mu'min also there arose an unsuccessful Mahdi in western 

Spain, who was betrayed in his castle of Mertola and brought over to Morocco 

to the ameer, who asked what he meant by setting up as the Mahdi. " Are 

there not two dawns, sire?" he replied — "the false and the true? I was the 

false" — an answer which procured his pardon. 2 

1 Raod el Kartas. 2 Abd el WAhh'id, p. 150 (1892, p. 286). 




GRAPHIC account of the origin and incoming 
of the new masters of Morocco is to be found in 
the " Raod el Kartas," compiled about the 
The Beni Marin m iddle f their period. Once again, as in the 

Invasion. \ -r» 1 1 1 

days of the Lamtuna, a Berber horde poured 
over the Atlas, "like the rain, or the stars, or the locusts, 
for number." This time they belonged to the great rival 
clan of Zanata, yet nevertheless claimed descent from 
the Arabs by way of Goliath I 1 * Every year, to seek the 
pasture of the North, they came from their desert home 
between Tafilalt and Zab in southern Algeria, where they 
acknowledged no ameer, and knew no coinage or taxes, 
their property consisting only of horses, camels, and 
slaves. 2 In the time of Yakiib el Mansur they had 

* Among the quaint conceits which have been grafted on to Moorish history 
was the suggestion that "los reyes Beni Merines, Seigneurs d'Afrique," were 
descended from the Genoese family of Marini, which formed the theme of 
' a publication at Naples in 1626, Origen y descendencia de los r<-yes Beni 
Merines" Federico de Federici, author of Famiglie che sono state en Genova 
privia deWanno, 1525, 8 says : " Giacomo de Marini went to Ceuta in 1233 as 
ambassador, and remained there, leaving descendants." These were spoken of 
by Leo Africanus as residing at Salli in the beginning of the sixteenth century, 
and Graberg says that Moorish traditions connect these with the Beni Marin ! 4 

1 Raod el Kartas, p. 397. '- Ibid., p. 400. 3 vol. ii., p. 154. 4 p. 324. 

90 BENI MARIN PERIOD [Thirteenth 

1195. furnished a contingent at the battle of El Arcos. 

1212. But when, after the battle of " Las Navas" they 

found the most fertile plains deserted, the Muwahhadi 

kings given over to wine, to luxury and to effeminacy, 1 a 

weakling at the helm, and the Empire in a state of chaos, 

they took counsel among themselves, and invaded Morocco. 

Their leader was a trusted chief, the son of their general 

at El Arcos, Abd el Hakk, who had already gained a 

reputation for his virtuous piety, his generosity, 

Leader* WS an< ^ n * s sanc tity — his cap, his slippers, and the 

water wherein he had washed being credited 

with miraculous powers. 2 After some preparation they 

entered Morocco by the Wad Tala gh route, and near Wad 

1216. N'kor in the Rif routed the Muwahhadi army 

1217. which had been sent against them. Next year 
Abd el Hakk was slain beside the Sebii, while fighting 
a host of Muwahhadi Arabs, whom his followers swore 
they would vanquish ere they buried their chief; they 
kept their vow. 3 

Although their leaders had, as usual, to assume a 
pious attitude, this was no religious movement, but a 
typical invasion of nomads. It took place simultaneously 

1216. with the accession of our Henry III., while in 
India the foundations of the Afghan Empire were being 
laid, and in v Tartary Jenghis Khan was setting out on his 
victorious career. 

'Othman I., surnamed Abu Said I., the son of Abd el 

1217. Hakk, succeeded his father, and carried on the 
contest for twenty-three years, until he was stabbed by 

1240. a renegade in his service. 4 His brother 
Mohammed IV. (Abu Marraf) followed, but he was killed 

1244. in a great battle near Fez 5 by a European officer 
in the Muwahhadi army. 

1 Raod el KartAs, p. 402. 2 Ibid., p. 406. :i Ibid., p. 408; En-NAsiri, vol. ii., p. 4. 
4 Raod el KartAs, p. 411 ; En-Nasiri, vol. ii., p. 5. 5 Raod el KartAs. 


By this 
time the 
author i ty 
had become 
restricted to 
the towns, 1 
and in the 
eastern por- 
tion of Mo- 
rocco it had 
quite dis- 
before the 
Beni Marin, 
as the in- 
vaders were 
called. In 



From Harris " Tafilet " 
(North End of the Glawi Pass in the Atlas) 

Tunis the Hafsi khalifas, an offshoot of the Muwahhadis, 
1230. had thrown off the Moorish yoke, and to them 

Raod el Kartas, p. 411 

92 BENI MARIN PERIOD ^Thirteenth 

at the outset the Beni Marin paid allegiance. 1 At one 
time it was even probable that Morocco would henceforth 
be ruled from Tunis Not only was Tlemcen seized by the 
1242. Hafsi ameer, but Seville, and later Valencia and 
Murcia, acknowledged his supremacy. Tangier, Ceuta, El 
Kasar, Mequinez, and Tafilalt also proclaimed the khalifa 

1244. of Tunis, although, led by an unsuccessful rebel, 
Ibn el Ameer, 2 Tangier soon after declared for the Abbasi 

1248. khalifa of the eastern or " Saracen " Empire. 
In Tlemcen a Zanata Berber, Yaghmorasan * as 

Tlemcen Dynasty s ■ & — 

Established. the first of the Beni Zeeyan or Abd el Wahadi 

1235. dynasty, was establishing an independent State. 
But so successfully did the Beni Marin maintain their 
footing against Tlemcen on the one side, and Marrakesh 
on the other, that they were enabled to refuse to re- 
cognise the Hafsi suzerainty. 

Under the third son of Abd el Hakk, Abu Bakr — 
famous for his power of hurling a lance with each hand 

1245. at once 3 — first Mequinez, and then the northern 
The Northern metropolis of Fez, fell into their hands. Mequinez 

Kingdom Secured. l - 1 

1248. temporarily reverted to the Muwahhadis, 4 and 
Ali IV. (es-Sai'd, surnamed El Moatadid, " The Sus- 
tained "), who ruled at Marrakesh, offered to make peace 
with the Beni Marin on condition that they would furnish 
five hundred horsemen wherewith to fight Yaghmorasan 

1248. and retake Tlemcen. The offer was accepted, but 
on the death of Es-Sai'd Abu Bakr again seized Mequinez 

1249. and retook Fez, which had been restored to its 
former owner by Shadid, the officer in command of the 
foreign mercenaries. 5 Securing Taza on his way, Abu 

* Sometimes written " Ghamarasan." For the history of this dynasty see 
the work of Et-Tenesi, translated by the Abbe Barges. 

1 Ibn Khaldun. 2 El MakkAri, p. 346. 

3 Ra6d el KartAs. 4 Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv. 

5 Raod el KartAs, p. 420. 



Bakr marched against Tlemcen, and defeated 
First Battu of isiy. Yaghmorasan by the river of Isly, near the 

spot where six centuries later the Moors were 
1844. beaten by the French. Secure in the northern 
1251. kingdom, the Beni Marin took Rabat and Salli, 
1255. conquered Tafilalt, whence they drove Yagh- 

1257. morasan, pushing onward to subdue the Draa. 
For a time the constant plotting of the Tunisian Hafsis to 
obtain control 1 was a hindrance, but their efforts met with 
no lasting success, and at length the Beni Marin reigned 
supreme. Abu Bakr's eventful rule of fourteen years was 

1258. closed by his death at Fez, and Yakub II., his 
brother, fourth son of Abd el Hakk, was proclaimed in the 
same year in which the Tartars conquered Ba gh dad and 
overthrew the Abbasi khalifas. 

From Siis to Oojda, near the Algerian frontier, the 

new monarch held undisputed sway. In Marrakesh there 

1248. still reigned a Muwahhadi prince, 'Omar I. (el 

Mortada), who paid him tribute, but his successor, 

1266. Idrees IV. (el Wathik), was the last Muwahhadi 

rival of the Beni Marin. 

Yakub II. (bin Abd el Hakk)* is one of the few ameers 

of Morocco who have left a name for a just administration, 

. . and for philanthropic undertakings, such as the 

Reign of Yakub II., l x & ' 

bin 'Abd ei Hakk. establishment of retreats for the sick, the blind, 
1258-1286. the insane and the leprous.' 2 He spent a third 
of the night in the study of the Kor'an, followed by prayers 
until daybreak. Philosophy and morals were studied until 
ten, when, after further prayers, official correspondence 
and audiences took their turn. Although an absolute 
ruler, independent even of his ministers, he was considerate 

* As this ameer — or, as En-Nasiri styles him. this sultan 3 — was surnamed 
El Mansur, care must be taken not to confound him with his greater predecessor 
of that name, in emulation of whom the surname was doubtless adopted. 

l En-Nasiri, vol. ii., pp. 6- id. - Raou el KartAs, pp. 426, 428. 

:{ vol. ii., p. 10. 


[ Thirteenth Century 

of all, and always opened the conversation to encourage 
those who came to him. 1 He had moreover much friendly 
intercourse with Europe. 

On one occasion the river at Salli was so full of foreign 

ships that there were said to be more strange sailors* there 

than resident natives, so during Ramadan the 

Foreign Relations. f ore ig ners seized the town entering by a 

1260. fe ' & J 

breach in the wall, though after fourteen days 

the Moors retook it.f 2 Perhaps this was the prime cause of 

i26i. an invasion of Spain in the following year, when 

Malaga and the district between it and Algeciras were 

subdued. But Morocco was still restless, and an attempt 

1267. upon Marrakesh was frustrated by a rear attack 
on the part of Yaghmorasan. Having obtained help from 
Yahya abu Zakaria, the Hafsi ameer of Tunis — who 
himself had designs on Morocco, 3 and was willing to 
make use of the Beni Marin — Yakub marched against 

1268. Yaghmorasan with success, and then returned 
to the siege of Marrakesh. This time he achieved his 

Extinction of the enc ^ anc ^ crusne d the Muwahhadi power 4 for 

Muwdhhadi. ever. The Rif, however, was not yet at peace, 

1269- and nomad Arabs drawn thence supported by 

the Shabanat tribe,^ raised a revolt in Sus, which was 

1270. quelled the following year. Ceuta, the Rifian 

capital, with its arsenal and dockyard built by Yakub el 

Mansiir, was governed by the fakih Ibn el Azfi, 5 who, 

though he had been appointed by 'Omar el Mortada, 

agreed to pay tribute to the Beni Marin. Tangier, which 

had formerly been subject to Ceuta, and was at this time 

1266. independent, was surprised and captured by the 

* En-Nasiri attributes this brief success to Spaniards, vol. ii. , p. io. 
t A decade later (1270) a descent was made by the foreigners on Laraiche, 
which was all but destroyed, and its inhabitants massacred. X See p. 80. 

1 Raod el KartAs, p. 530. 2 Ibn KhaldOn, vol. iv., p. 47. 

3 Ibid., I.e. 4 En-Nasiri, vol. ii., p. 13. 

5 Ibn KhaldOn, vol. iv., p. 65 ; Ra6d el KartAs, p. 446 ; En-NAsiri, vol. ii., p. 17. 

**^^^^5j3^*'* < ,. "■ *&' 

Photograph by the Hon. D. Lawles 

96 BENI MARIN PERIOD [Thirteenth 

new rulers, but though it was unsuccessfully besieged by 
1267. Abu Malek, it capitulated four years later to 
i27i. El Azfi, who was only able to hold it two years. 

1273. Then Yakub was successful in besieging it, as he 
was also against Ceuta, and Ibn el Azfi was made tributary. 
Yaghmorasan had already been overcome in a second 

i27i. battle of Isly, and Oojda had been entirely 

1274. destroyed ; when, therefore, Tafilalt was finally 
subjugated, the triumph of the Beni Marin was complete. 

It was but natural that, under these circumstances, the 

ameer should turn his attention to Spain. In twenty 

M . ., ships provided by Ibn el Azfi he embarked next 

marini Invasion r r J 

o/ spahi. year with five thousand men 1 to invade that 

1275 ' country, and made up a camp which stretched 

"from Tarifa to Algeciras," 2 Tarifa and Ronda having 

been entrusted to him already as centres of operation. 

Ceuta, on the other hand, had fallen to the lot of the 

king of Granada, and in November of the previous year 

1274. Yakub had gone in person to Barcelona, where he 

made a treaty with Iago I. of Aragon, 3 who undertook to 

lend him ten ships and five hundred men for its recovery.* 

On his return to Morocco Yakub raised the most 

durable monument of the Marin dynasty, the city of 

Buiidin^ of New Fez, or, as it was then known, "The White 

New Fez. Town,' founded on the most propitious date 

1276- that could be selected by the astrologers, and 

planned by the ameer himself. 4 In Mequinez, at the 

same time, a citadel and mosque were built. But the 

tribes were weary of fighting, and would not listen to 

the summons to another jehad or religious war. It was 

1277. not until Yakub had again crossed the Straits 

* See chapter xii., p. 241. 

1 Ibn KhaldOn, vol. iv., p. 76. - Raod el Kartas, p. 450. 

:{ Mas Latrie's Collection, pt. ii., p. 285. 

4 Raod el Kartas, p. 460; Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 84. 



with his army that the voluntary levies began to assemble. 

When all were ready a campaign was opened against 

Cordova, and the country was raided up to the 

Raiding oj wa]ls of Seville. There a battle was won by 

the Wad el Kabir (Guad-al-quivir*), or Great 

River, and " behind their ramparts the Nazarenes struck 

their heads in despair," 1 glad to make peace through the 

medium of an embassy of priests. After a single victory 

we are told that eighteen thousand Christian heads were 

piled into a pyramid, from which was uttered the summons 

1278. to prayer.' 2 Next year the governor of Malaga, 
a rival of Ibn el Ahmar, ameer of Granada,!, made over 
his town to Yaktib, 3 but by the formation of a coalition 
between lbn el Ahmar, Yaghmorasan, and Alfonso X. of 
Leon and Castille,| that port was repurchased from the 
governor at the price of fifty thousand dinars, and the 
Beni Marin were prevented from taking possession. 4 
Alfonso then proceeded to besiege Algeciras, but com- 
munication with Gibraltar was maintained by pigeon post 5 
until, by a united effort of the neighbouring Moorish ports, 

1279. it was relieved. The fakih El Azfi, of Ceuta, 
sent forty-five vessels, and so many of his 

Kelicj 0/ Algeciras. 

people volunteered, that of the males only 
children, the old, and the sick, were left in the town. 
Twelve more vessels were supplied by Almuneca in Spain, 
and fifteen by Moorish ports. For four nights the people 
of Tangier, El Kasar es-Saghir and Ceuta " prayed on 
their ramparts with eyes and doors open," and, though 
the Spanish vessels were crowded with men, " like crows 

* Pronounced by the Spaniards "Wad al Kibir." 

t In a measure tributary to Castille, for which he was obliged to furnish 

t Me under whom the Alphonsine astronomical tables had been drawn up. 

1 Ra6d el Kartas, p. 464. 2 Ibid.) p. 456. :< Ibid., p. 470. 

4 Ibid., p. 472. B Ibid. , p. 474. * Ibid., p. 476. 




on a hill-top," they were defeated, and the town was 
fortified afresh. 

After a vain attempt on Yakub's part to come to 

1282. terms with Ya gh morasan, the latter was routed. 
Then, by a strange combination of circum- 

ts ' stances, the way for the Beni Marin into Spain 
was re-opened. The Infante Sancho — who afterwards bore 
the title of Sancho IV.. "the Great and Brave" — conspired 
1284. against his father Alfonso, who was driven to 
seek help from his old foe, the Moorish ameer. 1 This, as 
Yakub wrote to Philip III. of France, he was pleased to 
grant, "quite disinterestedly." 2 His method of showing 
his disinterestedness was by invading Andalucia as might 
a pestilence, everywhere burning the harvests, cutting down 
the fig and olive trees, devastating the gardens, destroying 
the dwellings, carrying off every portable object of value, 
and massacring all the prisoners except the women and 
children. 3 To Alfonso, however, he advanced one hundred 
thousand pieces of gold on the security of his crown, 
which a century later was still retained in the halls of 
the Beni Marin. 4 Then the Muslims marched all night, 
without ceasing to chant the praises of God and 
Mohammed, 5 " until the earth itself trembled." The rebel 
Sancho was surprised and overcome at Cordova. 

Toledo and Madrid being likewise attacked, Malaga 

1283. was next besieged, but Ibn Ahmar, who had 
been in league with Sancho, now sought an alliance with 

the Moors, and together they raided the country 
a change oj to Xeres. Sancho, utterly ruined, was fain to 

Partners. p m J 

submit, and was even induced to sue for pardon 
in person, accepting what terms the ameer liked to impose. 
These were that, as king of Leon and Castille — his father 

1 Raud el Kartas, p. 485. 

2 Ibn KhaldOn, vol iv., p. 106. See De Lacy, Me)iioires de I'Academie des Inscriptions 
et de Belles Lettres, vol ix. 3 Raod el Kartas, p. 501. 

4 Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 107. 5 Raod el KartAs, p. 507. 


1284. had died in the interim — he should accept 
the suzerainty of Morocco, and that he should guarantee 
perfect liberty on land and sea for all Mohammedans, 
Moorish subjects or not, without their becoming liable 
to tax or impost. 1 The ameer prepared to receive him 
in state, and " the ground was covered with the whiteness 
of the Muslimeen, while Sancho advanced with all his 
infidels in black." 2 An additional demand was made 
upon the Spaniard, namely, the collection of all Arabic 
manuscripts in his dominions. Of these thirteen 

Native Literature. . . 

loads, chiefly works on theology, jurispru- 
dence and literature, were delivered and sent to the 
college which Yakub had built in Fez. 3 To counter- 
balance this the ameer agreed to pay Sancho two 
million maravedis or derhams. 4 Yakub never saw 
1286. Morocco again, for on his way back he ex- 
pired at Algeciras, after an eventful reign of twenty- 
nine years. 

His son and successor, Yusef IV., reaped the benefit of all 

1290. his wars. After an attempt to besiege Tlemcen 

with catapults and other machines, 5 the alliance with 

Sancho was broken in favour of one with Abd 

Morocco Honoured. Allah ibn Ahmar, the new ameer of Granada. 

1292. Yusef then invaded Spain, and captured Tarifa 

with the help of his new ally, who had expected to 

become its master, and who crossed to Tangier to visit 

his suzerain, bringing with him the cherished Kor'an of 

the Beni Ummeyya, said to have been copied by the 

hand of 'Othman, third khalifa of Islam.* 6 Envoys were 

* Of this Kor'an Et-Tenesi, in his History of the Beni Zeeyan of Tlemcen, 7 
tells another story. According to him, it was taken from the mosque of 
Cordova to Marrakesh by Abd el Mu'min, and there rebound in gold and 

1 Raod el KartAs, p. 517. 2 ibid., p. 526. 3 Ibid. 

4 Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 118; En-NAsiri, vol. ii., p. 32. 

5 Raod el KartAs, p. 537. 6 /bid. and Ibn Khaldun ; En-NAsiri, vol ii., p. 36. 
" Trans. Barges, pp. 18-21. 



sent from the rulers of Bayonne and Portugal, 1 while the 
Hafsi ameers of Tunis lent assistance with their fleet. 
From the Turkish Khadiwi of Egypt came elephants, 
giraffes, and other valuable presents, and from Mekka a 

1300. deputation of the shareefs, or nobles. As a 
result of the latter courtesy the annual pilgrimage, which 
had been suspended during the civil wars, was renewed 

1303. by the despatch of an enormous caravan, 
escorted by five hundred horse-soldiers. A greater host 
made the journey the next year, but on its return Yusef s 
envoys were pillaged by the Arabs of Tlemcen. 2 

The closing century left Yusef IV. engaged in a siege of 

1299. Tlemcen, which lasted a hundred months, and 

1307. ended only when he was stabbed by a eunuch 
and buried at Sheila. He had previously taken O'ran, 

i3oo. Algiers and Bougie, but the strongest evidence 

of his power was the new town of Tlemcen 

Great siege of (Mansiira). It was a camp built up as Santa 

Tlemcen. , ' . 

Fe was two centuries later — when the "Catholic 
Princes " besieged Granada, — but was of a more lasting 
nature. One half of the mosque tower still stands. 

1307. On the death of Yusef, which was followed 
within a few days by the murder of his son and brother, 3 

precious stones. It was carried as an ensign at the head of the army in 
battle, mounted on a dromedary, and followed by a load of commentaries. 
Yaghmorasan's soldiers having captured it at the battle of Isly, it was 
despoiled of its riches, and sold in the market for seventeen dirhams, but 
was recognised and preserved. In vain the subsequent kings of Morocco, 
Tunis and Spain, entreated for it: "All left this life with the regret of 
inability to realise their wish. ... It is because our sovereigns belong 
to the holy family which received the Kor'an from on high that they have 
had the honour to transmit from father to son this precious heritage," which, 
however, was later lost sight of. The same author gives a genealogy of 
Yaghmorasan, tracing it to the Idreesi family, but then such trees have ever 
been made to order. Others say that 'Othman's Kor'an was recovered by 
Ali V. of Morocco when he captured Tlemcen in 1335. 

l Ra6d el Kartas, p. 541. 2 Ibn KhaldOn, vo'. iv.. p. 155. 

3 Et-Tijani, /. Asiatique, 5 S£r., vol. i., p. 116. 




his grandson, Amr — surnamed Abu Thabit — was pro- 
claimed at Manstira, to rule for one year only, and to die 

in the Kasbah 

of Tangier, 


whence he was transported 

1308. for interment 
to Sheila, 1 in the year in 
which the modern Tetuan 
was built. 2 His brother 
Sulai'man I. (Abu Rabia), 
who followed him, enjoyed 
power only twice as long. 
The single event of his 
reign worth recording was 

1309. the re-capture 
of Ceuta with the assistance 
of Iago 1 1, of Aragon, 3 from 
the ameer of Granada, who 

had taken it 
four years 
earlier, but 
Gibraltar was 
captured and 
Tari fa besieged 
by Fernando 
IV. of Castille. 
successor was a 
son of Yakub 
II., named 
'Othman II. 
(Abu Said II.), 
of whom a 
poet wrote what 


1 Raod f.l Kartas, p. 553; Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 179. 

- En-Nasiri, p. 46. ;! See his letters in Mas Latrie's Collection, pt. ii., p. 297. 



may be quoted as an average sample of 

The Khan/ate. that class of literature in those days : " The 

khalifate has come to him through a direct line 

of kings ; the khalifate could not but belong to him ; and 

he could belong to nothing but the khalifate ; if any other 

had seized upon it, the whole earth would have been 

upset." 1 Yet in his reign there is little else to chronicle 

than that in the year of his succession Gibraltar was 

recovered, and the Christian fleet destroyed. Two years 

1312. later Algeciras was returned to the ameer of 

Granada, but when the ameer sought help from Morocco 

1319. against the Castillians, 2 this was not given. 

1320. About that time Abu Said was hard pressed by 
the action of one of his sons, 'Omar, who set himself up 
as the independent ruler of Tafilalt. This province he 

i33i. retained until his father's death, when another 
son, Ali V. — surnamed Abu'l Hasan — better known as 
" Es-Sultan el Aswad," "the Black Sultan" — succeeded 
to the whole kingdom. 

The great undertaking of the reign of Ali V. was the 
successful siege of Tlemcen. 3 On his way thither he 

1335. destroyed once more the unlucky Oojda, and 
Capture oj then proceeded to attack Tlemcen, utilising the 

Tiemcen. wa ij ra i sec | by Yusef IV., and adding towers 

1337. for his own defence. After two years' perse- 
verance he obtained his end, but the Moors held the town 

1342. for half a century only. Ali's invasion of Spain 
was bootless, for he was worsted by Alfonso XI. at Rio 
Salado, near Tarifa. But, with a view of extending his 
influence eastward, he presented Kor'ans, written by his 
own hand, to Mekka, Madina and Jerusalem, asking 

1347. welcome for his pilgrims. 4 In the invasion of 
Tunisia, 5 which followed, he was defeated under the walls 

1 Raod el KartAs, p. 560. 2 El Makkari, bk. viii. , chap. iii. 

* Ibn KhaldOn, vol. iv., p. 215. En-Nasiri, vol. iv., p. 50. 4 Ibid., I.e. 

5 Ibn el KanfOd (El KhatIb), tr. Cherbonneau, /. Asiatique, 4 S6r., vol. xxi.,p. 225. 




1348. of Kairwan, and the rumour spread that he was 

Constantine * and Bougie at once asserted their inde- 
pendence, and All's son, Faris I., generally known by his 
surname of Abu Ainan (" the Two-eyed "), had 
At>u Ainan himself proclaimed in Tetuan, 1 and captured 

New Fez by assault. His unfortunate father 
was fain to take refuge in Ceuta, whence he escaped to 
Tafilalt. Thither Abu Ainan pursued him, but Ali had 
1350. already regained Marrakesh, where the people 

Molinari, Photo., Tangier 

received him with joy.f A year later he was defeated in 
1351. a pitched battle by the Um-er-Rabia, and there- 
fore abdicated formally. His death followed directly upon 
his abdication, and was the result, it was said, of over- 
bleeding. Before its interment his body was brought into 
his son's camp and received with honour, Abu Ainan 
kissing it with uncovered head, and every sign of grief, 
and loading his father's supporters with favours. 2 } 

* The father of Ibn Kanfud, the historian of the Hafsis, was employed by 
the Hafsi ameer to treat with Abu Ainan at Constantine. 

t Chenier says that in this contest Abu Ainan received assistance from 
Pedro the Cruel of Spain. 

X On the tomb-stone which still marks his resting-place at Sheila may be 
read : — "This is the grave of our lord the sultan, khalifa, priest (imam), prince 
of the surrendered (ameer el muslimeen), and victor in religious warfare in 
the way of the Lord of the Worlds, Abu'l Hasan ; son of our lord the sultan, 
khalifa, priest, prince of the surrendered, and victor in religious warfare in the 

1 Ibn Khaldu*n, vol. i., p. 550. 

- Ibid., vol. iii. 

104 BENI MARIN PERIOD [Fourteenth 

Abu Ainan's first step was to recover Tlemcen and 

1352. Algeria, and an appeal from Tripoli for fifty 

1354. thousand pieces of gold to ransom that town from 

the Genoese was answered by the ready despatch of this 

sum in five loads. In the same year he received an embassy 

„.,. ,, from the Granadan monarch, Mohammed V.,* 

Help sought ' ' 

from spain. beseeching help against the Christians, but 

1354 - although " his desire to show friendship was 
so great that he accorded the ambassador's request before 
he had opened his mouth to speak," it does not seem to 
have been carried into effect. He had a strong aversion 
to Arabs, and was proportionately severe in his dealings 
with them. Accordingly, soon after his capture of Con- 

1357. stantine and Tunis, he was recalled to Fez on 
account of the desertion of his officers. A year later he 

1358 died at Fez, leaving his son Said I., still a child, 
to succeed him, but only in name. His brother, Ibrahim II. 

1359. (Abu Salem), with the aid of the Rifis, at once 

way of the Lord of the Worlds, Abu Said ; son of our lord the sultan, khalifa, 
priest, prince of the resigned, and victor in religious warfare in the way of the 
Lord of the Worlds, Abu Yusef Yakub. son of Abd el Hakk — may God sanctify 
his spirit and illuminate his resting-place ; who died — may God accept and 
make him acceptable — in the mountain of Hantata, on the night preceding 
Tuesday the twenty-seventh of the Blessed Rabid, the First in the year two 
and fifty and seven hundred ; and was buried in the direction (of prayer) in 
the shrine at Marrakesh of El Mansur — whose memory may God preserve — 
and was transferred to the blessed and holy burying-place of Sheila. May 
God receive him into His favour, and instal him in Heaven ! And the prayers 
of God be on our lord Mohammed, and upon his family be peace" 

Hard by is a similar memorial of Abu Ainan's mother 1 , which bears the 
inscription: — "God be Praised! This is the grave of our lady, the noble, 
the pure, the devout, the holy mother of the sultan, khalifa and priest — who 

* Mohammed was dethroned by his brother Ismail a few years afterwards, 
and fled to Fez, where an asylum was afforded him for two or three years till 
he could return and recover his kingdom. 

1 The name of this Iadv is elsewhere given as Shems es-S'bahi, or "Morning Sun," a 
name which indicates a Christian slave, but it has also been asserted that h*r name was 
Shafia. (See the History of the Mnivdhhadi and Hafsi Dynasties, by Ez-Zarkashi, 
Tunis, 1872, p 76.) 



seized on Ceuta and Tangier, and for a couple of years 
ruled the Maghrib. 

An interesting episode of this time was the sending of 

an embassy to Melli in the negro country, 1 three months' 

journey from the frontier, the first of those 

intercourse with expeditions which, in subsequent centuries, 

were to bring much profit and honour to the 

1360. Empire. When the embassy returned, bringing 

a giraffe among the presents, the Moorish historian was 

greatly struck by the manner in which the envoy's attaches 

put dust on their heads, and twanged their bow-strings by 

way of assent when he spoke. 2 

For the next five years Morocco was partitioned between 

1361-1366. three claimants — Tashfin II. (Abu 'Omar), Abd 

el Halim, and Mohammed V. — and was rent by civil war. 

Then Abd el Aziz I. — another brother of Abu Ainan — 

asserted his supremacy, and even entertained 

***** *?""*• relations with Edward the Black Prince, who 

is made great by her beautiful character and worthy deeds, distinguished by 
the modesty of her speech and the grace of her acts - our lord the prince of 
believers, the reliant on the Lord of the Worlds, Abu Ainan, son of the prince 
of the resigned, Abu el Hasan, descendant of the great and mighty khalifas, 
priests. May God instal her in the fulness of Heaven, and receive her with 
indulgence and pardon. Her death was on the night preceding Saturday the 
fourth of the only Rejeb, in the year fifty and seven hundred, and she was 
buried after the Friday prayer, on the twenty-fifth of that month, in the sanc- 
tuary of our lord the Khalifa el Mansur. May He who fixed the hour of her 
summons to the grave, from the eyes of the sunrise and sunset, y may God the 
Exalted confirm his decrees, and perpetuate his good deeds and his possessions, 
may He be his friend and protector, and unite in him complete prosperity, 
temporal and everlasting." 

The reading of these inscriptions — in a beautiful but involved cursive style, 
for over five centuries exposed to the air — is often difficult and doubtful, but 
Messrs. Tissot, Codera, and Saavedra have expended so much pains in 
deciphering them, that I have seldom felt justified in departing from their 
renderings. 4 A translation with trifling variations only is given in the Life 
of Sir John Hay. 

1 Ibn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 242. 2 Ibid., I.e., p. 344. 

:! A play upon the name adopted by her son, " Abu Ainan." 

i See the Boletin de la Real Accidentia de Historia, of Madrid, vol. xii. 



1368. then ruled at Bordeaux. The Granadines re- 
covered Algeciras, which was utterly destroyed a decade 
later, that it might no longer tempt the Spaniards. 1 
1372. Mohammed VI. (es-Said), the son of Abd el 
1374. Aziz, was his successor, but within a couple of 
years the kingdom was once more divided. For ten years 
Ahmad II. (Abu el Abbas, El Mustansir, or "The About- 
to-Conquer "), hitherto a prisoner in Tangier, possessed the 


{British Museum) 

Area I. — "In the Name of God, the Pitying the Pitiful. The worship of 
God be on Mohammed, and Praise be to the Only God. There is no god but 
God : Mohammed is the messenger of God." 

Margin I. — " ' He is the First and the Last, and the Manifest and the 
Hidden, and He is over everything.' " 3 

Area II. — "Struck at Marrakesh, by the order of the slave of God, 
El Mustansir b'lllah, Ahmad Ameer el Muslimin, son of the Orthodox 
Khalifas." ' 

Margin II. — " 'And judgment is from the Only God : there is no god but 
He, the Pitying the Pitiful.'" 

north, while Abd er-Rahman I. held the south — Azammur, 

the frontier town, belonging to Fez — but throughout this 

period Fez and Marrakesh were alternately besieged, and 

the country laid waste. After a brief triumph, during which 

1374. he retook and burned Bougie and Tunis, and 

1382. later Tlem^en, 2 Abu el Abbas was deposed and 

1384. exiled to Granada by a relative, Musa II., who 

i En-Nasiri, vol. ii., p. 131. 2 Ibid., I.e. 3 Kor'an, s. lvii., v. 3. 




shared the kingdom with Ahmad III. — or Mohammed — 

(El Muntasir, " the Conqueror "). Nor were they the only 

rulers, for the wazeer, Ibn Masai, 1 was more 

Pretenders. powerful still, and induced the king of Granada 

1386. to send as pretender the most tractable of the 

Cavil la, Photo., Tangier 

Beni Marin at his court, Mohammed VII. (el Wathik). 2 
His success was short-lived, for the Moors appealed to the 
Spaniards, who harboured at Seville the king of Granada's 
rival relatives. 3 Ceuta, which had been the price of 

En-Nasirt, vol. iii. , p. 137. 2 Ibid., p. 138. 

[bn Khaldun, vol. iv., p. 446. 

Scaixity of Records 

1 08 BENI MARIN PERIOD {Fifteenth 

assistance given to Musa, was again taken from Granada, 
1387. and thither came Ahmad II., who regained 
his throne, and put the wazeer, Ibn Masai, to death, by 
cutting off his hands and feet. 1 

At this point, unfortunately, the records of Ibn Khaldun, 
the great historian — who had for the past (q\v decades 
held high office, either in Granada or Fez, — 
cease entirely, and until some further manuscript 
shall be discovered, only scanty details are available. 

The close of the fourteenth century was a period of 

chaos for the Mohammedan realms on either side of the 

Straits. In Granada a civil war between the ameer's sons 

was only averted by the intervention of the Moorish 

1391. ambassador, 2 although the ameer of Morocco is 

1396. credited with having procured the death of his 

contemporary of Granada some years later, by presenting 

him with a poisoned cloak. 3 In Morocco Ahmad II. (Abu 

1393. el Abbas) was succeeded by his son, Abd el 

Aziz II., surnamed Abu Paris, who was in turn followed by 

1396. his son, Paris 1 1. (el Mutawakkil, "the Confident"), 

but nothing is known concerning him. In his time 

1406. Gibraltar willingly rejected the Granadines in 

favour of the Moors, and Granada was forced to seek help 

from both Tunis and Morocco.* 

Already the fleet of Prince Henry III. of Spain had 

1400. attacked Tetuan, and the Portuguese were 

turning envious eyes in the direction of Morocco, where 

1408. Abu Ainan's son, Abu Said IIP, was next 

s***M***Port«- proclaimed. Ceuta was their first point of 

guese Invasions. L L 

1415 attack, and its capture was the beginning of an 
African colony laden with promise but barren of fruit. 

1416. This disorganised Morocco, where Abu Said was 
deposed, and his country divided between two claimants, 

1 Ibn KhaldOn, I.e., p. 446. 

2 Cardonne, Histoire de VAfrique et de I ' Espagne, Paris, 1765, vol. iii., p. 204. 
:i Ibid., I.e., p. 260 4 Chenier, French Ed., vol. ii., p. 248. 


Said II. and Yakfib III., under whom the Marrakesh 

1423. Bishopric was deserted. They gave place to the 

last of their house, Abd Allah III., in whose reign an 

1437. attempt on Tangier 1 by the Portuguese, though 

directed by Prince Henry — famous as 4< the Navigator" — 

proved most disastrous. Cut off by the Moors on the 

Marshan, the invaders only escaped with their lives by 

Dom Fernando leaving Henry's brother, Fernando, as a hostage 

the Martyr. f or their evacuation of Ceuta. 2 To this the 

Portuguese Government would not consent, and obtained 

papal sanction for breaking the truce. Fernando was left 

to his fate — death after several years' imprisonment in Fez 

— and is remembered amongst his fellow-countrymen as a 


The Empire had reached its lowest ebb. With its neigh- 
bours Tlemcen and Tunis independent, its foothold in 
Europe gone for ever, and its internal government chaotic, 
the moment had come for an invasion by the Spaniards 
and Portuguese, who with a little more vigour and a 
little less fanaticism, might have become the masters of 
1471. the whole. Abd Allah himself met his fate at 
the hands of a shareef assassin, and by his death the 
direct line of the Beni Marin was severed. 

But in the ancient city of Azila, a remnant of 

Phoenician times, the first ocean port in Morocco 

The watt&si beyond the Straits, there ruled a member of 

Branch. the same tribe, but of another family, Said III. 

(el Wattas),* a man of no small power in those troublous 

times. 3 Upon him devolved the task of avenging Abd 

1471. Allah's death. Brief as was the authority of 

* Mulai Said es- Sheikh el Wattas, known to the Portuguese as " Mulay- 
secque," and in Pory's Leo as " Saic Abra." Abd Allah appears there as 
" Habdulac." 

1 See En-Nasiri, vol. ii., p. 149. 

2 Leo (Brown), p. 626. See Menezes, Historia de Tangcre. 
:i See En-NAsiri, vol. ii., p. 139. 

no BENI MARIN PERIOD mfieenth- 

the assassin, he was nevertheless able, with an army of 
eight thousand men, 1 to resist the attacks of El Wattas 
on Fez, and once at least to overcome him. This was 
probably due to a diversion created in his rear by the 
Portuguese, who in his absence had captured 
LossqfAztia. Azila, and with it his wives and children. 


El Wattas arrived too late to prevent their 
deportation with five thousand prisoners as slaves to 
Lisbon, and being "hard pressed by the shareef," he 
was fain to conclude a treaty with the foreigners. 

El Wattas recognised the Portuguese as masters not only 

of Azila, but also of Tangier — the inhabitants of which 

Tangier Mid na -d fled on hearing of the attack upon Azila, — 

EiKasares-Saghtr Q f £j Kasar es-Saghir — which had been taken 

abandoned to the , . , . , . -\ r r^ 

Portuguese. ®Y surprise some time earlier, — and of Ceuta, 

1458. which had been in their possession over half 
1415. a century. Several years, however, elapsed 
before El W T attas could make satisfactory terms for the 
return of his son Mohammed, who had meanwhile 
received a Portuguese education, but came home with 
bitter feelings towards his captors. The price of his 
liberty included, besides a large sum of money, the 
remains of the miracle-working body of Dom Fernando.* 
Relieved of his foreign foe by the loss of so much, 
El Wattas was free to conquer much more, and after 
besieging Fez for a year, he was admitted by the towns- 
folk, and the shareef was forced to take refuge in Tunis. 2 
Proclaimed as ameer in Fez, the first of a new dynasty, 
El Wattas ruled at least the surrounding district, although 
he was fated to lose Melilla, his only remaining port of 
1497. value. This was captured, under Medina Sidonia, 
by the Spaniards, whose sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabella, 

* For reputed miracles effected by his sanctity, 3 see chapter xv. 

1 Leo (Brown), p. 505. 2 Ibid., p. 305, 

3 Joao Alvarez, Cronica do sancto . . . Dom Ferdinando, 1527. 

Sixteenth Centiuy] 


1492. had recovered from Islam the kingdom of 
Granada, and had forced its king to take refuge in Morocco. 
Many of the Spanish Moors, expelled about this time 
by the victorious " Catholic Princes " on a two months' 
notice, found homes in Morocco, but apparently not to 
its great advantage. The opening years of the sixteenth 

1500. century saw the son of El Wattas, Mohammed 
VIII., surnamed "the Portuguese," established in Fez. 
Portuguese The Portuguese then settled at this time 


at Mogador and Mazagan, 1 and took possession 

1506. of Saffi, Agadir and finally Azammur. They 

1507. succeeded also in withstanding Mohammed's 
1513. determined attacks on Azila, although in the 

i5ii and 1516. first instance, when Leo Africanus was among 
the besieging Moors, 2 only by the timely aid of Joao de 
Menezes, then governor of Tangier, and of a Spanish fleet 
under Pedro Navarro, who had previously captured 

1508. Velez. This was wrested from them by the 
1522. Turks, who cut the Spanish garrison to pieces. 3 

Mohammed had not reigned a quarter of a century 
when, by his overthrow, ended the rule of his house, a rule 
marked only by loss and decay, though it had lasted 
over three hundred years. 

At that time, and for some time afterwards, it seemed 
probable that Spain and Portugal would soon be masters 
spain and Portugal^ the Moorish Empire, 4 thus to repay themselves 
in Morocco. f or t h e j on g. vears that the Moors had ruled them, 

but the time had not yet come for Europeans to carve out 
colonial dependencies in Africa, and from one reason or 
another the initial conquests which had cost so much were 
not followed up. Outside the walls of the Mediterranean 
ports which the foreigners captured* no footing was to be 

* Alhucemas was not taken till 1554, and Velez was not re-taken till 1564. 

1 En-Nasiri, vol. ii., p. 167. 2 l eo> p> 50 g 

;{ Torres, p. 433. 4 See Chenier. French Ed., vol. ii., chapter vi. 



obtained on the neighbouring hills of Rif, defended by 
warlike Berbers, but on the plains of Dukkala, Abda, and 
Haha, outside Mazagan and Saffi, dwelt a very different 
people, easily controlled and forced to pay tribute. 
Marmol 1 enumerates many villages in these provinces, as 
well as in the Gharb and Ulad Amran district, and even 
among the Berbers, which contributed hundreds of 
thousands of fanegas of grain, a thousand camel loads 
of wheat and barley coming from Abda alone,' 2 besides 
four falcons and six fine horses as a present for the 
governor of Saffi. The Moors actually furnished cavalry 
to the number of sixteen thousand, and infantry to that of 
two hundred thousand, 3 so that the dominion of Portugal 
in Morocco was no mere name. This influence doubtless 
arose, in the main, from assistance wisely rendered to 
turbulent tribes, 4 and we have the testimony of El Ufrani 5 
as to the friendly relations which sometimes existed 
between the Moors and the Portuguese, as when the 
wife of the foreign captain visited the native villages, or 
witnessed " powder-play " performed in her honour, and 
still more so when, Mazagan being attacked by El Ayashi, 

1639. the neighbouring Ulad Bro Aziz were friendly 
to the Portuguese.* 

Meanwhile in Europe Leo X., the indulger of crime 
The Outside World. an d the sponsor of Leo Africanus (El Hasan 

1513. e l Wazzazi el Fasi), had ascended and disgraced 
the papal chair ; the ubiquitous Charles the Fifth had 

1516. either conquered or inherited half the continent 
of Europe ; the Reformation had been established in 

1519. England ; Cortes had set forth on the discovery 

* One Yahya bin Tafut, who assisted the Portuguese as native deputy 
governor in the interior, visited Lisbon, 6 but though they seem to have been 
wise in their policy, it was without avail. 

1 Vol. i., p. 343, and ii., pp. 21, 28, 50, 109, 111, 112, 115, 229, and 246. 
' 2 Torkes, pp. 15, 16. ;{ Marmol. 4 Torres, p. 18. 

5 pp. 446, 447. t} GODARD, p. 421. 

Cent my 



1521. of Mexico, and Gustavus Vasa had delivered 
Sweden. In the Orient events no whit less stirring had 

1501. occurred. The Sufi dynasty had come to 
power in Persia ; the Turks had conquered Syria and 

1516. Egypt, and were preparing to attack Vienna ; 

1517. Barbarossa* had become the Turkish ruler of 
1523. Algiers, and the Knights of Rhodes had de- 
veloped into the owners of Malta, while in India Baber 

1525. was establishing the Mogul Empire. In the 
same year the Turks became masters of Tunis and 
threatened Morocco. 

Anglice "Red-beard. 

ii 4 


'■'■;".-;' _ •■'.■ -.-■.'' ' '■■•:' 


Restricted A rca. 



rHE epoch of Empire had passed. Spain had been 
for ever lost to the world of Islam. To the 
eastward had arisen a seaport, beautiful in 
situation, which was to become the capital of 
a new State, and to impart its name to the Central 
Maghrib — now Algeria.* Within a few years this new 
State annexed the intervening kingdom of Tlemcen, thus 
effectually hemming in the Moors on that side also. 

True it was that to the South there stretched a gold- 
producing land, the " Country of the Blacks," the Sudan, 
veritably " El Dorado." Yet between it and Morocco lay 
the rolling Sahara, more awful even than the sea itself 
In this direction only, since the fifteenth century, the Moors 
have turned their thoughts when eager for a wider sway. 
But though on two occasions they have piloted successful 
expeditions to Timbuctoo, they have never retained 
possession of more than what at present constitutes their 
Empire, if it any longer deserves that name. Since the 
fall of the Beni Marin it has only included the kingdoms 

* The English corruption "Algiers" represents the Arab name "El Jazair," 
or "The Peninsulas," recalling its natural harbour. Algeciras, i.e., El Jazira, 
is distinguished by native writers as Jazirat el Khadra, " The Green Island." 




of Fez and Marrakesh, the southern province of Sus, and 
the undefined districts beyond the Atlas, Tuat, Tafilalt 
and the Draa. 

It is even uncertain how far the authority of the last 
of the Beni Marin extended. It was practically confined 
to the kingdom of Fez, although the ruler of 
Marrakesh was a vassal whose authority did 
not extend beyond the city walls. Badis (Penon de 
Velez) had been in a similar position, 1 and Saffi had 
formed a sort of republic. Even in the northern king- 
dom the Berbers had almost regained their independence. 
Portugal possessed the best part of the sea-coast, 
and internal divisions were such that the Portuguese 
taunted the Moors with having no chief with whom they 
could treat. 2 Under circumstances such as these the 
pressure of the foreigners grew serious, and it became 
imperative to choose a leader somewhere. 

After much deliberation the principal chiefs and 

religious leaders of southern Morocco offered to follow 

a certain shareef or noble* who had earned great 

_ . . rt , A .. reputation in the Draa.f 3 Mohammed, after- 

Ongin of Saadz L ' > 

sharce/s. wards known as El Kai'm bi Amr Illah, " The 

151 °- . Upright by Command of God." Thus the 
record of El Ufrani, though, quoting native verbal reports 
a century earlier, Torres had described the sons of this 
shareef as the trusted friends of El Wattas, and the tutors 
of his sons, attributing their rise to power to confidence- 
abused. 4 Four generations backj his ancestors had been 

* In consequence of the claim to this title having been disputed, and of 
the assertion that this family only belonged to the Beni Saad, it was con- 
temptuously known as the Saadi dynasty. It has also been known as the 

f Whence this dynasty has sometimes been incorrectly described as Drawi. 

% Or according to some authorities five. 5 

1 Torres, pp. 4 and 6. 2 El UfrAni, pp. 20 and 21. 

y Ibid., pp. 23 and 25. 4 pp. 9 and 10. 5 Ibid., p. 14. 


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imported from Arabia, from Yanboa, the seaport near 
Mailina. that their presence might assure as good a date 
crop as the importation of their cousins, the Filali shareefs, 
was believed to have secured in Sajilmasa.* 1 

Promptly the call went forth throughout Morocco to a 

" Holy War," and everywhere men flocked around the 

A"HoiyiVar, new-raised standard. At first it would appear 

15H - that there was no expressed intention of seizing 
the kingdom, for the sovereign of Fez was content to 
receive their support and to contribute troops. 2 A 
successful descent on the newly-formed Portuguese station 
at Agadir Ighir led Haha and Shiadhma to place them- 
selves under Mohammed IX. Associating his two sons in 

1516. the administration, the shareef first settled at 
Tarudant, where he built a new town, 3 and a few years 

1519. later, on the death of the reigning king, the 
elder son, Ahmad IV., entered Marrakesh. 

The devastation of a fearful plague retarded to some 

1521. extent the development of the new power, but 

1525. a few years later a repulse of the foreigners by 
Cttquest the shareefs seemed marvellously to increase 

1526. their prestige, so that next year they were able 
to defeat the ameer of Fez in a pitched battle wherein 
thousands perished. 4 An attempt was then made to 

1533. divide the Empire at the Urn er-Rabia, from 
Tadla to the coast, 5 but peace could not even then be 

To add to their difficulties, soon after Santa Cruz 

1536. (Fonte) had been captured — to be replaced by 

1540. the new town of Agadir — the two brothers 

quarrelled. Hitherto the younger, Mohammed, surnamed 

Es-Sheikh, had been content with the second place, but 

* See p. 135. 

1 El Ukkani, pp. 480-4S3. - Torres, p. 30. :i El Ufrani. 

4 Torrks. 5 Et Ukr am, p. 39. 



now he proved a formidable rival to the elder, Ahmad 
el Aaraj ("the Lame"), since his fortunes had been so 

1536. greatly enhanced by defeating the Beni Marin.* 
Naturally his next step was to attack his brother, whom 

1539. ere long he overcame, forcing him to give up 
Sus and the Draa, but leaving him Marrakesh and 
Tafilalt, and acknowledging Ahmad's son as heir of the 
whole. 1 

A determined assault was made upon Saffi in that year, 
so determined that the women had to arm and line the 

1539. ramparts. The place was only saved by a 
siege and Abandon- remarkable occurrence, the most timely succour 
of a Jew, one Samuel Valenciano, who arrived 
with ships from Azammur, and also headed a sortie so 
successful that the siege was raised after lasting six 
months. The terrible losses of the Portuguese decided 
them to attempt its defence no longer, and the place was 

i54i. abandoned. 2 
Mohammed's ultimate success was now assured, and 
within a decade he was master of the Empire, having 

1543. vanquished his brother (whom he put in prison 

1544. in Marrakesh), and also the king of Fez, although 
the latter still continued to reign. On the evacuation of 

1545. Azammur by the Portuguese — " from sheer 
fright " 3 — another thorn was removed from his side. After 
five years of preparation, Mohammed X. set out with 

1549. an army of forty thousand 4 from Marrakesh, 
by a specially opened gate surmounted for the occasion by 
heads of lions to the number of fifty, which his kaids had 
collected from all parts for the purpose. Mequinez had 

* It was in this contest that in 1538 the exiled " Boabdil" — Abu Abd 
Allah— of Granada, lost his life, having taken refuge with the Beni Marin. 
Clenardus paid his visit to Morocco at this time (see The Moors, chap, xviii). 

1 Torres. 2 Ibid., p. 122. 

3 El Ufrani, p. 68. 4 Torres. 



i 19 

1548. already been taken, 1 and Fez was entered after 

1550. a siege of some months, while Kasem, the 

fourth and last of the Beni Wattas ameers, was sent off in 

chains to Marrakesh, 2 and his daughter wedded to the 

conqueror. 8 

Thirsting, like his predecessors, for empire, Mohammed 


next turned his attention to Tlemcen 4 Ceuta and Mos- 
Ca/tureo/Ttemfen.teganem, 5 which he captured. Tlemcen he 

155L held for ten years, till seized by the Turks, 
who had in the interim taken Fez and Badis on behalf 

1554. of the Beni Marin, though soon afterwards 

1 El UfrAni, p. 53. 
4 El UfrAni, p. 55. 

- Torres, p. 54. 
;, p. 1-;.; 

8 Ibid. 

'» //>///., p. 420. 



they lost them. In answer to an appeal made in 
person by Kasem's wife and sister, Sulaiman the 
Magnificent* had attempted to retrieve his fallen fortunes 
by despatching to Morocco an Algerian envoy, who was 
also to define the limits of their respective jurisdictions. 
Yet as the haughty Turk had addressed Mohammed only 
as " My Sheikh of the Arabs," 1 his envoy was sent back 
without reply, but with a robe of honour such as Oriental 
potentates bestow upon inferiors, directed to "the Prince 
of Sailors,"^ in allusion to the Turkish fleet. Mohammed 
even entertained the hope of conquering Egypt, and 
expelling the " heretics " ; but his desire was fated never 
to be realised, for on his departure for the Atlas he was 
1557. assassinated by one of a party of pretended 
Turkish deserters. 3 These men cut off his head and 
conveyed it to Constantinople, where it was exhibited 
upon the walls. 4 

Three days after Mohammed's death his imprisoned 
brother was also murdered, and the way was opened for 
the accession of his son, Abd Allah IV. — El Ghalib b'lllah, 
" the Victorious in God." Mohammed had decreed that 
the succession should fall to the eldest male of the house, 5 
a custom which though it continued to be held in theory 
was departed from in practice. 

After so much civil dissension it was fortunate that 

Abd Allah's administration was wise, and that he could 

„ . ^ , . be described as " not a sultan, but a saint — the 

A Saint of 

a Suitanr jewel of the shareefs," 6 — though he did put ten 

1557. f hj s twelve brothers to death. 7 Ahmad, one 

of the survivors, was spared as a student not likely to try 

for the throne, and the other, Abd el Malek, who eventually 

ousted Abd Allah's son from the kingdom, escaped to 

Called by El Ufrani the " Shah. 

1 El Ufrani. 2 Ibid., pp. 78, 79. 3 Torres, p. 460. 4 El Ufrani, p. 80. 
•5 El Ufrani, p. 118. 6 ibid. » "R . C" 


1560. Constantinople. This reign saw the Deys 

1570. established in Algiers, and the Beys in Tunis, 

1571. while in Europe the advance of the Turks was 
1585. checked at Lepanto, and in Asia, a decade later, 

they were driven out of Persia. 

In western Europe, likewise, it was an important 

1558. epoch, for while under "good Queen Bess" 

the English were becoming known as a naval 

" Europe. . 

power, the Monscos — as the mingled races of 
1567. Spain were called — rose against the Spaniards, 
1570. and were driven in large numbers to Morocco. 

1572. In France the massacre of St. Bartholomew's 
Day had taken place, and Portugal had exiled her most 
famous poet, Camoens, to far Macao. In Morocco the 

1558. only events of note were a fearful plague, an 

1562. unsuccessful siege of Mazagan, the building of 

1563. the mosque of the Shorfa and the college of 
the mosque of All bin Yusef at Marrakesh. The dome 
and tower of El Mansiir's mosque in that city were 

1573. destroyed by a mine contrived by Christian 
slaves, whose intention it had been thus to destroy the 
congregation at the Friday service. 1 • 

When Abd Allah died he left three sons, a mulatto, 

1574. Mohammed XI., surnamed El Mutawakkal ala 
Allah (the Deputy of God) or El Maslukh (" the Flayed "), 
who succeeded him, and two who fled to Spain, where one 
of them became a Christian.* Both returned to Morocco 
to claim the throne, 2 and alike they failed. Their uncle 
Abd el Malek I. — Abu Merwan — was more fortunate. 

Anxious to extend his influence, and to secure 
the right to be considered the Khalifa of Islam, 

Turkish Intrigues. 

1517. — which the Turks had assumed since their 

* See chapter xv. 
1 El LTfrXni, p. 92. '-' " Ro. C. 



conquest of Egypt earlier in the century, — after having 
recovered Tunis from the successors of Charles V., 
Amurat III. of Constantinople was nothing loth to support 

1575. a pretender to the Moorish throne. Accord- 
ingly, when Mohammed had reigned but two years, Abd 
el Malek returned with four thousand men, worsted his 
nephew near Taza, enrolled in his own ranks the van- 

1576. quished army, and marched victoriously on Fez, 
where he was received with acclamation and forthwith 

In Abd el Malek's reign two incidents occurred which 

are of interest to us. A quarter of a century before an 

i55i. English captain, Master Thomas Windham, had 

intercourse with successfully performed the "first voyage for 

Queen Elizabeth, traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in 

Barbarie," although one Aldaie " professeth himselfe to 

haue bene the first inwentor of this trade." 1 The success 

of the experiment had induced another voyage in the 

following year, and at last the promising outlook led to 

1577. the appointment of an English envoy, " Mr. 
Edmund Hogan, one of the sworne Esquires of Her 
Majestie's person."* Mr. Hogan was accredited to "the 
King of Marucos and Fesse," though the ambassador's 
report describes his Majesty as "of Fes and Sus." 2 Queen 
Elizabeth's instructions to him are still extant in MSS. 3 
In the same year Henry III. of France created a 
consulate of Morocco and Fez. 4 

The deposed Mohammed XI. at first found safety in 
Marrakesh, but on being besieged therein fled, " as was 

* See chapter xvi. 

1 Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 7, 8. 

2 Hakluyt, I.e., p. 64; in Kerr's Voyages, vol. vii. ; and in Jackson's Houssa and 
Tinibuctoo, p. 494. 

3 Catalogue of Harleian Library, vol. i., p. 8, cod. 37, art. 38, and in Public Record 
Office (see Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, vol. I575~i577)- 

4 Thomassy, MSS. in Min. des Aff. Etrangeres. 

century] BATTLE OF EL KASAR [23 

his wont," 1 to Tangier, to appeal to the 
Portuguese, excusing himself for this step in 

a voluminous manifesto,- " because the Muslims have 
1578. failed me and broken their oath of allegiance, 
and the jurisconsults declare it lawful to use every 
means in one's power against him who has seized one's 
property." This excuse was haughtily dismissed by the 
aolama, or "wise men," in a still more lengthy remon- 
strance, which doubtless fully expressed the popular 
feeling. In spite of this, Mohammed's appeal for aid 
brought about the ill-fated invasion by Sebastian, which 
put an end to Portugal's designs upon Morocco, and 
destroyed the influence which she had already acquired. 
No incident in Moorish history has roused more outside 
interest, and few have had a greater effect, for it was the 
loss of this rash young King of Portugal which led to 
the union of his country with Spain.* 

It was after midsummer when Dom Sebastian landed at 

Tangier with over seventeen thousand men, and advanced 

on El Kasar by way of Azila. Crossing the 

The Battle of t f ' ' , . , 

ei Kasar. Wad Makhazan, a tributary of Wad El Kus, 

1578. he found himself confronted by a countless 
horde of Moors. After a vain attempt to come to terms — 
the Portuguese to possess the coast and leave the Moors 
to themselves inland 3 — Abd el Malek waited till the 
invaders had crossed the bridge, and then destroyed it 
behind them. He was unable to command in person, for 
he lay at death's door in his litter, and died in the course 
of the morning. But his renegade chamberlain concealed 
the fact, and continued to issue commands in his name 
till the day was won. 4 And he was not the only king who 

* See "A declaration of the battayle betwyxte the Kynge of Barbarie and 
the Kynge of Portingale, the 4 of August last," or F.O. Docs., vol. 1575- 1669, 
in Public Record Office. 

1 El Ufrani, p. 113. a Given in full by Ei. Ufkani, p. 114. 

:! El Ufrani, p. 132. ■» Ibid., p. 134. 



lost his life on that fateful day, for Mohammed, when he 
saw how the battle went, in vain tried to flee by swimming 
the river, but sank. His body was recovered by the 
victors, who skinned and stuffed it, parading it through 
the streets of the cities. 1 There was still another royal 
victim in the fight, — since known as " the Battle of the 
Three Kings " — Dom Sebastian himself, whose rashness 
had throughout been provocative of his fate, even to 
risking a day attack in that blazing sun, though warned 
against it by his Moorish allies.* 

Strange conceits were destined to arise from the events 

of this day. The Moors declared that the Portuguese 

were so incensed at defeat, that after ransoming 

Strange Segue is. . 

their prisoners they burned them on the charge 
of playing into the enemy's hands, 2 and in consequence 
their country was so destitute of men that their priests 
obtained indulgences for licence that they might by any 
means restore their numbers. 3 Among the Portuguese 
the belief long prevailed that Sebastian had not perished, 
but had been made captive,! although the recognition of 

* According to "A Dolorous Discourse of a most terrible and bloody Battel 
fought in Barbarie, the Fourth day of August last past, 1578," besides the 
Portuguese, "in this conflicte were slaine 3000 Almaines, 700 Italians, and 
2000 Spaniards " The total loss of life on this day has been estimated at 
about fifteen thousand. The number of accounts of the battle published 
at the time in English, French, Spanish, Italian and Latin, show what 
a widespread interest was felt in the expedition, which was looked upon as 
a crusade. 

t Sebastian was said to have returned to Portugal secretly, and to have 
wandered thence to the courts of Prester John and the Shah of Persia, 
serving the latter some years as a commander ; then to have visited 
Jerusalem, Constantinople. Central Europe, England, Holland, France, and 
Naples, where he became a hermit. Great excitement was aroused by the 
announcement of these facts, but twenty years after the battle the alleged 
prince was shown to be an impostor, in reality one " Marco Tullio Catizone," 
a Calabrian merchant trading with Portugal, who, from some fancied resemblance 
to the lost king, had been persuaded by the monks to personate him. "And 

1 El UfrAni, p. 135. ' 2 Ibid., p. 136. 3 Ibid., p. 137. 



his body by Portuguese prisoners, and its burial, arc 
circumstantially narrated by a survivor of the expedition. 1 
From one of Queen Elizabeth's letters to " Mir'al 
Mummenin, Xerif of Marocco, Fez and Sus," dated at 
her palace of St. James in 1588,- it appears that one 
Portuguese prince at least remained captive, and in the 
ameer's reply," dated four years later, he asks her to send 
him aid against his foes. Another item of interest in this 
battle was the presence of some seven hundred papal 
soldiers under an Englishman, Thomas Stukely, diverted 
at Lisbon on their way to aid a rebellion in Ireland. 4 

After this famous battle there came to the Moorish 

throne the third son of Mohammed IX., Ahmad V. (el 

Mansur). He was also known as Ed-Dhahebi, 

• Ahmad V. , ' „ . .~T 

Ed-Dhahebi. " The Golden," by reason of his expeditions to 
1578. Timbuctoo, the chief events of a reign charac- 
terised by peace and plenty. For these distant errands 
he employed the restless Berber chieftains, whose sons, 
as hostages, were educated at the Moorish Court. 5 His 
relations with the European powers were amicable, 
especially with Queen Elizabeth, for whom he seems to 
have conceived a profound admiration, as shown by their 

When the victory of El Kasar was announced, am- 

the monke hath burned and branded him with hote yrons in the same places, 
with the like marks, that Dom Sebastian had." 7 So the Duke of Florence 
had him arrested and sent to the galleys, where he suffered execution, though 
to the last the monks did what they could, and many believed in him throughout, 
as witness the pamphlet quoted, which was freely circulated in Italian, French, 
Spanish, and Fnglish, not to mention Portuguese. 8 See Part III., " Fiction.'' 

1 Mendoza, chaps, iii., iv. - Bil>. Harl. Cat., vol. i., p. 176, cod. 269, art. 11. 

:i Syllabus of Rymer's Fcedera, p. 819. 

4 See "The Voyage of Thomas StuWeley, wrongfully called the Marques of Ireland 
[Leinster], into Uarbary in 1578,'' in Hakliyt's collection, vol. ii., pt. ii.. p 67. Also 
Part III., •Fiction." B " R Q . C." 

■ Portions are preserved in the Public Record Office, " Modern Royal Letters," 2nd 
Series, 1577. See specimen in chap. xvi. 

' Continuation of t lie . . . Adventures 0/ Dom Sebastian. 

8 See also D'Autas' Lcs Faux Don Sebastian. 



' bassadors arrived from every side, including Portugal, 
whence came among the presents no less than three 
hundred thousand ducats in coin, and carriages which, 
more than anything, surprised the populace. 1 An embassy 
1601. was sent to England, and foreign artisans were 
freely introduced to work in Italian marbles at Marrakesh, 2 
where the ameer cultivated sugar with which he paid 
for his marble, weight for weight. 3 But the ambassador 
from Turkey felt so slighted by the treatment he received, 
that his master Amurat ordered an expedition against 
Morocco, which was only deterred by the receipt of 
valuable presents. 4 The evacuation of Azila also took 

1589. place under Ahmad V., after a serious siege, 
in which mines were employed. 5 

The aggressive expeditions of this reign commenced 

with the invasion of the oases of Tiiat and Tigiirarin, 

which had hitherto been practically independent, though 

1582. they appear to have yielded at some time, at 

least, to a spiritual supremacy on the part of Morocco. 

Success in this enterprise fired the ameer with 

Expedition to a desire to undertake a jehad, or religious war, 

Timbuctoo. ■ 

and to assume the khalifate. Accordingly the 
ruler of the western Sudan was invited to acknowledge 
his supremacy, and for the defence of Islam to levy a 
tax of a mitkal (ducat) on each load of salt extracted 
from the mines of Tighazi, which supplied the country 

The ruler of the Mohammedan blacks on the Upper 

1590. Niger at that time was one Is'hak, a Sonrhai 
prince of Kaghii, a Sanhaji by race, whose dynasty had 
been established at the close of the thirteenth century, 
recognising the authority of the Abbasi Khalifa of 
Egypt. 7 This connection was in itself sufficient to pre- 

1 El Ufrani, p. 145. 2 " Ro. C." 3 El Ufrani, p. 261. 

4 Ibid., p. 151. 5 Ibid., p. 263. 6 Ibid., p. 154. "' Ibid., p. 155. 





vent acquiescence in such a demand, but Egypt was very 
far off, and the eastern khalifate had been wiped out of 
existence. So there was no help forthcoming, and refusal 
1591. excusing invasion, Timbuctoo was captured by 
the Moors. 1 They crossed the Niger in pursuit, but in 
vain laid siege to Ka gh u. Nevertheless the submissions 
which were received extended the Empire to Kano, 2 and 
the whole of the eastern Sudan was theirs. Among the 
captives brought to Marrakesh on this occasion was the 
learned Ahmad Baba, the historian of the Sonrhai nation, 
" the one negroid man of letters whose name holds a 
worthy place beside those of Leo Africanus, Ibn Khaldun, 
Et-Tiinisi, and other Hamitic writers," 3 whom the ameer 
afterwards permitted to return.* 

All this meant the gathering of enormous tribute ; one 

batch included twelve hundred slaves, of gold-dust forty 

loads, and four gold-mounted saddles, not to 

Tappinga count good store of ebony, musk and civet. 

Gold-Field. & J 

The result of tapping this gold-field j- kept 
fourteen hundred punches going in the Moorish capital, 
coining gold alone. 4 In Marrakesh the vast palace known 
as Dar el Bideea was built, to fall a century later before 
that destructive builder, Mulai Ismail. Outside Fez were 
erected the conspicuous forts which still retain the name 
imparted by their foreign builders, the "Bastions," 5 and in 
Laraiche and other cities fortresses were built. The 
Timbuctoo expedition brought into Morocco for the first 
time an article which in England was contemporaneously 

* En-Nasiri (vol. iii., p. 63) states that his family was robbed of 1600 

t See "The Trading of the Moores into Guinee and Gago for gold-ore 
or sandie gold," from Ro. C's. "True Historicall Discourse," in " Purchas 
His Pilgrims," vol. ii. 

l El Ufrani, p. 165. 2 Ibid., p. i65. 

'■' Prof. Keene, Man, Past and Present, chap iii. 

4 El Ufrani, p. 167. 6 Ibid., p. 260. 


sold for its weight ill silver, 1 tobacco, "that evil 
***"■* plant!" 2 It is said to have been brought by 

Tobacco. l b J 

the blacks who came from the Sudan in charge 
of an elephant, the cause of even more excitement than 
the carriages from Portugal.* The ameer's objection 
to intoxicating drink was so great that he beheaded the 
Spanish renegade to whom he had entrusted the education 
of the heir apparent, Mohammed es-Sheikh, for having 
taught him its use. 3 

The sovereign whose reign these events had marked 

is described as a clever, widely read man, possessing a fine 

library. He contemplated a collection of poems 

A r nA: by shareefs, and was himself the author of a 

work on politics, and of prayers for special 

occasions. Specimens of his works were even sent to 

Cairo for the approval of the literati. As a great cali- 

graphist he exercised his ingenuity in the invention of 

a special set of characters for private correspondence. 4 

1603. On his death from the plague he was buried 

at Marrakesh in a splendid mausoleum. 5 

Notwithstanding the precaution of causing allegiance 

to be twice sworn to his son, Mohammed es-Sheikh, his 

death was the signal for a general scramble. Three of 

his sons, on one excuse or another, laid claim to the throne, 

and in Morocco the seventeenth century, though 

it had so peacefully opened, saw the country 

plunged in an unusually complicated civil war. 

* A like excitement probably never stirred till three centuries later Queen 
Victoria presented Mulai el Hasan III. with an Indian elephant. u By a curious 
coincidence it was not until this second elephantine guest arrived that 
determined measures were taken to put down the use of tobacco by the 
Moors. The use of the "weed" has always been considered among them as 
a doubtful practice, but as theological opinions differed in respect of its legality, 
the habit of smoking crept in. (See The Moors, chapter vi.) 

1 Sir Thomas Browns, Pseudodoxia Epidemica. 

- El Ufkani, p. 264. 3 Ro. C. 4 El Ukrani, pp. 218, 225, 226. 

/ id., p. 306 (inscription quoted). • See chapter xvii. 


130 SAADI PERIOD [Seventeenth 

Zidan, who was governor of Tadla, where he had begun 
1603. to build a city on the Um er-Rabia, to be 
called Zidania, 1 was the first proclaimed at Fez, but 
was refused in Marrakesh. The Red City decided for the 
governor of Sus, Abd el Aziz III., surnamed Abu Faris 2 
(the name by which he is better known), and entitled 
El Wathik b'lllah, "The Reliant on God." 

The third brother, Mohammed XII. (es-Shei'kh), the heir- 
apparent, had, by reason of rebellion against his father 
the year before, been seized, even in sanctuary, and cast 
into the prison of Mequinez. The governor immediately 
conveyed him to Marrakesh, where his brother Abu Faris 
set him free on the condition of his abjuring his claim, 
and entrusted him with an army, wherewith he routed 
Zidan, who fled to Tlemcen and Tafilalt. Mohammed's 
next step was to march with the remnant of Zidan's army 
1606. to Fez, where he was proclaimed, and soon 
after was able to drive Abu Faris from Marrakesh. The 
inhabitants summoned Zidan to their aid, but though he 
took possession temporarily, the army of Es-Shei'kh 
captured the city once more, and once more sacked it. 

1607. The people fled to the Jebel Giliz, where they 
elected as ameer another Mohammed, a grandson of 
Mohammed IX., and under his leadership recovered 
Marrakesh. But objections were raised against him, and 

1608. Zidan was recalled to become sole ruler, though 
the son of Es-Shei'kh, who had already strangled Abu 
Faris, made a vain attack upon him. 

At this juncture Es-Shei'kh appealed for assistance to 
Felipe III. of Spain — he who expelled the Moriscos next 

1609. year — in return for which he gave Laraiche,* but 
his attempt was unsuccessful, and he was killed in his 

* He had at first offered Salli and El Kasar as well, if helped with men and 
money, employing as his ambassador an Italian merchant. 3 

1 Ro. C. 2 El UfrAni, p. 309. 8 Ro. C. 



1613. camp four years later. 1 * On the other hand, 

Zidan secured the services of some two hundred English 

volunteers under Captain John Giffard,-f and also entered 

into a treaty with the States General, 2 to which he 

sent an embassy. An interesting diplomatic 

B*r#***i:*tati<ms. C pi so d e f t j ie times had been the adventures 

1605. l 

of Sir Anthony Sherley, an Englishman, who 
came to Sam" from the Emperor of Germany. 3 Another 
1622. noteworthy visitor to Morocco during this reign 
was Jakob van Gool, or Golius, as he was styled, the 
Leyden professor of Oriental languages, whose written 
Arabic astonished the ameer, but who could not manage 
to converse with him except in Spanish. 4 Zidan must 
himself have been something of a scholar, for he loved his 
books, the collection, probably, made by his father. He 
entrusted 3000 volumes 5 to a Frenchman to transport by 
sea to a place of safety during a rebellion — raised by Abu 
Mahalli, whom he ultimately overcame — but the vessel 
containing them and other of his valuables was driven 
out to sea by a storm, as so often occurs at that port, 

before the ameer himself went on board, and 
Itfjy^ was ca P tured b y a Spanish privateer. 6 The 

French consul was in consequence arrested, and 

1624. Razelli, the envoy from France, was sent back 

to demand their return, his suite being imprisoned for 

several years till a new king reigned. 7 Zidan's son and 

* El Ufrani tells of an unsuccessful expedition in 1613 of Christians, who 
occupied a citadel on the Wad el Halk, but the retreat of their vessels being 
cut off, they were caught in the river, three hundred Moorish slaves on board 
being liberated, and three hundred Christians captured. The Algerines 
purchased the captain, whom they placed in an iron cage. 

t See chapter xii. 

1 Ro. C, p. ^73. 2 Dumont, t v.; Aitzbma, t. i. 

illy described by Ro. C. in an unpaged publication (see chapter xvi.) 
; HOST, p. 34; WlNDUS, p. 222; Godard, p. 482. 5 En-NAsiki, vol. iii., p. 128. 
:'>, p. 254; El UfkAni, p. 324; Rei'onse, p. 136; Mouette, Hist., p. 284. 
7 D'A.seiKKs (see chap. xvii). 

132 SAADI PERIOD \.s«**temth 

successor imprisoned the Spanish friars instead, but never 
recovered the books, which were lodged in the Escorial, 
where they may yet be consulted.* 

In addition to the revolt of Abu Mahalli, a reforming 
leader who took Marrakesh,f the people of Fez endeavoured 
to set up a leader of their own, but failed, and the city was 
sacked. In revenge, said a contemporary sheikh, Si Geddar, 
11 Mulai Idrees gave him such a kick that he sent him 
beyond the Wad el Abid, which he could never afterwards 
cross to approach him." 1 What with these rebellions, and the 


Area I. — "In the name of the most merciful God, the slave of God, the 
Imam, the Victorious in the Faith of God, Zidan, Prince of the Faithful." 

Margin I. — " Struck in the fortress (Fez)." [Date indecipherable.] 

Area II. — " Son of the Imam Ahmad bin Imam Muhammed es-Sheikh (bin) 
Imam es-Shareef El Hasan." 

Margin II. — " For God earnestly desires to cleanse you from stains, ye who 
are of the family of the prophet." 

struggle with his brothers, Zidan had, in the opinion of El 
Ufrani, 2 as much as "would have blanched the hair of a child 
at the breast." To maintain himself, he was forced to seek 
aid from Turkey, to which he remitted — according to native 

* In 1646 Mohammed XIII. wrote to Philip of Spain that they had been 
shipped for Agadir, but that the Frenchman had endeavoured to steal them. 3 
They were believed to include MSS. of St. Augustine. 

t Coins were struck by this man at Ketawa and Marrakesh from 1609 to 
1613, under the title of Ab'ul Abbas Ahmad, "Abu Mahalli" being only 
a nickname. (See Fr. Nat. Col.) 

1 El UfrAni, p. 4C0. 2 p. 399. 3 Puerto, p. 476. 


authors — ten hundredweight of gold, in return for which 

twelve thousand troops were sent, though all were wrecked 

on the way but one vessel. 1 The Spanish Moors whom 

Felipe III. had expelled,* had settled in large 

Excited Moris**. num t> ers j n Salli, and had made the disorganised 

1610. ' ° 

state of the country an excuse for setting up 
a republic of pirates. For support against them the ameer 

1625. was fain to turn to England, and procured 
assistance from Charles I., which he employed with 

On Zidan's death the royal parasol was borne beside his 

1627. son Abd el Malek II., a drunkard, whose life was 
taken by renegade assassins. He was followed by his 

i63i. brother El Walid, a man of similar vice, who 
met with a similar fate. 2 A more enlightened ruler, 

1637. careful of shedding blood, was then released 
from prison and proclaimed, Mohammed XIII. (es- Sheikh 
es-Saghir), a third son of Zidan, by a Spanish slave. He 
liberated many captives, set free the imprisoned missionaries, 
and permitted more to come. 3 From his reign dates the 
use of the title of sultan or emperor, which 
has since been borne by Moorish sovereigns, 
instead of that of ameer or prince. His happy reign of 
eighteen years — the one bright spot in the latter part of 
the Saadi period — was terminated by his murder at the 

* The decree for their expulsion is given by Padre Guadalajara in his 
Mcmcrabile Expulsion y Iustissimo Destierro de los Moriscos de Espaiia 
(Pamplona, 1613), p. 136. Three days' notice only was given, and money 
alone was allowed to be taken, life being forfeited by remaining, though 
children under four electing to remain might do so, as also the Morisco wives 
of Christians, but not the Morisco husbands of Christians, whose children 
under six months old might remain with their mothers. From one hundred 
and thirty places in Aragon there went forth sixty-four thousand souls, 
representing thirteen thousand eight hundred and ninety-three families, and 
all available galleys were pressed into the transport service. 

t See chapter xii. 

1 El Ufram, i>p. I.e. 2 Ibid., 406-7. 8 Puerto, p. 393. 




hand of some Berbers who found him thrown from his 
horse between El Kasar and Tetuan. 1 

The cordial relations which had begun to spring up 
during these disturbances, between the Moors and the 
Portuguese, who had no trouble in finding allies among 
the pretenders and rebels, led to an important religious 
rising under a certain " saint," El Ayashi, known simply 
to the foreigners as " Santo." He, with an 
internal Rebellion, important following of Dilai Sanhaja Berbers, 
made serious attacks on Mazagan, Laraiche, 
and Mamora, and though in 


no instance successful, he 
was so far victorious that 
when he came northward to 
Salli he was approached by 
its independent inhabitants 
in a manner " which decided 
him to cause his happy star 
to shine in the Salletin 
heaven." 2 He was accepted 
as ruler from Taza to Tamsna, 
but the Andalucian Moors, 
newly settled in Salli, con- 
spired against him and pro- 
cured his death. 3 So holy 
was he, says one writer, that 
when his head was brought 
into town it continued to 
recite the Kor an. Before he 
died he declared that he had 
accomplished the death of 
over seven thousand six hundred Christians. 4 Until then 
it had seemed probable that he would establish another 
dynasty, but this was to be the task of others. In Sus, 

1 Puerto, p. 541. 2 El UfrAni, p. 440. 3 Ibid., p. 450. 4 Ibid., p. 448. 




where, hitherto the Fakih Si Abd Allah M'bark had held 
sway, a separate administration was now set up by Ali 
es-Simlali. Fez, too, clamoured for independence, and 
ended by inviting from Tafilalt another race of shareefs. 

1646. These made their first invasion during this 

1648. reign, and were soon the masters of Fez. 
On Mohammed's death his followers at once declared 

1655. for Ahmad VI. (el Abbas), his son by a woman 
of the Shabani tribe. This important body, said to be 
descended from the Christian prisoners of Yakiib el 
Mansur, 1 was now strong enough under their Kaid Abd 
Allah el Hispani to seize on Marrakesh, and put El Abbas 

1659. to death by a treacherous use of his seal, 2 
proclaiming as his successor his mother's brother, Abd el 
Karim bin Abu Bakr, better known as " Krom el Haj." 3 
This usurper ruled for several years, till Marrakesh was 

1668. taken by Er-Rasheed, a sultan of a new dynasty, 
who decimated the Shabani, and enlisted the remainder, 
transporting their families to the mountains between Oojda 
and Melilla at Es-Saladia. 4 He exhumed and burned the 
body of Krom el Haj, 5 who had been poignarded in the 
palace by the sister of El Abbas, whom he had forced to 
enter his hareem. His son, Mulai es-Sheikh, being captured 
by Er-Rasheed, he was dragged through the town at the 
tail of a mule. The Filali shareefs had already been 
established over twenty years in Fez, and from this point 
dates their mastery of the Empire, that of their Saadi 
predecessors having lasted nearly a century and a half. 

1 Chenihr. See p. So. 2 Puerto, p. 544. :i El UfrX.NI, p. 428. 

4 Mouettk, Hist., p. 252. 5 El UfrAm, p. 477. ,; Mouetti-;, Hist., p. 53. 



BY the close of the thirteenth century almost all trace 
had been lost in Morocco of the Idreesi shareefs 
who had founded the Empire, for though here and there 
survived some solitary member who was to 
origin of the transmit a somewhat doubtful claim to the 

Fildli Shareefs. . 

present day, that iamily had been entirely 
dispersed by the Berbers who had since ruled the land. 
But the presence of descendants of Mohammed is 
believed by his followers to ensure prosperity, and the 
troubles of the Ma gh rib were attributed by some to 
the lack of such bringers of fortune. So certain enter- 
prising spirits of Tafilalt (or, as it was then called, 
Sajilmasa), when they made their pilgrimage to Mekka, 
dr. 1300. invited a shareef of Yanboa en-Nakhil — of 
the family of Abu Taleb, to whom Mohammed had granted 
that district— to settle amongst them. 1 The invitation 
was accepted by one El Hasan bin Kasem, thereafter 
surnamed Ed-Dakhil — "the Penetrator/' i.e., of the new 

* "As for the popular legend that they paid his father the weight of his 
son in silver, that is one of the vain fables which have neither tail nor head. 
God knoweth better than any what is the real truth." 2 

1 El UfrAni, pp. 480-483 ; En-NAsiri, vol. iv., p. 3. 2 g L UfrAni, p. 482. 


rtnntkCenturyi THE FIRST FILA LI 137 

The ancestors of these Filali shareefs were also those 

of the Saadi shareefs, imported subsequently for a similar 

reason, whom the Filalis were to succeed on the 

Thdr rise to throne of Morocco. The Saadi family settled 

in the Draa country, also south of the Atlas, 

whence they made their way to power on the fall of the 

Beni Marin. The Filalis — probably more correctly Hilalis 

— who had given their name to their adopted country, 

were held in great veneration, chiefly on account of the 

marked increase of the date crop after their arrival. The 

great grandson of El Hasan had even been offered the 

throne of Granada, 1 but it was not till the power of their 

Saadi cousins was broken, that local quarrels induced their 

then chief, Mulai es-Shareef — " My lord the Noble," par 

excellence — the eighth from El Hasan, to establish the in- 

1634. dependent kingdom of Tafilalt, as the country 

was thenceforward called. 

Having summoned the independent ruler of Sus, one 

Ali (Abu'l Hasan es-Simlali) to assist him in subduing 

Tabusamt, that worthy made peace with the foe 

instead, quarrelled with the shareef, and carried 

him off to his castle of High in Sus. 2 There he remained 

1638. till ransomed by his son Mohammed, who at 

1641. his death was proclaimed ameer in Tafilalt, 

which he had recovered from the Susis. The fame of 

Mohammed's power reaching Fez at the time when the 

incapable sons of Zidan were succeeding and being 

murdered in turn, the Arabs of the northern kingdom 

sent him an invitation to become their ruler too, which 

1649. he at once accepted. Although at first expelled 

from Fez by the Dilai Zawia party 3 — followers of El 

Ayashi, the religious leader who ruled most of the country 

round — Mohammed was successful in maintaining himself 

1 Ei. UfrAni, p. 487. 2 Ibid., p. 496 ; En-NAmri, vol. iv., p. 67. 

3 El UfrAni, p. 498 ; En-NAsiki, vol. iv.. p. 9. 


in power until his brother Rasheed II. rose against him 
on the Algerian frontier. 

This powerful general had possessed himself of the 

wealth of a Jew of the kasbah of Ibn Meshaal, near Taza, 

"The Great w * tn wmcn ne na -d raised an army.* Having 

Tafiiatta.- slain his brother Mohammed in battle, Rasheed 

1664 - wrenched from the Ayashi party Taza and Fez, 

in which latter till then " every quarter had its chief, and 

every hill its crowing cock." 1 After the destruction of 

the Dilai Zawia or Sanctuary, which had been Ayashi's 

head-quarters, Rasheed marched on Marrakesh, where he 

put an end to the Shabani usurper hitherto in power. 

Then proceeding to Sus to avenge his father's treatment 

there, the new sultan made his name resound until the 

English who had recently settled in Tangier learned to 

know him only as " The Great Tafiiatta." 

He it was who in his eight years' reign not only con- 
solidated once more an Empire which was fast dissolving, 
but who replaced the beneficent rule of his 
Er-Rasheed 11. father and brother by the inauguration of that 
1664. direful epoch of bloodshed and tyranny — darkest 
page of any in the annals of Morocco — whereof his suc- 
cessor Ismail was at once the type and ornament. To 
slay with his own hand the slave who had assisted his 
escape from his brother's prison was his initial act, while 
the culmination of a reign that was an unbroken chronicle 
of treachery and torture was his treatment of helpless 
women, from whom he extorted the wealth he coveted 
by the indescribable barbarity of crushing their breasts 
beneath a box, upon the lid of which he himself jumped. 2 

* It is from this incident that the "Feast of the Scribes" held yearly in 
Fez takes its rise. In the popular account the Jew was a "king" of Taza, 
which was taken from him for Rasheed by the talebs or scribes. (See The 
Moors, chapter xviii.) 

1 El UfrAni, p. 50T. 2 Chenier, ii., 121, 134- 


1672. His death was a worthy conclusion to such a 
life ; he was caught by the neck in the fork of an orange 
tree, as in a drunken fit he madly spurred his horse in the 
Agudal Park at Marrakesh. 1 

Rasheed was succeeded by his brother Ismail, then 
twenty-six years of age, to the native historian known 
as " Prince of the Faithful, the Overcoming-in- 
'/!»J t l? a ' ir God, Father of the Conqueror, my lord Ismail, 

son of the Noble."* The history of this remark- 
able man and his long reign of fifty-five years calls for 
special treatment, not only on account of the exceptional 
wealth of material, but particularly on account of the 
foreign relations producing that wealth. During this 
period, as never before or since, we are brought face to 
face with the internal workings of the Moorish Court. 
Without detailed description of what occurred, a mere list 
of all its horrors and its anomalous glories would appear 
incredible, but let the facts speak for themselves. 

Although the fourth Filali shareef to hold sway in the 

Maghrib, Mulai Ismail was the son of Mulai es-Shareef 

1672. bin Ali el Hosaini el Filali. After several years 

of war with Ahmad, the son of his brother Maharaz, 2 

Ismail, who had been the governor of Mequinez, determined, 

on finding himself supreme, to make that city 

Change of Capital. . . , , , - . - 

his head-quarters. In announcing this he sent 
ten thousand heads, including those of women and children 
slain in his rival's camp, to adorn the walls of Fez and 
Marrakesh, while he caused the bodies of prisoners of war 
to be interwoven with rushes to form a bridge whereby 
the victorious army might cross a river. Thus commenced 
the horrors of that awful reign. 

" Voluptuous, covetous, passionate, treacherous, more 

* "Ameer el Mu'minin, El Mudhafir b'lllah, Ab'un-Nasir, Maolai Ismaail." 

1 ElUfrani, p. 503; Moueitr, Hist., p. no; Phllow. 

2 En-NAsiri, i.e., pp. 22, 29, 32. 



than a tyrant, he tamed the natural savageness of his 
subjects by showing himself still more savage 
than they." Such is the character painted for us 
by Pellow* — who for the latter half of his reign was slave 
and officer in his service — of Mulai Ismail, the last Moorish 
sultan to leave an indelible mark on his country, albeit a 
scar. Since his day eight sultans have come and gone, yet 
hardly any have made themselves places for good or bad 
in the memory of their nation. 

There is in his character, nevertheless, something which 
commands admiration ; his ferocity was but the outcome 
of the times in which he lived, and he was only stronger, 
not worse, than those around him. Notwithstanding his 
tyrannical behaviour and wholesale butcheries, he succeeded 
in making his power so thoroughly respected that public 
life and property were never more secure than under his 
rule.f Seemingly he could brook no other tyrant within 
his reach, and was determined to be a monopolist in 

While during his life-time not a human being in 

* Brown's Ed., p. 135. Quoted by de Mairault, p. 40. See also 
Busnot, pp. 37, 38. 

t During this reign the direct routes between Fez and Marrakesh, and 
between Rabat and Mequinez, were in constant use, and all roads were 
considered safe. 1 

An English visitor wrote in 1771 that "the country flourished more under 
that piratical and merciless tyrant than it does under the humane and com- 
mercial, but avaricious, Mohammed."' 2 "One can hardly imagine the security, 
abundance and calm which at this time reigned in the whole country." 3 As 
a specimen of his wise acts may be mentioned the giving of sixty thousand 
sheep to a conquered tribe, the Beni Idrasen, on condition that they should 
settle as shepherds, and send in the wool to the sultan. 4 In his correspondence 
with Louis XIV. he styled himself " Conqueror of eleven kingdoms." Colonel 
Scott wrote of this sovereign in 1842, deriving his information from native 
sources, that he "appears to have been the most enlightened of the Moorish 
kings or emperors, as all the public works I have seen are stated to have been 
built in his time." 5 

1 Nozhat el Hadi and Ez-Za'i'Ani. 2 Jardine, p. 160. 

3 El UfrAni, p. 506. 4 Ez-Za'i'Ani. 5 p. 64. 




Religious Mask, 

Morocco failed to tremble at his name, it is strangely 
significant of the real tendency of Islam that 
Ismail is remembered by the Moors of to-day, 
not as the tyrant, but as the great and religious sultan. 
In his immediate circle he succeeded in inspiring a 
religious awe by his punctilious attendance to outward 
forms, and by his public prostrations on every occasion, 1 
for which he had praying-places prepared throughout his 


haunts. As his rule of life he used to have a copy of 
the Koran borne before him. 2 Most of his murders 
were committed on Fridays, as in fulfilment of divine 
decrees, under the influence of the other world, and the 
many hundreds who died by his hand were taught to 
believe that such a death insured admission to paradise, 
for which his pardon, often granted after the victim's 

1 Chemhk, ii., p. 179. 

- BUSNOT, p. 48. 




death, was held to be ample passport. Sometimes he 
would inquire for one he had slain the day 
before, and on hearing that he was dead, would 
ask the cause, to which the only safe reply was an 
assurance of ignorance equal to that of the imperial 
murderer, who was supposed to act unconsciously in the 
fulfilment of divine decrees. The bodies of his victims 

could not be removed 




without his leave, and 
sometimes lay about the 
palace till they stank.* 
So fond was he of shed- 
ding blood himself, 1 that 
he would lop off the 
head of his nearest 
attendant to try the 
edge of a new sword 
or hatchet, and when 
a French ambassador 
was in his presence he 
slew a number of slaves 
by way of amusement 2 ; 
in reply to the envoy's 
remonstrances he de- 
clared, " King Louis 
rules men, I rule brutes." To spare his own arm an 
Methods 0/ executioner always stood by his side, and a 

Execution. sudden drawing in of his chin, as he looked 

at a man, meant instant beheadal, while a turn of his 
wrist meant strangulation. Troublesome women in his 
hareem were disposed of by garrotting — to the number 

* This, however, was the custom in England also at the same period, as 
described by Ellwood in his account of Newgate in 1661. 3 

1 Busnot, p. 157, etc. 

2 Thomassv, pp. 133, 197. 

3 Life, Ed. 1714, p. 191. 


I. Area. — "There is no god but God; 
all rule is from God." 

Margin. — " Struck in the citadel of Fas, 
which let God guard, in the year 1093 
(1681-2)." . 

II. Area. — "God is truth : the defender 
of manifest truth." 

Margin. — " In the name of the most 
merciful God. My support is from God 
alone ; on Him do I trust, and unto Him 
do I turn me." (Kor'an, s. xiv., 88.) 



of thirty; on one day.* St. Olon records that during the 
first twenty years of his reign he was popularly credited 
with having by his own hand despatched to their rest 
no less than twenty thousand of his subjects. 1 A favourite 
pastime was to pin his subjects with a lance, a couple 
of which were always at hand, for in those days the 
flint-lock had not entirely superseded more primitive 
weapons. In his combats he was often opposed by bows 
and slings, while what is now called " powder-play," was 
still to a great extent the classical sport of the lance. 2 

These were the milder forms of his bloodshed, often 
accompanied by awful tortures. A unique and favourite 
method was " tossing," which can be best 
described in the words of an English eye- 
witness, Windus, who accompanied the embassy of 
Commodore Stewart in 172 1, 3 to whom we are indebted 
for a number of important details. " The person whom 
the emperor orders to be thus punished is seized upon by 
three or four strong negroes, who, taking hold of his hams, 
throw him up with all their strength, and at the same time 
turning him round, pitch him down head foremost, at 
which they are so dexterous by long use that they can 
either break his neck the first toss, dislocate a shoulder, or 
let him fall with less hurt. . . . Sometimes they come off 
with only being severely bruised, and must not stir a limb, 
if able, while the emperor is in sight, under penalty of 
being tossed again." 

Other tortures in vogue were crucifixion and sawing 
asunder 4 — a death meted out while Stewart was in 
Mequinez, for no worse crime than having been detained 
as a pledge for another man's debt in Gibraltar, where the 

* His child Xidan, when but seven years of age, was permitted to kill a 
slave with his own hand. 

1 p. 161. - Phelps (p. 8) saw him lance seven-and-twenty negroes one after another. 

:; p. 91 ; see also Pi/erto, p. 685, and De la Mercy, p. 245. 

4 Pellow ; Windus. p. 187 ; Busnot, p. 94 ; Df la Mercy, p. 158. 



victim was accused of having conceived too strong a fancy 
for European men and women. Without a trial 
he was condemned to be lashed between two 
boards, and sawn from the head downwards till his body fell 
asunder. 1 Others were burnt, or dragged at a mule's tail 
through the streets till dead,* and one of the wazeers or 
ministers suffered for abuse of power in imitation of his 
master by that master's first breaking his arm with a pistol 
shot, and then having him sewn up in an ox-hide and 
dragged through the camp. 2 The lions in his parkf were 
fed with slaves. J 3 Dilatory workmen on the concrete walls 
of Mequinez were either thrown from the height, or toppled 
into the mould and rammed down. 4 One of his sons who 
had rebelled against him, Sidi Mohammed, was brought 
to the side of a cauldron of boiling pitch and fat, but 
ultimately his punishment was commuted to having his 
right hand and right foot cut off.§ The death of another, 
Mulai Zidan, was achieved indirectly at his father's 
instigation by smothering, 5 yet the unnatural father built 
them mausoleums which still stand in Mequinez. || 

It would hardly be possible to credit these accounts of 

* One of forty cats which he kept, each known by name and fed on mutton, 
was thus treated, and then beheaded, for taking a rabbit. 6 Once he fed his dogs 
with pieces cut from a living woman. 7 

t His menagerie contained lions, tigers, leopards, bears, wolves, and 
ostriches. 3 

X Seran de la Tour records that no less than sixty were one day ordered to 
combat his tigers under pain of being burned alive, and every one of them 
suffered one way or the other without delay. 9 

§ Having suspected one of his wives, he had her stuffed alive with powder 
and set alight. 10 ' He had the beard, mouth, nose, and ears of a European 
slave filled with gunpowder and lighted. 11 

|| Another son, or grandson, who rebelled, fled first to Spain, and then to 
France, where, on November 6th, 1709, he appeared before Louis, professing 
Christianity as " Pierre de Jesus." 12 

1 WlNDUS, pp. 156, 157; OCKLEY, p. 93. 2 Ez-ZaYAnI, p. 34. 

3 Puerto, p 69. ; Windus ; Mouette, Hist., p. 317, also pref. and chap. vii. ; Busnot, 
p. 59. and Ockley. Also French Foreign Office Papers, Corresp. Maroc, i577-!733- 

* Windus. 5 Chenier. ii., 222. 6 Busnot, p. 62. "' Puerto, p. 63. 
8 Busnot, p. 59. 9 p. 12. 10 Puerto, p. 67. n Busnot, p. 112. * 2 See chapter xv. 




146 EARLY FILALI PERIOD [Seventeenth 

Mulai Ismail's carnage, but that in addition to the testimony 
quoted we have that of the ambassadors St. Amant, De 
la Croix, and St. Olon, of the friars De la Mercy, Juan 
de la Faye, San Juan, De el Puerto, 1 Busnot and Desmay, 
besides that of the European captives, Mouette, Phelps, 
Brooks and others.* 

But the bloodthirsty villain had better moments, and 

moments, one is almost thankful to say, of remorse. 

A Spaniard who had attempted his life in vain 

His Better Nature. r ■, , i r, , , • • 

was first pardoned, and alter apostatising was 
appointed a kaid, 2 as also was one of his brothers, 
conquered in rebellion. It was said that the surest road 
to Ismail's fickle favour was to be thrashed and despoiled 
by his orders, because his surviving victims were often more 
than reinstated when he thought of them again. Having 
unintentionally killed with the butt-end of his lance 
a special favourite — whom he had often assured that he 
loved him too much ever to hurt him — he used to be 
heard in his gardens sadly repeating his name, and calling 
him back. 3 It was said at the time that the man referred 
to as having been sawn asunder appeared to the emperor 
in a dream the next night, calling on God to judge between 
them, in consequence of which he sent for the dust that 
had soaked his victim's blood, wherewith to rub himself 
all over as a penance. 4 

A stranger case than any was the ascendency over him 
of a Catalonian slave, 5 Maestre Juan, 6 due to the slave's 

good work, good temper and sincerity. To 
a Remarkable fa m Ismail swore that he would never see him 

Character. .... r . , 

without making him a present, a promise faith- 
fully kept, even to the extent of granting him the lives 

* Of these the narrative by Boyle is fictitious, and the name of the one 
whose record was edited by Ockley is not known. 

1 Chaps, x and xxxviii. 2 Windus. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 

6 Juan Leonardo. De la Faye, p. 149; Puerto, p. 61. 

c , ntlt>y] ISMAIL'S APPEAR. iNCE 147 

of Christians condemned to death. It is related that 
when the sultan meant on no account to spare some 
doomed captive, he would order the palace doors to be 
shut, lest Maestre Juan should get wind and appear in 
time. One would like to know somewhat more of a man 
who exhibited Christian graces in such a Court, and with 
such effect. De el Puerto tells us 1 that he was the master 
of the sultan's cloth factory, that he became a renegade, 
but on his death-bed repented, and rushed through the 
streets declaring himself a Christian. For this he w as 
condemned to be burned if he did not recant within three 
days, but in the interval he died. 2 

The personal appearance of the inhuman creature to 
whose charge these deeds are laid is thus described 

towards the close of his career by Windus 8 : 
Personal « pT e j s a m iddle-sized man, and has the 

remains of a good face, with nothing of a 
negro's features, though his mother was a black*; he 
has a high nose, which is pretty long and thin. He has 
lost all his teeth, and breathes short, as if his lungs were 
bad ; coughs and spits very often, which never falls to 
the ground, men being always ready with handkerchiefs 
to receive it. His beard is white and thin ; his eyes 
seem to have been sparkling, but their vigour decayed 
through age, and his cheeks very much sunk in." Busnot 
describes him 4 as nearly black, with fiery eyes, a strong 
voice, and greatly given to jumping, being remarkably 
agile even when past middle age, and able by one action 

* A curious story is told to account for his negro blood 5 ; that when his 
father was worsted by Abu Hasun, the chief of High in Siis, who made 
prisoners of himself and his wives, in response to a request for one wife back 
he received a very ugly old negress, and her second son was Mulai Ismail, 
who is said to have had no less than eighty-three brothers and one hundred 
and twenty-four sisters. 

1 p. 768. 2 Ez-ZaTAni, p. 5. y Windus, p. 99; St. Olon, p. 64. 

4 p. 37. 5 Busnot, p. 36; El UfrAni, p. 497 ; Ovilo, p. 182. 

I 4 8 EARLY FILALI PERIOD Seventeenth 

to mount his horse, to draw his sword, and to behead 
the slave who held the stirrup. Several times a day he 
would change his costume, suiting the colour to the mood 
he was in, green being his favourite, but white the most 
propitious, and yellow fatal. 

With his wonderful lease of life and vitality, and a 

hareem stated to contain two thousand women, — including 

at least one Englishwoman * — the number of 

Enormous Family. , . 1 • . % , , 

his own sons who lived to mount horse is 
recorded as seven hundred, that of his daughters not 
being known. Not that these could be in any sense 
considered a family, for the daughters were never allowed 
about the court, and only those sons whose mothers 
managed to retain some influence over their husband, 
all but the few favoured sons being despatched to Tafilalt, 
where they have formed a shareefian clan. The sons 
were distinguished by wearing a great ring of gold with 
a big pearl, presented at birth by the Jews, who had 
to give the daughters silver medals 1 and the mothers 
razors. 2 Ez-Zaiani records the number of sons as five 
hundred and twenty-eight, " and as many girls." Under 
the reign of Sidi Mohammed XVII. (bin Abd Allah) these 
occupied five hundred houses, and were in receipt of pen- 
sions which at one time it was the duty of Ez-Zaiani to 
distribute. De el Puerto says 3 that in 1703 he asked one 
of Mulai Ismail's sons how many brothers he had, and 
after three days he produced a list of five hundred and 
twenty-five boys and three hundred and forty-two girls. 
The final total is by this writer estimated at over one 

* Taken captive at the age of fifteen, and induced to turn Mohammedan 
by placing her feet in boiling oil. 4 Another girl named Camacha, a Spaniard, 
whom the emperor desired, and had already conveyed to the citadel, herself 
poured a pot of boiling lye over her breasts in order that he might not fancy 
her, and she was in consequence allowed to marry a Christian. 5 

1 Busnot, p. 54. 2 De la Faye, p. t6o. 3 Book vi., chap. iii. 

4 Busnot, p. 53. 5 Puerto, p. 496. 




thousand. He says his successor had but three hundred 


and fifty-four women, one for each day in the Moham- 
medan year. Mairault, writing soon after Ismail's death. 



makes the total twelve hundred, and in common with 
other authors, quotes the register of compulsory presents 
made by the Jews on the occasion of each new birth. 1 
Forty children were thus registered as his during three 
months spent at his court by a French traveller. 2 Fellow's 
estimate of three hundred wives 3 (at a time), by whom 
he had some nine hundred sons and two hundred daughters, 
is quite as likely to be correct, since for a long time he was 
a slave in the palace of Lalla Zidana, a mulatto, and 
esteemed a witch. 4 She secured Ismail's devotion by re- 
plenishing his hareem, 5 * and was the most powerful of 
the four legal wives, as the mother of the favourite son 
Zidan, the heir until he was smothered while drunk by 
his wives.! The sultan seldom visited the other women 
twice, unless they had borne him sons, but all whom he 
had favoured were thenceforth considered sacred. 

Some of the strangest features of this man's reign were 
his dealings with women. There came a woman 

Dealings with 

Woynen to him from the Sahara, 6 a sort of latter-day 

1690. Queen of Sheba, whom he went out to meet 
with an army, but on her agreeing to place herself and 
her people in his hands if he could beat her at lance-play, 
they had a bout, with the result that she entered his 
hareem, and his army marched to her country. But quite 
as strange a scene must that have been when Mulai Ismail, 
having allowed the report of his death to go forth for the 
purpose of tempting her rebellious son from his lair, the 

* One Spanish renegade was employed in making descents on the coast 
of Spain to procure him women, among whom he brought a Spanish countess 
who became the mother of Sidi Mohammed, but who afterwards had her feet 
burned with irons before him to extort a secret from her. 

t Seven of these women were therefore forced to eat their own breasts, cut 
off piecemeal and placed in their mouths. 7 

l p. 41. 2 Seran de la Tour, p. 139. 

•' 5 BusNOTsays five hundred concubines of all nationalities, p. 50 ; and six hundred children, 
p. 54. 4 Seran de la Tour, p. 17 ; Ockley, p. 96; St. Olon. 

5 Seran de la Tour, p. 19. 6 Brown's Pellow, p. 140. 7 Seran de la Tour, p. 315. 



Lalla Xid.ina rode forth to command in person 1 ; but this 
was too much for Morocco, and to prevent a rising the 
sultan had to reappear. 

Of all things possible in Moorish history, it would be 

difficult to imagine anything more improbable than that 

a sultan of Morocco should pay court to a 

':"', . princess of France. Yet this actually came to 

a trench I rtttCCSS. l * 

pass in the person of Mulai Ismail 2 Si Abd 
Allah bin /Visa, Admiral and Envoy of Morocco at the 
Court of Louis XIV.,* became so impressed by the charms 
of Mile, de Blois, afterwards Princesse de Conti, daughter 
of Louis and Mile, de la Valliere — whom he had met at 
a ball at her uncle's in the Palais Royal — that he reported 
on her to his master.f Mulai Ismail thereupon commanded 
him to write to Pontchartrain, his friend, to ask her of the 
king, } to whom at the same time — in true Oriental style — 
he wrote a very friendly letter without mentioning the 
matter. She was to maintain her own religion, and to 
live in every luxury. But the French king made the 
difference of creed an excuse for declining the honour. 
Nothing could have better pleased the wits and rhymesters 
of the period, and even J. B. Rousseau § entered the lists 
with an ode to the princess, in which were the lines : — 

" Yotre beaute, grande Princesse, 
Porte des traits dont elle blesse 
Jusqu'aux plus sauvages lieux : 

* The same who met and thanked our James IT. in exile, for having 
liberated him without a ransom, when a captured rover. 

t A neat litlle volume of letters published in Cologne in 1700, forming 
a Relation Historique de F Amour de I ' Empereur du A/aroc, par M. le Comte 
DXXXX. % makes out that a certain French captive having described the lady 
t" the sultan, he came over himself disguised in the train of his ambassador — 
evidently a fable based on the story of Peter the Great. 

X This letter is given by Thomassy, La Question d^Oritnt, p. 16. That 
addressed to Louis only asked for architects and coats of mail. 

* Who was ultimately banished for his bitter political couplets. 

1 Seran de la Toi/r, p. 131 ; Blsnot, p. 117 ; and Cheniek, ii., p. 221. 

2 Thomassy, p. 171. 



L'Afrique avec vous capitule, 
Et les conquetes de vos yeux 
Vont plus loin que celles d'Hercule." 

Perigny asked, with witty sarcasm : — 

" Pourquoi refusez-vous l'homage glorieux 
D'un roi qui vous attend, et qui vous croira belle ? 
Puisque 1' Hymen a. Maroc vous appelle, 
Partez, e'est peut-etre dans ces lieux 
Qu'il vous garde un amant fidele." 

Other verses called forth by the incident would be too 
long to quote, but here is the first of a set of ten, 
from a volume of them which was published, 1 showing 
that the affair was looked upon then in much the same 
light as it would be now : — 

" Que me demandez-vous, superb Tingitane ? 
Osez-vous y penser ? 
La fille de Louis, jusqu'au rang de sultane 
Peut elle s'abaisser ? " 

This was only one instance of many in which Mulai 

Ismail entered into friendly relations with European 

rulers. By all such relations, whether friendly 

Relations with r hostile, Mulai Ismail impressed upon his 

subjects with what awe he was regarded 

abroad, an impression deepened by the presence of so 

many Christian captives, whose respective governments 

were either too weak or too indifferent to rescue them.* 

When he succeeded his brother, Portugal still held 

Mazagan, and Spain was secure in Laraiche, Mamdra 

Ceuta and Penon de Velez, while the English 

European ^ad been ten years in Tangier. Nevertheless, 

1672. when Lord Belassize, the governor, sent Lord 

* " The king of Portugal, the prince of Darmstadt, minister of the arch- 
duke, the admiral of Castille, his partisan, even implored help from the 
king of Morocco. Not only did they enter into treaties with this barbarian 

1 Relation Historique de V Amour de V Empereur du Maroc, Cologne, 1700. 




Howard to the sultan in Mequinez, he was not received, 1 
1675. and three years later, when all requests had been 
granted to the English envoy, everything was cancelled 
on the excuse that a ragged saint objected. 2 

Cavilla, Photo., Tangier 

In the ninth year of his reign the Moors captured the 

1680. English outpost of Fort Charles on the Marshan, 

as well as several minor positions, and the next year they 

i68i. besieged and took the Spanish station of 

1684 Mamora. Three years afterwards the English, 

wearied by the lawlessness and jobbery of their own 

officials, and by the increased activity of the Moors, 

British Evacuation abandoned Tangier, destroying its harbour 

l,/Ta ' : and fortifications. 3 Of the garrison here, 

to obtain horses and wheat, but they asked for troops. The emperor of 
Morocco, Mulai Ismail, the most warlike and politic tyrant of that time 
among the Mohammedan nations, would not send his troops unless under 
conditions dangerous for Christianity and shameful for the king of Portugal : 
he demanded as surety a son of that king and certain towns. The treaty did 
not take place. The Christians rent each other with their own hands without 
introducing those of the barbarians." — Voltaire, Sikle de Louis XIV., 
chap, xviii. (1703). 

1 Thomassy, p. 127. 2 Chenier, ii., p. 160. 

3 See The Land of the Moors, chap.v 

154 EARLY FILALI PERIOD {Seventeenth- 

abandoned to the offscourings of the Stuart Court and 
" Kirke his Lambs," Macaulay has well remarked, " a 
more miserable situation could hardly be conceived : 
it was difficult to say whether the unfortunate settlers 
were more tormented by the heats or by the rains, by the 
soldiers within the walls, or the Moors without"* 

From a political point of view the evacuation came 

at a very bad time. Because the English were believed 

to have gone "out of sheer fright," 1 it was 

A Political Blunder _ ,, . . , 

known as Ismail s most glorious victory, and 
thereby his hands were greatly strengthened against all 
the world. An opportunity was thus lost of driving a 
bargain in treaties, which should have set matters on an 
entirely fresh basis. 

What wonder that Ismail's first act at an audience was 

to prostrate himself, and loudly thank God for bringing 

the kings of the Earth to his feet, or that he 

The Moorish declared Spain to be committed to the care of 

Point of View. r 

women, and described the king of England 
as an old woman, a slave to his Parliament? 2 In 
his estimation the king of France — as the descendant of 
kings since the time when Heraclius had sought help 
of the Franks against the Muslims \ — was the only ruler 
worthy the name, and Louis XIV. in his single-handed 
struggle against Europe, seemed to be his particular 
admiration. Nevertheless, he did not say much more to 
1683. his unsuccessful envoy, St. Amant, than is still 

* Edinburgh Review, July, 1843. Essay on the Life of Joseph Addison, 
whose father was a chaplain here, and wrote two books on this country. 

t In 1210 the king of Bayonne sent to the ameer, Mohammed III. (En- 
Nasir), a letter written by Mohammed to Heraclius, the emperor at 
Constantinople, 600 years before, 3 but Mulai Ismail now applied for it to 
Louis, who had it sought for in vain. 4 

1 Ez-ZaTAni, p. 38 ; El UfrAni, p. 506 ; En-Nasiri, vol. iv., p. 33. 

2 Voyage de St. Amant. p. 108 : St. Olon, p. 67. 

3 Raod el Kartas. 4 Thomassy, p. 166. 

Eighteenth Century] 


said in turn to each ambassador, and with the exception 
that, unlike some of his successors, he always bade the 
envoy be covered, 1 the manner of reception has hardly 
altered from that time.* 

After taking Laraiche from the Spaniards with French 

1689. assistance, Ismail made preparations for a most 

determined attempt upon Ceuta. For twenty-six years 

he besieged that fortress, until Felipe V. broke 

Great su^o/ccuta hi camp w hich had at first held forty 

U94-1720. / ,11 , , . 

thousand, and later ten thousand men, in 
houses and huts. Even then Ismail did not altogether 
abandon the attack, and after his death the nucleus 
remained a camp of observation.! 

The hereditary soldiers trained for these operations soon 

became a terror in the land, as they still are in one sense 

to-day, for they have never yet learned to earn 

': lUt « r y an honest living, and are brought up to inherit 

. -oops. . . 

any posts in which there is someone to rob, 
whether as wazeer or policeman. None make worse 
masters or better servants, but learning is not their forte. 
Collecting all the blacks throughout his dominions, and 
importing numbers from the Sudan, Ismail established 
great camps, wherein they increased and multiplied under 
his direct supervision.; It was chiefly by the aid of this 

* See chapter xvii. 

t "One of the principal titles to glory of this reign is having cleansed 
the Maghrib of the defilement of the infidels, and having put an end to their 
aggressions." 2 

X Every year Mulai Ismail went to inspect them himself, and brought away 
all children of ten, the girls to learn washing, cooking, and house-keeping in 
the palace, the boys for arms. In their first year the latter were apprenticed 
to craftsmen, the second they learned to ride mules, the third to make and 
ram concrete, the fourth to ride horses bare-back, the fifth horsemanship with 
saddles and shooting. At sixteen they were married and enrolled in the army. 3 
In 1697, by a special edict, the right of holding real estate was conferred upon 

1 St. Olon ; WlNDUS, p. 95. 2 El Ufrani, p 506. 

1 \ni, p. 29 ; En-NAsiri, I.e., pp. 26, 33, 42. 

156 EARLY FILALI PERIOD ^Eighteenth 

standing army, with no local sympathies, and all to gain 
from their master's success, that Mulai Ismail held his own 
— and more — so long. After Ismail's death, at which 
time they were said to number a hundred thousand, 1 they 
set up and pulled down kings according to pay received, 
and, had they found a leader of their own, they would 
doubtless have established a dynasty, but when their 
power waned the bulk of them were deported to various 
parts of the country by Sidi Mohammed XVII. 

British prestige in Morocco was restored by the 

presence of so many British vessels in Moorish waters 

_ ^ , during the great siege of Gibraltar, and rose still 

Capture of & £> fc> ' 

Gibraltar. higher when, in exchange for the provisions 

1704. needed by their garrison, the English furnished 
arms and munitions wherewith Ismail could besiege 
Ceuta.* These were the circumstances under which a 
1721. British envoy secured the release of three 
hundred and one English slaves, including no less than 
twenty-five captains, in exchange for Moorish prisoners 
and " a reasonable quantity " of powder, specially made 
gun-locks, sulphur, and cloth. 

On this occasion, also, was secured, for the first time, 
the recognition by treaty of the right of foreign pro- 
tection for foreign subjects and their interests 

Rightsof Foreigners.^ MorQcca T hi S waSj and tflM i S , indispenS- 

1 ' able for the continuance of trade in the face of 
the abuses of the native Government! But it is worthy of 
observation that the success of this embassy depended, first, 
on the support of two Jews, and then on the favour of one 
of the queens, to whom the envoy had to appeal with pre- 
sents. 2 How strange would such proceedings seem to-day! 

* To Ismail's refusal to supply the British with building materials for 
Gibraltar, unless full liberty to trade there were granted to his subjects, 
Gibraltar owes its free port, the source of any wealth the town possesses. 

+ See chapter xix. 
1 Zaiani, p. 29; En-Nasiri, I.e., pp. 26, 33, 42. 2 Windus, pp. 5, 6, 10, 95, 117. 




The Jews in question, two rivals, Mai'maran and Bin 

'Attar, appear to have owed their influence originally 
to loans made to Mulai Ismail, which helped to 
secure the throne. Maimaran's father, Yiisef, 

bore to Mulai Ismail the first news of his brother's death, 

and furnished funds for the troops, but when he pressed 

for payment a 

slave was told 

off to dispose 

of him, which 

he accomplished 

by permitting a 

restive horse to 

trample him to 

death. Mai- 

maran, however, 

on complaining 

to the sultan, 

obtained the 

lucrative post of 

chief collector 

of the Jewish 

tax, and compt- 
roller of the 

household. 1 Yet 

in spite of their 

positions — the 

first - named as 
'Governor of 

the Jews, and the second as the virtual foreign minister, a 

signatory of the articles of peace, with the power of life 

and death in his hand, — they were never allowed to ride 

on horse-back, and were probably subject to all the re- 
strictions and indignities of which their people are victims 

still in Morocco. 

1 BUS NOT, p. 17. 


158 EARLY FILALI PERIOD [Eighteenth 

The only man who seems to have been able to restrain 
Ismail in any measure was his old and well-tried 

minister, Kaid Ali bin Abd Allah, who alone 
7r ' spoke plainly to him and refused to fall down in 
his presence. Yet even he could only maintain his position 
by annual presents, which consisted of thirty or forty 
mules and their loads of fine cloths, besides camels, and 
forty or fifty quintals (cwts.) of silver. 1 He had, moreover, 
a powerful rival in Kaid Mohammed Haddu bin Attar, 
who at one time was ambassador to England. 2 

It is somewhat curious to note that the kaid of the 
Jewry in Mequinez at the time of the treaty ensuring the 
rights of foreigners, was an English renegade of the name 
of Carr. 3 This is doubly interesting, as indicative of the 
fact that an additional source of Ismail's strength lay in 

the large bands of European renegades who 
m ' carried out his will. Pellow, for instance, was 
for several years in command of half a regiment of 
six hundred foreigners, whose head-quarters were at 
Zettat and Tamsna, in Shawia. The Moorish corsairs 
constantly reinforced his supply of white slaves, whose 

only hope of liberty rested in their apostatising, 

Christian Slaves. ..... . , . , 

or in their being ransomed by ambassadors or 
friars who came with funds collected for the purpose.* 
The price for redemption varied with the awe inspired 
by the respective nations, concerning whom the Moors 
appear to have known more than they do at this day. 
In imitation, it is said, of Louis XIV., Ismail bought 
up all the European slaves for himself, as he had pre- 
viously purchased the blacks. The captors of Pellow 
1715. and his party received ;£io a head, delivered 
in Mequinez, but eventually all captives were considered 

* It was at this time that the Spaniards established a friary in Mequinez, 
which was virtually a hospital. See chapter xiv. 

1 Busnot, pp. 2o8,2io. 2 St. Olon, p. 123. 3 Windus, p. 185. 

tontury] BUILDING MANIA 159 

as the sultan's due. From time to time, like Fellow, such 
unfortunates made their escape, and to their intimate 
acquaintance with everything Moorish we are indebted for 
much that we know of the period. Many, however, settled 
down without hope, and finally ceased to 
attempt to escape. Those who once professed 
Islam could never be redeemed. In their own eyes, the 
Moors but waged an inherited warfare with all the world 
which had neither accepted Mohammed nor consented to 
pay his followers tribute. Yet at the same time merchant- 
men bound for Morocco were free, and foreign merchants 
resided in Salli and Tetuan, where France, at least, had 
consuls. 1 

With the unhappy lot of the captives* this is not the 

place to deal, but it may be mentioned that for the most 

part they were employed on the sultan's inter- 

Building Mania. r J . . 

minable buildings in and around Mequinez. 2 
That he was possessed by a mania for building is proved 
by the ample results still remaining, although, when some 
new caprice seized him, he demolished with a like energy. 3 
Instead of paying for material and labour, he levied the 
one and forced the other. Ez-Zaiani gives the total of 
European captives employed at one time as two thousand 
five hundred, besides thirty thousand native prisoners, who 
probably represented the labour each tribe had to supply. 
The same author mentions the number of kasbahs or strong- 
holds built by Ismail as sixty-six. At one time he went 
so far as to project a wall to Tadla. His famous stables, 
of which portions still exist, were three miles long, and 
accommodated twelve thousand horses, every ten in the 
charge of one black eunuch. 4 

Ismail's daily practice after morning prayers was to take 

* Fully treated of in chapter xiv. 

1 St. Amant, p. 66. - En-NAsiri, I.e., pp. 23, 25. 

3 Busnot, p. 162. * Ez-Zaiani, p. 28. 



a constitutional around his works, here and there using 

a rammer himself, while every face turned to- 

HisMo>-ning warc ] s him, 1 and anon killing a man to keep the 

Constitutional. ' Q r 

rest busy. 2 His workmen, he said, were like rats 
in a bag, which he must perforce keep shaking lest they 
should gnaw their way out. 3 Sitting on a corner of a wall, 
he would receive ambassadors, and his versatile genius 
enabled him not only to be his own general, but also 
to attend personally to the smallest details of his house- 
hold. 4 Thirty thousand men and ten thousand mules are 
said to have been employed at one time on the palace he 
raised at Mequinez, a pile which is to-day his greatest 
monument, although his body lies in a solid building 

which he had erected for this purpose hard 
Deatlu ,„„„ by the Kubba Majub. The moment it became 

1727. i 

known that disease and old age had put an end 
to his career — he was eighty-one — the last touch had been 
given to his works, and I have traced across the plain from 
Mequinez to Kasar Faraon or Volubilis the irregular series 
of huge hewn stones which his slaves were so laboriously 
bringing from the Roman ruins when the joyful news 
passed along their line. The Arabs, says En-Nasiri, 
refused at first to credit his death, for they believed the 
old man had attained the secret of continuous life. 5 

In the words of Chenier : " Active, enterprising and 
politic, this emperor tarnished the glory of his reign by 

avarice, duplicity, oppression, injustice and 
Front Two Points cont i nuous barbarities, the relation of which 

of View. 

would be dreadful, and the remembrance of 
which time only can efface. . . . Nero, Caligula, Helio- 
gabalus, were abhorrent villains ; yet Nero, Caligula, 
Heliogabalus, themselves were unequal to the fiend of 
whose acts I give but a partial account." 6 In the words 

1 Puerto, p. 72. 2 Windus, p. 132. 3 Ibid., p. 116. 

4 Mouette, p. 151. 5 En-NAsiri, vol. iv., p. 47. 6 Vol. ii., pp. 224, 226. 



of Fellow, or his editor: "An excessive cruelty, a great 
capacity, and a perfect knowledge of the genius and 
temper of his people preserved the throne to this emperor 
for so long a space of time as fifty-five years, and death 
alone took it from him." Yet of such a monster a con- 
temporary native historian 1 could quote with approval lines 
by a " learned friend " to this effect : — 

" ( ) Mulai Ismail, O Sun of the Earth ! 

( ) thou for whom all created beings would not suffice as a ransom ! 

Thou art none other than the sword of victory which God has drawn 

from its sheath, to set thee alone among the khalifas. 
As for him who knows not to obey thee, it is that God has blinded 

him, and that his steps have wandered far from where they ought 

to be." 

The seal of this remarkable man bore this inscription : — 
" God earnestly desires to cleanse thee from stains, O 
thou who art of the house of the prophet, and to purify 
thee/' 2 One can only quote the native writers in remarking 
"God knows to whom He confides His tasks." Without 
an understanding of the Moorish Empire as Ismail left it, 
it would be impossible to understand Morocco as it is. 

1 El Ukram. 2 Thomassv, p. 88. 

(From Ockiey) 


(FIlali Period— continued) 

NO sooner was the strong, hard hand of the tyrant 
Ismail at rest, than anarchy, and horrors worse even 
rstof than he had committed, again prevailed. The 

very forces which under his iron rule had 
served to control the country now disseminated discord, 
and the troops which had enforced his will, maintaining 
order, now produced dissension and promoted strife. For 
twenty years his black guards nominated, overthrew and 
set up as sultan whom they would, using as their puppets 
no fewer than seven of Ismail's sons. 

Three days before the tyrant's death, he had summoned 
from Tadla one of his sons, named Ahmad VII., sur- 
named like the last of that name to rule the Maghrib, 
Aiimadvn Ed-Dhahebi — "The Golden" — who on his 

{fid-Dhdktbi //.) father's decease was at once proclaimed. But 
the burst of relief which greeted this news was 
-trong for the novice — who was, moreover, a drunkard 1 
— and on every hand the Berbers commenced depredations, 
while the Udai'a — one of the hereditary soldier tribes — 
pillaged Fez ; and in Tetuan the Kaid of the Rif com- 
menced a treasonable correspondence with the Tunisian 
EJafsls. 8 In the expressive language of a native writer:"' 

1 Maikault, p. 79. 2 En-XAsiki, vol. iv., p.55. 3 Ez ZaIani, p. 56. 


1 64 FILALI PERIOD [Eighteenth 

with an Arab proverb in mind, " the hot wind returned to 
its usual task, when released from confinement in vessels 
of copper."* 

Next year, therefore, the army at Meshra er-Ramla 
quietly put Ahmad in prison, 1 and set up in his stead his 
1728. brother, Abd el Malek III., who was fetched 
from Tarudant. But he was not found liberal enough in 
satisfying their demands, and was promptly forced to take 
refuge in the shrine of Mulai Idrees at Fez. 2 That city was 
straightway besieged by Ahmad, 3 — who had been restored 
1728. to power — until Abd el-Malek was delivered up 
and strangled, though the victor only survived him a few 
days.f 4 

Abd Allah V. (El Mortada, i.e., "Acceptable"), third 
son of Ismail, was thereupon proclaimed by the blacks, 
but perceiving that they caused no little danger 
•Abd Aiiah v. to himself and the state, he directed all his 
1729 * energies to their destruction. He found, more- 
over, a foe in Spain, and, although assisted by the rene- 
gade Ripperda, once the Spanish Premier,! he suffered 
1732. defeat near Ceuta, and again at Oran.§ 
Meanwhile Abd Allah's grievous oppression of the 
people drove those of Fez to the hills to escape his 
extortions, 5 until at last they made common cause with 
the blacks, forced Abd Allah to flee to Wad Nun, and 
1734. proclaimed another brother, Ali VI. 6 (El Aaraj, 
" the Lame.") He gave scant satisfaction, and Abd Allah 

* The most readable account of the events of the next few years is given by 
Pellow, p. 147 et sec/., in Brown's edition. Pellow and Ez-Zaiani most fully 
confirm one another. 

t Poisoned, says Pellow, by Abd Allah's mother, p. 183. 

X For the story of Ripperda see chapter xii. 

§ Because a letter from an English merchant at Tetuan, asking for payment 
for munitions supplied, was found upon the battle-field, the Spaniards vainly 
endeavoured to prove that the English had supported the Moors. 

1 Ez-ZaUni, p. 58. 2 Ibid.) p. 59. 3 Pellow, p. 161 ; En-Na.siri, vol. iv., p. 58. 
4 Ez-ZaiAni, p. 63. 5 En-Nasiki, vol. iv., pp. 6i, 62. 6 Ez-ZaiAni, p. 74. 

l.'tlf 1 



1736. was recalled to Mequinez. But, mindful of 
his former extortions, Fez objected to his re-instatement, 
forced him to abdicate, 1 and proclaimed a fifth brother, 
Mohammed XVI.(oold Er-Reeba). His authority, however, 
was short-lived, for the black guards procured his death, 

1738. and sent forthwith to Tafilalt for another, El 

Molinari, Photo., Tangier 

1740. Mustada, who after a year's trial was deposed 
in favour of Abd Allah. 

Five years passed, and another experiment was made 

1745. with yet another son of Ismail, Zeen el Abdin, 
but as this change also was unsuccessful, Abd Allah for 
the fourth time* took the reins of ";overnment. The 

* En-Nasiri makes this the third innings only. 3 
En-N.wri, i.e., p. 78. ' '-' p. 71. 

1 66 FILALI PERIOD Eighteenth 

'" D , . „, deewan, or council of the blacks, which had 

1 he Black Troops ' 

Supreme. become the actual centre of power, determined 

to restore El Mustada, who still lived in 
Marrakesh, and he entered Fez in triumph. Yet 
once again he was deposed, and Abd Allah restored, 
for the question of supremacy lay for decision between 
Mequinez and Fez, which respectively sided with Abd 
Allah and his brothers, while Marrakesh was left some- 
what out of the reckoning. By this time the whole 
country was in a state of anarchy, and full of brigands ; 
even in Fez the people could not be restrained, but 
sacked the imperial stores of Ismail, 1 in consequence of 
which the Fasis had to sustain a siege of twenty-seven 

Abd Allah had inherited his father's blood-thirsty 
instincts. On one occasion an English witness saw 335 

1746. rebels beheaded at once, the sultan striking off 
the first head at a blow, and their bodies were left 
about the field unburied. 2 At one time he is stated to 
have put to death as many as 2000 of his subjects in one 
week. 3 Pellow's description shows that he and his brothers 
well deserved their fate. To avert it Abd Allah made 

1747. an offering of twenty-three Kor'ans in gold 
cases studded with rubies and 2700 precious stones, to the 
tomb of Mohammed at Madina. 4 The all-powerful deewan 

1750. of the blacks was now removed from Meshra 
er-Ramla to Mequinez, where Abd Allah's only surviving 
son, Mohammed, was proclaimed, 5 but he refused to 
supplant his father, who was therefore set up a sixth and 
1757. last time, this reign ending with his life, thirty 
years from his first accession. 

At length the royal umbrella shaded a good and wise 
sultan, this same son of Abd Allah, now Mohammed XVII., 6 

1 Ez-Zaiani, p. 113. 2 Troughton, p. 36. 3 Godard, p. 547. 

4 Ez-ZaiAni, p. 94. 5 En-NAsiri, I.e., p. 84. 6 Ez-Zai'Ani, p. 127. 

c ,, ltliry] SIDI MOHAMMED XVII. 167 

sidi Mohammed previously governor of Saffi. He ruled Morocco 
bin Aid Aiiah. for thirty-three years, during which it breathed 
1757-1790. ai r a i n * jjis first step was to scatter the Udaia, 
and garrison Fez with the blacks, whom he again 
brought under subjection. 1 Right and left oppressive 
governors were destituted and imprisoned; cities were 
re-fortified ; Salli and Rabat — which by this time owned 
but one vessel between them — had their independence for 
ever crushed, and were provided with port buildings. At 

1760. the same time Mogador and Fedala were built, 
and Salli and Laraiche were unsuccessfully attacked 
by the French. In order to increase opportunities for 
reading, the contents of Ismail's library, 12,000 volumes, 
were distributed among the chief mosques of the Empire, 
where once again schools commenced to flourish. 2 More 
friendly relations were entered into with Europe,! and also 

n67. with Turkey^ whence Mustafa III. sent a ship- 
load of cannon, mortars, bombs and shot. 3 These were 

1768. employed next year for the recovery of Mazagan 
from the Portuguese. The Spanish fortress of Melilla was 

1771. then besieged, but on Carlos III. producing 
a treaty which provided for peace on land and sea, the 

* Vet the highest praise which Jardine could bestow upon him at the time, 
was that he would make a good lieutenant of police, permitting no robbers 
but himself. 

t During this reign treaties with England were signed in 1760 and 1783; 
with France in 1767, with Spain in 1767, 1780, and 1785 ; with Denmark in 
1767, with Tuscany in 1778 ; and with the United States of Ameiica in 1787. 
The important works of Chenier and Host were written by the French and 
1 hmish consuls of this period. Moorish embassies were sent to London, 
Vienna, Paris, Lisbon, Madrid, the Hague, and Malta. 

t The historian Ez-Zaiani was ambassador to Turkey in 1 786, and was so 
much appreciated there that Abd el Ilameed asked for him always to be sent. 
On his return he was successively created governor of Taza and Tafilalt, but 
Fl Vazeed had him thrashed and put in prison as an intriguer. 

1 En-NAsiri, I.e., p. 96. 2 Ez-ZaUni, and En-Nasirf, I.e., p. 98. 

:; Ibid., p. 143 ; En-N.wri, I.e., p. 104, who tells also of a treaty wi h "the sultan of 
Holy Mekka." 

1 68 FILALI PERIOD ^Eighteenth 

Moorish envoy who had signed it was disgraced.* 
Mohammed undertook to withdraw his forces if the 
Spaniards would convey his ammunition and stores by 
sea to Tangier and Mogador, to which they agreed, and 
the land had rest. 1 

But this did not suit the army, and the black guards 

having attempted to play their old game in Mequinez, 

the sultan sent his son El Yazeed to quell them. 

EiYazeed's This proved a mistaken move, for the rebels 

Rebellion. easily persuaded El Yazeed to let them proclaim 

him as sultan, and it was with difficulty that his 

I. " Struck at Ribat el Fatih." 
II. "The One is one. 1 189" (1775). 

father overcame them with Udaia and Berber troops. 
El Yazeed fled to sanctuary at Zarhon, and obtained 
a pardon on the intercession of the local shareef; but 
the blacks were dispersed about the country as garrisons, 
with the result that subsequent insurrections remained 
unquelled. In addition to this, there came terrible years 
1776 and 1782. of drought and famine, during which the sultan 
made great efforts to relieve the people, granting large 

* This was El Ghazzuli, whose account of his mission, in Arabic MS., 
is to be found in the Spanish National Library. See Catalogue by Guillen 
Robles Art. 605, p. 250. 

1 Ez-Zaiani, p. 145. 


sums of money— nominally lent, in order to control their 

Nevertheless, dissatisfaction flourished, finding a leader 
in a mahdi known as 1 1 a j el YammCiri, who met 
with great acceptance among the Berbers, 1 but after 

us r;»ns. a pillaging expedition his partisans were routed 
1783. by the sultan. Trouble was still anticipated 
from El Yazeed, who, having been permitted to make the 
Mekka pilgrimage, robbed his father's envoy of the 
presents he was bearing to a shareef who had married 
his sister. 2 For this he was disowned and cursed by his 
father, but ventured to return three years later and take 
refuge in the sanctuary of Mulai Abd es-Salam, near 
Tetuan, where he commenced to plot another rebellion. 
1790. His father was on his way to attack him when 
his end came, and Morocco was launched on a career of 
bloodshed equalling, if not exceeding, that under Mulai 
Ismail, though happily brief in duration.* 

It has repeatedly been stated, till the assertion has 

become regarded as fact, that the tyrant at whose door 

J , this bloodshed lay, Mulai el Yazeed, was the 

El Yazeed the t J ' ' 

son of either an English or an Irish woman, 
1790-1792. w j c j ow f a sergeant of sappers and miners 
engaged in Fez,f but the authority on which this 
story rests is almost altogether legendary. Segur, the 
adventurer responsible for an anonymous contemporary 
record of this reign, who wrote from intimate personal 
knowledge, declares, on the other hand, that El Yazeed's 

* Consul Matra recorded a message sent to Yazeed by his brother Abd 

er-Rahman, "I have heard of my father's death; that you have left your 

sanctuary, call yourself emperor, and are spending my father's money like 

.1 fool. Rat, return to your hole, or, if you be a man, meet me at Marnikesh, 

u should know that Fez is not the place for an emperor." 3 

t e.g., Hay, p. 117. Lempriere says that it was his grandmother who 

1 nglish, and Lempriere was a contemporary employed at the Court the 

year before El Yazeed's accession. 

1 £*-NA?lRl, I.e., p. 105. 2 Ez-ZaIX.NI, p. 152. : * F. O. Docs., " Morocco," vol. xvii. 



mother was a Hessian slave named Sagitta. 1 Be that as 
it may, the wretch who now succeeded always showed 
marked favour to the English — whom alone he excluded 
from a general declaration of war on his accession — 
exhibiting as marked a hatred for the Spaniards. He 
nailed the hand of his father's wazeer, who had been 
favourable to them, on the door of their consulate at 
Tangier, along with the heads of two more high 
officials. The other hand of the wazeer was sent to 
Oojda, and his head was posted on the Spanish convent 
at Mequinez, which was pillaged.* The natural result was 
a war with Spain, the Spanish consul and envoy wisely 
making their escape by subterfuge before hostilities 
broke out.f El Yazeed's one dream was to recover Ceuta, 
and for this he relied on the help of the English, then 
apparently on the eve of war with Spain. To secure 
this he " gave " Laraiche to the English, but the offer 
was not accepted. \ 

According to El Yazeed's own expression, his principle 

was that a Moorish sultan should keep a continuous 

Principle and stream of blood from the palace gate to the 

Practice. city, that the people might live in awe. 2 

* The Jewish vice-consul at Mequinez was strung up like a sheep at the 
Bab Mansur el Alj, by holes through his heels. Yakub ben Attar, his father's 
right-hand Jew, was quartered alive and burned. 3 

f The Spanish vessels slipped anchor while the consul and others were on 
board as for a visit, having landed dummy presents, which greatly exasperated 
the Moors when their nature was discovered. The vice-consuls at Laraiche 
and Mogador complained that they and their families had been deserted. 4 

X The only assistance that the crafty tyrant received from that quarter was 
the loan of Lieutenant-Colonel Jardine, or rather the permission granted to 
him to enter the Moorish service to assist in the projected siege of Ceuta. 
Some Hanoverian deserters who had "turned Moor" were delivered naked 
and shaven to the British consul by the sultan's orders, and were sent to 
Gibraltar. Flour was offered by the Moors for gunpowder. 5 

1 p. 6. 2 Hay, p. 117. 

3 A full account of these doings is given in the British Consular Correspondence from 
Tangier, preserved in the Record Office, " Morocco," vol. xvii., No. 18. See also Lempriere, 
for details. 4 F. O. Docs., vol. xvii., No. 24. 5 F. O. Docs., vol. xvii. 



His first act was to make over the principal Jewries 
of the Empire to plunder, that his savage black troops 
might be satisfied, and some of the Jewish women 
were burned alive. With his own hand he shot the 
basha of Tangier twice, had his ears cut off, and his 
skull split. The breasts of the bashas wives were 
squeezed in presses, and his mother was suspended for 
two days over a slow fire, with screws on her head. 1 The 
basha and rais of Laraiche, old men of eighty or more, 
had their beards pulled out by the roots.' 2 The kadi of 
Marrakesh, for having justly pronounced the deposition of 
this monster, was flayed alive, his limbs were amputated, 
and he was beheaded. The worst of El Yazeed's atrocities 
will not bear recording. His reign was cut short after 
twenty-two months, while fighting his subjects, who had 
risen against him under rival brothers. 3 * 

One of these, Mulai Hisham, was at once proclaimed 

at Marrakesh, but other brothers were proclaimed else- 

„ . , where ; Moslema in the northern half of the 

Reign of > 

ei Hisham. kingdom of Fez, Sulai'man II. in the southern 

1792-1795. half of that kingdom, and Abd er-Rahman in 
Tafilalt, while part of Sus set up the son of Sidi 
Ahmad 00 Musa. After a struggle of three years' dura- 
tion, Sulai'man overcame his brothers, forced Hisham 
to abdicate, and reunited the Empire.! In him Morocco 

* His character is boldly sketched in a cypher despatch to our Foreign 
Office, now in the Public Record Office, " Morocco," vol. xvii., No. 25. 

t A curious manifesto issued by Mohammed ben 'Othman, wazeer of 
Mulai Sulaiman, on his accession, purporting to be couched in the sultan's 
own words, describes how he had retired to Tafilalt for quietness, but having 
been summoned to the throne by the army and the people on account of his 
1 »ve of peace and justice, he was determined to maintain this character, both 
in his home administration and foreign relations. 4 Mulai Sulaiman was said 
by his subjects to be so mild and humane in his character that "he was fitter 
for heaven than Morocco.'' "' 

1 Segur, p. 75. - Ibid., p. 90. 3 Ez-ZaiAni and En-NAsiri, I.e., p. 129. 
4 B. Mus., 9180, del 5-5. 5 Brooke, vol. i., p. 359. 

J 7 2 FILALI PERIOD [Eighteenth-Nineteenth 

was as fortunate as in Mohammed XVII. 1 To this sultan 
„ . , is due the honour of having abolished Moorish 

Reign of ° 

suiaiman. piracy, of which the death-blow had been 

1795-1822. struck D y n j s father's many treaties with the 
foreigners. But from one cause or another, intercourse 
with Europe grew restricted, and we know much less of 
the internal affairs of Morocco at this time than at the 
time when Christian slaves were abundant, and the 
interest abroad was correspondingly great.* The Moors 
appear to have desired complete isolation from Christen- 
dom, a policy which has continued to the present day. 
Moors and Jews were forbidden to leave the country 
without permission and guarantees, and the sultan set 
the example of doing, as far as possible, without the 
luxuries of Europe. 

On two occasions during this reign the population 
1799 and 1818. was decimated by the plague, as previously 
1786. in the time of Sulai'man's father. The result- 
ing famines led, as usual, to civil war, and 

Internal Troubles. , . . t-»i •• . * 

in addition to a serious Berber rising in the 
Atlas, the sons of El Yazeed, Ibrahim and Sai'd, successively 
raised their standards against their uncle. With the support 

i82i. of the famous Sidi el Arbi, shareef of Wazzan, 
they became the masters of the northern kingdom until, just 

1822. before his death, Sulai'man reasserted his authority. 
From Tunis there came an embassy, sent by Hamuda Basha 
ibn Ali Bai (Bey), and more interesting still, a letter from 
" the Lord of the Hajaz in the Arabian Peninsula, Abd 
Allah |bin Saood the Wahabi, conqueror of evildoers " 2 — 
the great contemporary reformer of Islam, who counted 

* It is true that the valuable works of Jackson, " Ali Bey," Dombay, and 
Schusboe appeared during this reign, but they are all the works of distinct 
"outsiders," quite out of touch with the national life, and with the exception 
of Badia y Leblich ("Ali Bey") altogether ignore native thought and feeling. 

i Ez-ZaIAni. 2 £ n .Nasiri, I.e., p. 144. 



man}' sympathisers in the Maghrib, where the need of 
a reformation was by no means so great as in the East. 
Sulaftnan's last act was to secure the reversion of the 
throne to a son of El Hisham, Abd er-Rahman II., who had 
been a customs administrator at Mogadon The chief 
exploit of his reign was the recovery of Oojda. 

Pacific, frugal, and fond of trade, Abd er-Rahman 
probably owed his selection in preference to the late 
•Abd er-Rahman 11. sultan's sons, to the well-placed belief that he 
1822-1859 would maintain a policy similar to that of 
Sulai'man. The first years of his rule were marked 
by the usual local revolts, which were satisfactorily 
quelled. 1 Amicable intercourse was entered into with other 
governments, and, as far as Europe was concerned, a state 
of calm succeeded to the uncertain relations of the previous 
century. But by reason of the hard-dying rovers this 

1828. was not to last, and first with England, then 

1829. with Spain and Austria, there seemed a likeli- 
hood of war, or at least of reprisals. The Austrians 2 did 
indeed bombard some of the Moorish ports, and, although 
unsuccessful in their attacks, obtained the settlement of 
their claims. A rising of the Udaia. section of the 
imperial guard resulted in the proclamation of a republic 
in Fez, which withstood a siege of more than a year, until 
30,000 Udaia had been routed between Fez and Mequinez 
by 100,000 royalists. When finally subdued, the rebel 
troops were dispersed throughout the Empire, which they 
have not since molested.* 

The event of the reign had yet to come, resulting from 

the struggle of the French with the Algerians. Abd 

;th Franc-, er-Rahman thought at first to share the spoil, 

1830. anc | mac i e a va j n attempt on Tlem^en, 3 but 

* See chapter x. 

1 En-Nasiri, pp. 173-176. 

2 Called by En-Nasiri the " Naprial (i.e. Imperial) Nation " (p. 183). 3 Ibid., p. 191. 

174 FILALI PERIOD [Nineteenth 

1832. was forced to sign a treaty renouncing, not 
only all claims on Tlemcen, but also all negotiations 
with the prince of the Algerians, the famous Abd el Kader. 
Correspondence seized by France conclusively proved the 
disregard of the latter part of this bond;* but when, driven 

1842. to desperation, Abd el Kader fled to Morocco 
for shelter, it was at first refused. Therefore when, two 

1844. years later, he crossed the border with booty, an 
excuse was given to the French to seize upon Oojda. 1 
'Abd er-Rahman thereupon collected an army and 
marched to regain the Moorish frontier town. War was 
declared, and after several skirmishes, it was decided 
against the Moors at the battle of Isly.f Tangier and 
1844. Mogador had been bombarded already, the 
latter almost destroyed. 2 The island there was held by 
the French, but the town was sacked by the surrounding 
tribesmen, and so general was the exodus of the inhabi- 
tants, that when peace was restored there was no one left 
to receive the official notification. 

Among the terms of the treaty of peace 3 were the 
stipulations that no more help should be rendered to 
Abd el Kader, and that in Oojda, the nearest town to 
Lallah Maghnia, no more than 2000 soldiers should ever 
be congregated. A commission was appointed to define 
the frontier, which in many parts they did so 
Frontier. vaguely that occasion has always remained for 

1845 ' demands for its " rectification." One blunder 
which the French made then, and have greatly regretted, 
was the recognition of the Moorish suzerainty in Tuat, an 

* The sultan caused the tongue of Si Mohammed bin Drees, his wazeer, to 
be pulled out, for breaking his promise not to correspond with Abd el Kader. 4 

t See note appended to this chapter. 

* En-NAsiri, p. 195. 

2 A general account of this "war" was published the same year in Paris, Tableau de la 
guerre . . . dans I'enipirc du Maroc, with plans and views. (Bibl. Art. 672.) 

3 Martens, Nouv. Rec. de Traites, t. viii., p. 143. 4 Hays Life, p. 72. 




oasis which they have since coveted, as lying on the way to 
Timbuctoo. At last, hounded from Morocco, Abd el Kader 
1847. was compelled to yield to France, and was exiled 
to Damascus. Hut the feeling of the Moorish populace 
was such that Abd er-Rahman feared a general rising, 
and conveyed his treasures to Tafllalt, though ere long 
things quieted down. 

The French, however, still had claims to settle, and 


when these had accumulated they bombarded Salli, 

while Rabat remained neutral: they of course obtained 

their ends. Some time afterwards the Prince 

rrtnch and 

Prussian aaims. of Prussia had a dispute with the Rif tribes, 

among whom he had rashly attempted to land, 

and another indemnity had to be paid. By this time 


[ Nineteenth 

piracy had ceased to be, and foreign Powers no longer 
paid their tribute for exemption from the rovers ; treaties 
were being drawn up on a different footing, and Morocco 
was falling into its rightful place. 

On the death of Abd er-Rahman, after a thirty-seven 

years' reign, he was succeeded by his son, Mohammed 

sidi Mohammed XVI 1 1., whom he had wisely nominated. Not- 

xviii. withstanding the high command with which 


he had been entrusted by his father, the new- 
comer had to fight with serious rivals, 1 and had barely 
secured his position when a war broke out with Spain. 
Already, during his father's last months, the usual list of 
claims and complaints from Madrid had grown pressing, 
especially in connection with the Spanish fortresses in 
Morocco, between which and the tribes of Er-Rif there 
had been a good deal of trouble.* When the death of the 
sultan threw the government into a state of chaos, there 
were three demands before it : to restore some Spanish 
prisoners taken near Melilla, to pay an indemnity, and to 
grant a neutral zone round each of the " presidios."! After 
the first had been granted, the others were pressed, and 

the Spanish government, impelled by an in- 

The War with . i -rt 9 i i i t l.\ 

spain. toxicated rress/ declared war. It was then 

1859. October, late in the season, but the wild 
excitement which ruled in Spain ignored all difficulties, 
and eschewed all prudence. 

From their base at Ceuta, with a provisioning fleet at 
hand, the Spanish army slowly marched on Tetuan, 

* The official correspondence which previous to this war passed between 
the representatives of Spain and Morocco 3 reveals the determination of the 
Spanish Government to secure an accession of territory outside Ceuta on the 
excuse of raids by the people of Anjera, or to declare war. It is followed by 
a lame excuse addressed in a circular to the neutral Powers. 

f See The Land of the Moors, chapter xix. 

i En-NAsiri, p. 2it. 2 See Godard, vol. ii., p. 652 ; Hardman, p. 92. 

3 Manchester Guardian Office, i860 (B. Mus., 8042 c.) 



under Prim, O'Donncll and Rios, meeting with no 
serious opposition till December.* New Year's 
Cmmpaign. Day was signalised by a crushing defeat of the 

1860 Moors, t but February had come before the 
town, which had been pillaged by the natives and 
deserted, was entered on the invitation of the Jews and 
few remaining Moors. March saw the battle of Wad Ras, 
on the Tangier road, in which the Moors were finally 
routed, and the campaign was at an end. 1 Peace 
was signed in August on the Spaniards' terms. These 
included the cession round Melilla of " the radius of 
twice the distance of a twenty-four pounder shot,' 2 the 
recognition of Spain's right to avenge the attacks of the 
Berbers without hostility to the Moorish Government, the 
acknowledgment of her claim to an unidentified fishing 
station on the coast of Sus, called by them " Santa Cruz 
de Mar Pequena," 3 and the payment of an indemnity of 
four hundred million reals vellon (nominally ^4,000,000), 
for which Tetuan was to be retained as pledge. { 
Territorial Kut the objection to this last item by the 

integrity. British Government, which had stipulated that 

the territorial integrity of Morocco should be maintained, 
led to the raising of a loan in London, wherewith to pay 
off the Spaniards.§ The whole sum was assured by a 
lien on the Moorish Customs receipts, which continued 
to be checked by English and Spanish clerks till 1 883, || 

* An excellent account of this march is preserved in the reports of 
Ilardman, the Times correspondent. See also Baku men, and SCHLAGINTWEIT. 

t One of the peculiarities observed in this and the subsequent Spanish 
war with Morocco was the disproportionate number of foreign officers killed. 
As most of these were wounded in the head or neck, this is attributed to 
their being picked off by good shots while erect or on horseback. See 
HARDMAN, p. 299, and London papers. 

X O'Donnell became Duke of Tetuan. 

\ bonds were issued for ,£501,200. The management of these negotiations 
chiefly the work of the late Sir John Drummond Hay, on whom it 
reflected great credit. || The Spanish remained alone till 1887. 

1 En-N wki, p. 213. 2 Hardman, p. 284. ;$ See The Land of the Moors, ch. xix. 

i 7 8 



each nation receiving half. The result of this supervision 
doubtless contributed much to the subsequent rise of the 
revenue from this source from a third of a million pounds 
sterling to a million and two-thirds. 

From that time to this few great events have disturbed the 
course of affairs in Morocco. En-Nasiri, the contemporary 
Moorish historian, who at the age of sixty published his 

I. — "And for those who treasure up gold and silver, and do not lay it out 
in the way of God . . ." * 

II. — " Taste that which ye have treasured up." 
"Struck inTetuan, year 1195." 

Kitdb el Istiksd, though occupying seventy-six well-filled 
pages with the period between the close of the Spanish 
1894. war and the accession of the present sultan, has 
little to narrate that is of outside interest. There are 
the usual rebellions, notably one raised by a certain Jilani 
er-Rifi, who was defeated and put to death immediately 
after the war. Sidi Mohammed continued to reign for 
fourteen years thereafter unmolested, except by customary 

* Kor'an, s. ix., v. 35. The verse quoted from continues here, " denounce 
a grievous punishment. On the day of judgment their treasures shall be 
intensely heated in the fire of hell, and their foreheads and their sides and 
their backs shall be scarred therewith, and their tormentors shall say, ' This 
is what ye have treasured up for your souls. Taste that which ye have 
treasured up.' " 


1873. foreign embassies and claims, his death occur- 
ring from natural causes. 

Then succeeded, in the words of En-Nasiri, 1 "the King 

of the Age, the Prince of believers, my lord El Hasan, — 

ei Hasan in. son of Mohammed, son of Abd er- Rahman, — 

1873 1894. may God make his kingdom eternal ! " News 
of his father's death reached Mulai El Hasan when 
at the head of an army in Siis. This secured for him a 
peaceful proclamation in Marnikesh, but Fez, ever hard to 
please, refused him. From Marnikesh to Rabat the journey 
provided the new sovereign with two months of hard 
righting, and there yet remained before him the untamable 
Heni Hasan between Rabat and Mequinez. These at 
last being overcome, and his successful proclamation 
having been effected in Mequinez, it was not until 
several months later that he could venture to Fez, and 
when he did so, the single day's journey between the 
two cities was many times multiplied by conflicts with 
the Beni Mateer. 

New Fez was not so difficult to manage, but Old Fez 
firmly rejected the in-coming monarch, closing its gates 

xtion against him under the advice of an old blind 
shareef, who roused its populace with the 
usual story that they were being forced to pay un- 
warranted taxes. Old Fez had at first acknowledged 
Mulai el Hasan, stipulating only for the abolition of the 
ever -obnoxious enkas tax, which was agreed to. But 
the stipulation was not kept, and the tax was re- 
imposed, whereupon much ill-feeling was kindled. A 
trilling altercation in the street between a subordinate of 
the chief ameen of revenue and a tannen fired the air. 
I he tanners looted the ameen's premises; general con- 
fusion ensued, and the whole city, fearing the sultan's 
wrath, closed the gates and refused him admittance unless 

1 Vol. iv., p. 278. 



the stipulation as to the abolition of the enkas, etc., 
was kept. Siege was laid to the town, which was 
eventually entered with the help of traitors within, though 
the first seventy to enter by the Bab Mahurok were shot 
down in the street. Haj Mennu, the kaid who con- 
tributed most to the victory, became so powerful that the 
sultan feared him, and having with some difficulty 
secured his arrest, sent the fallen general to Tetuan, 
where he remained in confinement for fifteen years. It 
was currently reported that the torture of the "wooden 
jellab " was inflicted upon him — a Moorish version of the 
" Virgin of Nuremberg." 

Thus the late sultan, El Hasan III., came to the throne, 
commencing what was, for Morocco, a beneficent reign, 
character r/ destined to see more changes, especially in the 
Muiaiei Hasan. g rQ wth of intercourse with the outside world, 
than had been known for many a previous reign. 
In the eyes of most of the foreign tourists and others who 
now began to write so profusely about the country, — 
but in ignorance of the characters either of his people 
or of his predecessors, — Mulai el Hasan was a blood-thirsty 
tyrant, " ever gorging himself on slaughter and rapine," 
a " conscienceless autocrat " supported by a " still more 
unscrupulous horde " of officials, " delighting only in the 
pleasures of his hareem." 

In contrast to his antecedents and surroundings, the late 
sultan w r as mild and gentle, strongly averse to the shedding 
of blood, and failing to succeed in many reforms of which 
he was in favour, only because he was not the absolute 
ruler he was so often represented to be. Mulai el Hasan 
was, from the Mohammedan point of view, a good, but 

not a strong, sovereign. Such a character as Mulai Ismail 
was infinitely better suited, not only to the Moorish 
temperament, but to the ideas which foreigners also love 
to entertain of eastern potentates. Mulai el Hasan did 

< tilHi)) 



indeed earn some reputation as a warrior by his constant 
military expeditions; but though he would often appear 
in person on the field, he was always attended by four 
guards clad exactly as he was, by way of precaution. 1 

In recording previous reigns it has not been considered 

necessary to recount in full the various campaigns of the 

Moorish sultans within their own borders, but 

since nothing could eive a better idea of the 

this last 

method by which Morocco 





reign an outline of its military expeditions is given. 

which both 


and ended with 

It was a rei 

war upon turbulent tribes. The proclamation in Fez 
having been effected, there still remained the mountainous 
province of Er-Rif to subdue, and by the time that was 
effected, Marrakesh was up in arms. The southern 
capital had hardly been reduced to order when the sultan 
was obliged to return with all haste to Fez, on his way 

1 Martiniere, p. 33r, note. 

FILALI PERIOD ^Nineteenth 

to Oojda. Between the two last-named points Mulai el 
Hasan had to sustain his first great defeat, at the hands of 
the Gha'iata, who succeeded in surprising his army in a 
defile since called by his soldiers the " Valley of Hell." 
The imperial hareem was carried off, and other serious 
losses were suffered. Another road was then successfully 
followed, and Oojda was reached. The rebel governor 
was captured by a stratagem, and the return march com- 
menced. With the assistance of a neighbouring tribe 
which knew the ground, a nominal submission was 
obtained from the Gha'iata, but to this day no Moorish 
official or soldier dare approach their territory save in 

A year's rest in Fez followed all this fighting, and the 
country seemed quiet. Then, in the year of the famine 
, , . , from which so many Moors comoute their age,* 

A Gathering of J L ° ' 

the Eagles. the sultan returned to Marrakesh, where he 

1878, fell ill. When this was known, the Berbers 
began to rebel all over the kingdom. Demonstrations 
by foreign men-of-war were made in the ports, theoreti- 
cally to secure protection for the foreign residents, but 
practically with the result of still further arousing the 
populace, who could only see in this display a combined 
1887. design on their independence. Nine years later 
history repeated itself, but Mulai el Hasan recovered on the 
second occasion also, and both times the " gathering of the 
eagles " was in vain. The scenes of anarchy which usually 
ensue when the centre of authority is gone, and when 
every man is left to his own will, were postponed, and 
neither mountaineers nor foreigners obtained the plunder 
hoped for. 

Nevertheless, when the sultan again took the field the 
following year, three tribes had to be chastised for their 

* For a graphic description of this famine see Payton, reproduced in The 
Times of Morocco, June 23, etc., 1888. 



Mtmer Campaigns, behaviour, the Beni Miisa, the Ait Attab, and 

1879. the Beni Mateer. Next year the Kalaia, a Rifi 
tribe, was subdued by one of the sultan's uncles after 

1880. a desperate struggle. Then the- tribes around 
Wazzan rose, but were subjugated by June. July saw 
war raging with the Ait Yfissi, and after them came 

1881. the turn of the Haiaina. Next year the army 
was directed to settle accounts with the Zemmur and Zair, 
two of the fiercest tribes in the Empire, between Mequinez 
and Rabat, after which the mountaineers of Tadla were 
attacked, and then the Zaiani. The most important result 
of this continuous struggle was the employment, first of 
an English military instructor, and subsequently of French 
officers " on loan " for the much-needed re-organisation of 
the imperial troops, and for their instruction in the use of 
modern weapons.* 

Then came the great expedition of Mulai el Hasan's 

reign, the first invasion of Sus. At the time, throughout 

the whole of that large province, two kaids only 

Expedition. acknowledged the sultan's authority, and they 

1882 ' were established in the extreme north, at Agadir 

Ighir and Tarudant. Ere the army left the plains to 

re-cross the Atlas, there were forty-three kaids of his 

appointment, many of them, it is true, officials whom he 

had found there, but they were no longer independent. 

Fearful losses had been suffered by the shareefian troops, 

and fearful hardships had been endured. 

It was on this occasion that the remarkable innovation 

was introduced of employing a foreign steamer to convey 

European grain and other provision to various points on 

influences. j-j-^ CO ast. This was successfully accomplished 

at Agadir and Massa,t but at Aglu a boisterous sea 

prevented a landing, and famine reigned in the army 

* See chapter xii. 

t For an account of this see Johnston and Cowan, also Payton, in 
The Field, September 2nd. 



till supplies could be obtained overland. AglCi was the 
furthest point reached by the sultan, but his uncle took a 
detachment as far as the Wad Assaka or Nun, and another 
was despatched to visit the factory established by an English 
1880. company at Tarfaia, known to us as Cape Juby. 
Probably that encroachment led to the resumption of a 
lapsed authority in this direction, and to the institution of 
1891. a policy which culminated in the ultimate 
removal of the Europeans, and their indemnification on a 
scale which made the venture a financial success.* 

The greater portion of Sus had, since early in the 
century, maintained its practical independence under 
The Fate of s-as. Sidi Hisham bin Ahmad oo Musa and his 
i8io. descendants, but as a result of the negotiations 
following this expedition, the shareef was induced to 
tender his submission, one of his sons being among 
the newly-appointed kaids. Feeling the need of another 
garrison town in that province, Mulai el Hasan built up 
a new capital, Tiznit, to supersede High, the home of the 
old foes of his family. 

But another important question remained to be 
settled. The Spaniards having had their attention called 
to Sus, remembered the admission in the treaty of 
i860 of their claim to a fishing station somewhere 
on that coast, so took advantage of this campaign to 
enter into negotiations for a port in Sus, and sent a vessel 
to make investigations. As they could not agree among 
themselves which port to demand, it was not wonderful 
that the Moors refused to recognise their claim to either 
of the sites proposed, so the question still remains 
unsettled.! Then the army returned to Marrakesh, after 
comparatively little fighting, but with heavy losses on the 
1882. long summer march, for they only reached their 
destination in August. 

* See The Land of the Moors, chapter xx. t Ibid., chapter xix. 



In the following year the subjugation of the Tadla 

district was undertaken, and the submission of the 
powerful tribe of Zaian having been secured, 

Sturdy Resistance. . , . , . . 

the sultan penetrated the province under its 
protection. This only availed till the Samaala were found 
well entrenched as a bar to progress, and were only 
overcome by a bombardment of their new castle, a 
proceeding which at once awed and reduced them. 
Nevertheless, the terms of submission could not be settled, 
since the women would not hear of being delivered up 
to the army, and refused to let the men surrender 

1883. without a free pardon. So fighting recom- 
menced, but the garrison made its escape by night, and 
in the morning their kasbah was demolished. The next 
month was spent in over-running the Zai'r country again, 
and Mequinez was reached in October, after a four 
months' campaign. 

It was not until September cf the following year that 
the Court left Mequinez for Fez ; but in the interval 

1884. the Zemmur had been fought, and also the 
A lata Riimi. In August the kasbah of Almis, south 
of the Melwiva, had been blown up with dynamite.* This 
was the first time that terrible invention had been employed 
in Morocco, but its effectiveness, under European direction, 
has led to its general use, to the great dismay of the 
Berbers. The same year Mulai el Ameen, the sultan's 
uncle, was sent on an expedition to Sheshawan. 

A more important force than dynamite, however, had 

been introduced, for in the previous year a printing press 

_ tion had been set up in Tangier, and the Spanish 

Press. weekly paper, Al-moghreb Al-aksa, had been 

established. This was followed, after a few 

* El Ufrani ascribes the invention of gunpowder to a doctor busy with an 
experiment in alchemy in i^66. 1 

1 p. 163. 











months, by the Reveil du Maroc, and in the following 

1884. year by The Times of Morocco* From this 
time forward the chronicles of the Moorish Empire are 
to be sought in their columns, but as regards most 
internal affairs to be sought in vain, for their inform- 
ation is principally confined to the coast, or to hearsay. 
En-Nasiri continues to supply a somewhat detailed 
account of events of which the local European Press had 
but imperfect knowledge, while to himself, as to most 
Moors, the doings of the Nazarenes on the coast are 
matters of indifference. 

Mulai el Hasan's next expedition took him to Mequinez 
and Rabat in June of the following year, but the fighting 

1885. of the season did not begin till he reached the 
northern parts of Natifa, which were thoroughly " eaten 
up." Then he entered Marrakesh, and there spent the 
winter. Next year Marrakesh was left full early — in March 

seconds*! — f° r a secon d great expedition to Sus, through 

campaign. Saffi, Mogador and Agadir Ighir. The Dar 


ed-Dlimi was demolished, and Tiznit inspected, 
after which the force pushed on to Arkshish and the 
Wad Nun. This river was followed to Glimin, thus 
altogether exceeding the limits of the previous expedition, 
throughout confirming the shareefian authority. The 
Great Feast, which fell that year on July 14, was kept 
in state in Tarudant, whence the Lower Atlas was 
crossed by the Bibawan Pass, several large forts at Kafifat 
being levelled by the way, and the Hawara and Idau 
Tanan tribes were devastated amid fearful excesses by the 
soldiery, which now began to be heard of in Europe. 

Tadla and southern Natifa were the districts next to be 

victimised, including Damnat, which has never recovered. 

a Record journey. Thence a march was made to Rabat, some hard 

1887. fighting being experienced in Shawia, but the 

* For a detailed account of the Press in Morocco see Part III. 



army was permitted to follow the direct route from 
Rabat to Mequinez without molestation. The expedi- 
tion had lasted from May to August,* and under the 
strain the sultan's health broke down. During the autumn 
his life was despaired of, and the stoppage of the whole 
machinery of government was feared. A "Morocco 
scare" again seized Europe, which was increased in 
November by a futile attempt on the part of Spain 
to appropriate the island of Perejil in the Straits of 

It was in May again that the next start was made, the 
object being the Beni M'gild, who had for centuries main- 
1888. tained their independence, remembering only 
Mulai Ismail, whose intention had been, had he lived, to 
make a paved road through their district from Marrakesh 
to Mequinez. At the outset of the expedition all went 
well ; several chiefs had surrendered at discretion, and it 
seemed as though there would be little fighting. Mulai 
Sarur, an uncle of the sultan, was despatched with some 
300 mounted men to the tribe of Ait Sokhman to arrange 
certain matters, and at first was hospitably treated. 
What followed I give in the words of one of the kaids 
then present, from whom many other details also have 
been gleaned. 

"Three days they ate with the Ait Sokhman as 

brothers. On the third they distributed their horses 

among the villages around for pasture. In 

A Native Account. & e> 1 

the evening after supper they were resting. 
Suddenly the powder spoke ! ' Drub, drub ; drub, drub.' 
Those who were still alive sprang to their feet, but Mulai 
Sarur — may God compassionate and pardon him — was not 
of those. Of all who went, but few returned, and they 
are now in prison. They were kaids, masters of eighteen 

* See The Times of Morocco, August II. f Ibid., Nov. 17 and Dec. I. 



shots* and were not the men to have fled. When out- 
lord heard the news he marched forth to vengeance. 

" The chiefs of the whole district had cast off the cloaks 
which they had received from our lord — may God send 
him victorious, — swearing that if they allowed him to pass 
through their country they would confess themselves dogs, 
and never give their daughters in marriage. One of their 
number brought their cloaks to our lord, throwing them 
before him as a warning, but he pushed on, more determined 
than ever. Four of those kaids are in prison on Mogador 
Island ; two have fled. Mulai el Hasan's vengeance for 
his uncle's death was swift and sure. When he reached 
the land of the Ait Sokhman he found it deserted, so he 
turned against their allies, the Ait Ytissi, whom he destroyed 
wholesale. The army ate up everything of any worth the 
men could lay their hands on ; what the men left their 
beasts fattened on, and what the animals left the fire ate, 
so that the country which they found a garden was left a 

It was August when Mequinez was reached, and the 
winter was passed in Fez. Next year one thing after another 
1889. delayed the start, which was not made until 
June, when the route lay north-east. The first accounts 
settled were those of Ghomara, adjoining the Rif, after 
which the sultan paid his respects at the shrine of Mulai 
Abd es-Slam bin Mashish, pushing forward to Sheshawan, 
Tetuan and Tangier. His reception at the last two 
placesf was so unexpectedly hearty that Mulai el Hasan 
gave 810,000 for a bridge on the Tetuan river. 1 In Tangier 
a still more enthusiastic welcome from the Europeans was 
to surprise him, and, in spite of great fears, the visit passed 
off peaceably. 

* That is, armed with repeating rifles. 

t Described in detail by numerous correspondents in The Times of Morocco. 

1 En-NAsiki, vol. iv., p. 275. 




Thence, by way of Laraiche, he returned to Fez, and 
raided the Alt Sokhman to avenge the death of Mulai 
1890. Sarur, after which he passed to Marrakesh. At 
the southern capital such sons and daughters as were of 
suitable age were married off, and as the country was 
considered " pacified," a year was spent in recruiting. The 
sultan's health was failing, and when at last he ceased to 
appear in public Europe was filled with designs and alarms. 


(The central arches are the entrance to the Treasury, in front of which stand 
treasure chests.) 

1891. The " gathering of the eagles," in the shape of 
foreign men-of-war, was again repeated, and a speedy change 
of masters in Morocco was foretold. France attempted to 
lay hands upon the tributary oasis of Tuat, and the 
Shareef of Wazzan was employed on a mission on their 



behalf, but in vain. The shareef came home to die, but 
1893. the sultan recovered, and in the following year 
set out for Tafilalt. 

The story of the final expedition of this reign has 
been most picturesquely and yet accurately told by 

tExfditioH. Mr- Walter B. Harris, whose love of adventure 
1893- took him to Tafilalt while Mulai el Hasan 
was there. 1 From Fez to Tafilalt, although no actual 
fighting was experienced, the troublesome Beni M'gild 
and Ait Yussi had to be watched and appeased with 
presents — strange proceeding for a Moorish sultan ! It 
was October before the palmy destination was reached, 
and the army of 40,000, including followers, was unable 
to find sustenance to last the winter,, so in spite of the 
sultan's foiling health, and the difficulties of the road, the 
return was ordered. Tropical heat by day and extreme 
cold by night, added to the scarcity of food, worked havoc 
among the troops, who had to be constantly watchful. 

Winter was already setting in, and in crossing the Glawi 

Pass on the way to Marrakesh, some 8000 feet above the 

sea level, " as the cold increased, soldiers, mules, 

Terrible Hardships. , ,. , _ 

horses, and camels, died of exposure.* Snow 
fell and covered the camp, and only by forced marches 
were the remnants of the great horde dragged out from 
the deathly grip of the rocks and snows of the Atlas 
mountains to the plains below." By the time they entered 
Marrakesh the sultan had become an old man. " Travel- 
stained and weary, he rode his great white horse with its 
mocker)' of green and gold trappings, while over a head 
that was a picture of suffering waved the imperial umbrella 

* "Men . . . died in numbers, frozen to death, while the Berbers stripped 
the bodies of clothes and rifles. . . . Probably a third of the baggage animals 
iv.ul been frozen to death, fallen over precipices, or broken their legs on the 

I mountain roads." 8 

1 Ta/ilet. 8 Harris, Ta/ilet, pp. 327, 328. 



of crimson velvet." But Mulai el Hasan found no 
peace at Marrakesh; fighting had occurred in his absence 
between the people of the Rif and the Spaniards, which 
1894. resulted in his having an indemnity to pay of 
twenty million pesetas,* after an expedition which 
could not have cost the country far short of a million 

These events compelled the sultan to set out for 
Rabat and Fez, instead of allowing him rest in the 

south, for the Rif tribes had to be punished. 

But " Fez was never reached, the expedition 
never took place, and Mulai el Hasan's entry into Rabat 
was in a coffin at the dead of night." His death had 
occurred in Tadla a few days before, but had been skilfully 
concealed by Si Ahmad, his trusted chamberlain, at 
present Wazeer Regent. In solemn silence the body was 
carried into Rabat through a hole in the wall, and laid 
to rest beside his ancestor Sidi Mohammed XVII. (bin 
Abd Allah.) 

Next morning the late sultan's favourite son, Mulai 
Abd el Aziz, whom he had trained as his successor, 

surrounding him with pomp and power, and had 
The Present sent before him to Rabat, was proclaimed amid 

Sultan. ' L 

rejoicings. A lad of sixteen, he was unable at 
once to assume control, and is still a minor, whose affairs 
are administered by Si Ahmad bin Mtisa as regent. The 
European Powers having been prepared to support him, 
and supreme authority being in the hands of Si Ahmad, 
Abd el Aziz succeeded with but little fighting, and what 
risings did take place in Rahamna and elsewhere, were 
suppressed with a severity that awed the nation into 

Whatever peace and quiet Morocco has since enjoyed 
must be set down to Si Ahmad's strong hand and political 

* About ^650,000. 




The Weueer 

skill. Certainly not for many a long day has 
Morocco known such an administration, but 
the question is, how long will it last? The 
Circassian mother of the present sultan is credited with 
a strong and beneficial influence over her son, as also 
is Sidi Mohammed el Amnini, uncle of the sultan 
by marriage. Between this party and that of the ex- 
Grand Wazeer, Haj Maati Jamai, and his brother, the 


ex-Minister of War, Si Mohammed es-Saghir, there has 
always existed a bitter rivalry.* As soon, therefore, as 
Si Ahmad bin Musa felt quite secure, some five weeks after 
the late sultan's death, his rivals, including many lesser 
officials, were thrown into prison at Mequinez, and their 

* This Jama! family, by origin Spanish, from the neighbourhood of Xeres, 
was already powerful in the twelfth century, one of them having been wazeer 
»ef II.. and another having become one of the companions of Ibn Tumart 
the Mahdi, as they fell into disgrace in I181. 1 

1 Aud flWahhId, 1853, p. 22?, and Ibn Khaldi n. 

I 9 4 FILALI PERIOD [Nineteenth 

property was confiscated on a charge of conspiracy 
likely to have been too well founded, since they knew that 
the succession of Abd el Aziz would mean their own 
inevitable downfall. 

The proclamation of the new sultan in Fez was achieved 
by a master-stroke. The start afforded by the conceal- 
ment of the death of El Hasan enabled Si 
o/MuiaT* 7 Ahmad to notify the basha before the people 

'am ei 'Aziz iv. g Q ^ news, and the notables were called to hear an 
edict in the Bu Jelud Mosque as if nothing had 
happened. There, with closed doors, the basha secured 
the drawing up of an act of allegiance to Mulai Abd 
el Aziz. This had the support of his uncle Ismail, and 
of his brother 'Omar, the former of whom, under other 
circumstances, might have become a formidable rival.* The 
deed was done, and as it was the time of the harvest — that 
year one of great abundance after years of comparative 
lack, requiring every available hand — the country people 
wisely followed suit, instead of making the usual stand. 

There is nothing dearer to the Moorish heart than 

absolute independence, and the death of a sultan is always 

held to dissolve all existing authority till 

Peaceful Succession. . 

enforced at the sword-point by his successor ; 
but on this occasion, though the parade of foreign vessels 
on the coast as usual increased alarm by adding fear of 
invasion, things soon quieted down except in one or two 
districts. The new sultan marched with his army through 
the Beni Hasan and the Zemmur to Zarhon, Mequinez 
and Fez, where he was installed without opposition. 
Shortly afterwards his brothers 'Omar and Mohammed 
were arrested for asserting pretensions, and Si Ahmad, 
having succeeded as Grand Wazeer, appointed one brother, 

* As soon as Ismail had entered the mosque guards were placed in his 
house by the basha, but on his signing the act of submission they were 
withdrawn before his return. 

<-,.„,„,,., THE REGENT'S POWER 195 

Si Drccs, to his own old post of Chamberlain, and another 
Si Said, to the Ministry of War. From that time to this 
the power of the Wazeer Regent has been unquestioned ; 
many reforms have been instituted,* and the only com- 
plaint of the people is that the regent rules — not their 
sultan. The question now is, will he relinquish his grip 
on the approaching majority of His Majesty lAbd el Aziz ? 
— whom " may God direct." 



iri, Photo., Tangier From Harper's Magazine, Copyright, 1896, by Harper &• Brothers 


* These have been chiefly fiscal, but a most praiseworthy act of Si 
Ahmad's was the prohibition of the Mekka pilgrimage in 1897, on account 
of the epidemic then prevailing in the East. This was done at the instance 
of the foreign representatives at Tangier. It was forbidden by a solemn, 
lengthy edict, read in all the mosques. The Fez Aolama were never con- 
sulted about it — only a few at Marrakesh, who were told the sultan's wishes, 
and at once "found scripture" for them, an instance showing how slight is the 
effective influence of the Aolama. In December, 1898, in response to repre- 
sentations of the diplomatic body at the instance of Sir Arthur Nicholson, 
the sultan ordered the cleansing and lime-washing of the principal prisons in 
the interior, as well as in the coast towns, with an increase of the daily 
allowance of bread to the prisoners. 



The bombardment of Tangier and Mogador was the maiden venture of 
the Prince de Joinville, third son of Louis Philippe, then twenty-six years 
of age, and eager to obtain renown. That of Tangier, confined as far as 
possible to the walls and fortifications, lasted from 8 to 11 a.m. on the 6th of 
August, English and other vessels looking on. 1 That of Mogador took place 
on August 15th, when a sterner resistance was met with, especially on 
the island. 2 To the last moment the British minister, Mr. Drummond Hay, 
had laboured to bring the opponents to terms, but his efforts were defeated by 
the refusal of the Moors to recognise their hopeless position, and by the ardour 
of the confident Frenchmen. 3 The European residents were transported for 
safety to Gibraltar and Cadiz with much hardship, whilst their dwellings and 
stores were placed under guard, which made them the depositories of the 
wealth of their neighbours. In Tangier this step proved successful, but not 
so in Mogador, where the indebtedness of the merchants to the Government 
prevented some of them from fleeing till the town was abandoned, when the 
place was pillaged. 

On hearing of Joinville's action, Marshal Bugeaud, commanding the 
French land forces, replied, " Sir, you have drawn on me a bill of exchange ; 
be sure that I shall not long delay in honouring it. Vive la France!"* He 
enclosed a plan of his proposed operations, fixing a date for the battle, to 
which he strictly adhered. Oojda had been entered on June 19, and on 
July 19, after desultory skirmishing and raiding, the troops returned to Lallah 
Maghnia (Marnia) "for refreshment." Early in August they re-crossed the 
frontier to meet the sultan, who was entrenched behind the River Isly 
with some 6000 "regular" horse, 10,000 to 12,000 picked foot-soldiers, and 
perhaps 60,000 rough-mounted levies. Against this host the invaders brought 
6500 bayonets and 1500 horse. On the eve of the battle the volatile French 
decked the oleanders by the river with lanterns of coloured paper, and in that 
make-believe garden indulged in punch and speeches. Addressing his officers, 
the marshal described the formation of his army as resembling a boar's head, 
his best troops the tusks, himself between the ears, "to split the Moorish 
army as a knife does butter." 5 The Moors having been put off their guard by 
repeated foraging sorties, on that last night the whole army went out to stay, 
and at 1 a.m. approached the enemy's camp, which, after safely crossing the 
river, it attacked at dawn. By noon the marshal, was enjoying the tea and 
cakes prepared in the tent of the sultan's son. From 12.000 to 15,000 Moors, 
alive and dead, were on their hands, and 250 of their own killed and wounded, 
besides their own sick, who entered hospital at the rate of nearly 200 a day, 
on account of the heat and fatigue. 

1 For detailed accounts see The Times of Morocco, No. 125 ; Murray, vol. i., chap. vii. ; 
L' Illustration, March to August, 1S44. 

- The prince's own account is given in his Histoire Glorieicse de la Marine, vol. iv., 
p, 324. 3 See his Life. 

4 Life, Tr. by Miss C. M. Yonge, vol. ii., p. 118. 5 Ibid., p. 123. 



NOTWITHSTANDING the great similarity which to 
casual observers exists between the administration 
of one Mohammedan state and another, Morocco 

Individuality. ....... 

possesses individuality enough to warrant an 
independent study of its methods in this, as in other 
departments. It has, however, in common with all 
Muslim nations, principles and standards furnished by the 
Kor'an and the precedents of early practice. Several of 
the Moorish dynasties — as the first, the Idreesi; the third, 
the Maghrawa (Fatimi) ; the eighth, the Saadi ; and the 
ninth, the Filali (now reigning) — have been acknow- 
ledged descendants of Mohammed — shareef, or noble, as 
they are styled in this country, — and as such have had 
a peculiar claim upon the reverence of Muslimin. This 

has afforded them ground, such as the Turks 

The Khali fate. .... . _ , 

never boasted, for their assumption of the 
khalifate ; while others of their dynasties — the fifth (the 
most powerful of all), the Muwahhadi ; and the sixth, the 
Beni Marin — assumed the khalifate with just as little 
right as the rulers of Constantinople. Others, again, 
as some ameers of the fourth, the Murabti, line, were 
careful to adopt the title of "Ameer el Muslimin,' 
" Prince of the Surrendered," in place of the more pre- 
tentious designation of "Ameer el Mu'minin," "Prince 



of the Faithful."* But since the introduction of the 
title of " sultan " — best translated, perhaps, as 

P snuan° fthe " em P eror >" t— earl y m the seventeenth century, 
that of "ameer" has almost dropped in con- 
versation, and although no Moor would ascribe the 
succession to any other ruler than his own, they do 
not trouble themselves about it in Morocco, since, ex- 
cept in theory, the khalifate, in its original form of a 
general leadership of all Muslimin, has been extinct since 
the Turks conquered Egypt. But it is still applied in 
edicts, and in documents addressed to His Shareefian 

In any case the Sultan of Morocco is the highest 
spiritual, as well as the highest temporal, power recog- 
nised by the Moors ; and to this alone is due his influence 
among the semi-independent Berbers of the mountains, or 
the Arabs of the western Sahara. The exact position 
which he holds in the minds of his people it would be 
hard to define, but it may be summed up as one of 
reverential awe, due in part to his high office 

Sacred Majesty. ' r to 

and hallowed descent, and in part to his 
unquestioned power, independently of personal con- 
siderations. Even when the most brutal and revolting 
deeds have been committed by the sultans of Morocco, 
these have not impaired the loyalty or the devotion of 

* This latter title had been selected by Abu Bakr, Mohammed's immediate 
successor, as more suitable to be handed down to his successors than that of 
khalifa, "lieutenant," either "of God," or — as he preferred to understand it, 
lest it might seem to imply the absence of God — of the " Prophet." See 

P- 72- 

t The title of emperor appears to have been first applied by England in 
correspondence with Mulai Ismail. 1 The use of the word sultan by En- 
Nasiri, in writing of some of the principal preceding rulers {e.g., of Yakiib II. 
in 1258), only reflects the custom and idea of the present day. The title of 
sultan, as well as those of imam (priest) and khalifa, appear, however, on 
much earlier tombs, as on that of AH V. (Abu'l Hasan) in 1351 {see p. 103). 
1 Mouette Hist., p. 309. 


their persecuted people, whose history does not present 
a single instance of a tyrant overthrown by a revolted 
populace. Yet in several instances ameers have been 
assassinated — some of them when drunk — by their own 
guards, and numerous pretenders have succeeded in sup- 
planting them, but this has only been possible when 
someone who appeared able to make good an equal 
right to rule has stood forward demanding allegiance. 
Might and right are here, as generally throughout the 
East, considered synonymous, and power, wherever it 
exists, goes unquestioned. 

The titles by which a Moorish sultan may be known 
are as elastic as the ingenuity of the scribe addressing 
him, but those most frequently employed include 
"The Noble Presence,"* "The Lofty Portal" 
("Sublime Porte"), \ "The Exalted of God," + and such 
like phrases ; but the commonest expression on the 
lips of the people is simply Maulana, " Our lord," 
the singular form of which, MaulaT, or — as it is more 
commonly though less correctly pronounced — Mulai', " My 
lord," is the form of address for all of shareefian descent. 
An exception is, however, often made in the case of 
sultans named Mohammed, who are simply styled Seyyidi, 
vulgarly Sidi — " Mr.," or the corresponding term Sidna,§ 
" Our master," may be used. 

Although in theory the sultan is an autocrat, and if a 

strong and unscrupulous man may be one in practice, his 

autocracy is really limited by his surroundings, 

and by the same religious influence which 

forms his chief support. For this reason 

every care is taken to dispose of all possible rivals, 

however nearly related, some being on one pretext or 

* Hadrat es-Shareef. + Bab el Aali. 

% El Aali b'lllah. § For Seyyidina. 


another put to death, and the majority banished to 
Taflldlt* The most striking feature of the situation is, 
that while content to submit to almost any abuse by its 
heaven-sent ruler, the inert mass of the Moorish nation 
can at once be moved and roused to action by any 
sweeping attempt at reform which appears to trench 
upon religious precedent, although all changes insignifi- 
cant enough to pass unnoticed at the moment, how 
drastic soever they may be in their results, are quietly 
acquiesced in when once they have been adopted. It is 
probable that there is no position so cherished that it 
could not be washed away without opposition, if this 
were quietly and skilfully done. 

It is true that there exists no formally defined body 

with the power to stay the sultan's hand, but the religious 

check is exercised by the whole company of the 

State Counsellors. , J l J 

'Aolama, or " Learned Ones — theologians or 
jurisconsults — whose opinion on all measures of import- 
ance proposed is speedily asked by all, and is freely 
expressed.! Thus, if the sultan himself did not seek it, 
as he is usually politic enough to do at an early stage, 
the people would soon know whether their religious 
guides supported or opposed it, and in the case of 
rival opinions, which are rare, — since most prefer the 
safe side of conservatism, — they will range themselves 
according to fancy without hesitation. But the " wise 
men " themselves are so much in the power of the 

* But the practice of putting dangerous rivals to death has not been followed 
of late years, and the present sultan, or his adviser, has wisely refrained from 
doing so. 

f In the 1 2th century such famous men as Abu'l Walid bin Roshd 
(" Averroes") and Abu Bakr bin Zohr ("Avenzoar" — who settled in 
Marrakesh under Yusef II. in 1182 — occupied this position, and the former 
was sent as Kadi to Cordova. 1 

1 RaOd el Kartas, p. 292. 



sultan that they always make a point of ascertaining 
his wishes and the strength of his will in a matter before 
expressing opinions. Whenever they are asked to endorse 
some measure absolutely contrary to "scripture," they 
observe that one of those particular points is involved 
which are obviously left for the decision of the Exalted 


By H. E. the Baron Whcttnall 
(The Sultan is the most central figure.) 

Presence, as he may judge expedient for the interests of 
Islam. So while very useful as a shield and refuge in 
iiegotiations with either friends or foes, their absolute 
influence is practically nil. 


At the same time it is worthy of note that, while 

popular revolutions, as we understand them, practically 

never take place in Morocco, no hesitation is 

independence of s h own j n taking up arms against the sultan 

People. . 

himself, if need be, to prevent an unpopular 
measure ; still less in deposing an unpopular official, 
or in refusing an unpopular tax. I have myself seen 
a so-called " rebel " province stoutly fighting against 
imperial troops sent in support of an obnoxious 
governor, shouting as they did so the same battle - 
cry as their opponents, " God give victory unto our 
master," — an expression which, by the way, is made use 
of on almost every occasion on which the sultan is 

The intrigues of his hareem and Court are also sources 

of weakness which undermine autocracy, for 

Intrigues. . . 

there is very seldom anything like a disin- 
terested politician in Morocco, or, it might almost be 
added, a true patriot. The immediate entourage of a 
Moorish sultan may be said to consist chiefly of women, 
of whom he has a large assortment, white and black. 
The honour of admission to the hareem is so great — 

not to speak of the opportunities of influence 
The imperial which it secures, or the chance of becoming 

Hareem. ° 

mother of the heir, — that it is eagerly sought 
after, and influential men with pretty daughters do not 
hesitate to bribe the women in charge to obtain their 
recommendation. Supplies are also obtained from the 
mart of Constantinople, where an old friend of mine * 
purchased, as an offering on his return, the Circassian who 
became the mother of the present sultan, and two 
whom he retained for his own use. Some of these speak 

* The late Haj Abd es-Slam Brisha, at one time governor of Casablanca, 
and afterwards envoy to Spain. 


a little French, or strum a few tunes on the piano.* When 
the numbers admitted become too great, the surplus 
inmates are distributed as presents to favoured kaids, 
although sometimes they are feared as spies in their new 

The present Prime Minister Regent, Si Ahmad bin Musa, 
who was brought up in the palace with the late sultan, 
was his Lord High Chamberlain, or Hajib ("curtain"), 
whose duty it was to stand between his master and all 
comers. From his position in the household he earned the 
nickname by which he is still best known, of 

\ttendants. ~ 

Ba Ahmad (" Father Ahmad ), generally be- 
stowed on eunuchs only. Such as there are of these 
unfortunates in the hareem are imported at great 
expense from Abyssinia, and are here known as tawashi, 
their individual names representing chiefly scents and 
essences, as attar (of roses), camphor, musk, ambergris, 
etc. Otherwise the service of the interior of the palace 
is chiefly performed by negro boys, the women being in 
charge of the eunuchs and " wise women " (arifahs), who 
prepare them to meet their lord. The custom of the 
late sultan used to be to have them paraded in the 
gardens on Thursdays, when he would signal out any 
who specially attracted his attention, to be sent into the 
palace, where he would pass the greater part of Friday in 
their company. 

The numerous princes and princesses are brought up in 

isolated sanctuaries, each of the boys in company with a 

. * ■,„„.■ slave of his own a g e > whom he calls his 

Imptrial Offspring. ° 

brother, that he may have a dependent and 
disinterested friend through life. Each year those who 

• Martiniere says that from one source or another no less than thirteen 
French women entered the hareems of the last three sultans, and in the days 
of European slavery many foreign women shared this fate. (p. 316.) See 
also En-Nasiri, vol. iii., pp. 51, 57, 89, 104, 133, and 149; and iv., p. 122. 


are old enough are married off at a state function under 
the sultan's direction,* and only those few remain at 
Court, or are appointed to hold office, whom their father 
specially favours, or whose mothers still retain their 
influence. As the choice of a successor lies entirely with 
the sultan, it is usually signified by the appoint- 

Choice of Successor. fir • • • 

ment of the favourite to a high command in 
the army, or to an important governorship, that he may 
be able to make good his own when the time comes. 
But as the father may at any moment change his mind, 
he is generally careful not to trust the heir-apparent 
with overwhelming power, lest, fearing such a change, 
it might be directed against himself, as has frequently 
occurred. When the favourite is too young to take office, 
he will probably be associated with his father in official 
receptions, and thus shown to the people, as was the case 
with the present sultan during his father's life-time. The 
girls are early married off, but inherit no rank ; nor do the 
sons of princes, beyond the ordinary title of " my lord." 

Forming part of the imperial body-guard are a number 
of special officers, the mul' el m'dal, who carries the great 
gold and pearl embroidered parasol ; the mul 'es- 
'' m,r 'shuash, to flick away flies ; the mul' el meshwar 
or meshauri, master of the ceremonies, always of stentorian 
voice ; the mul' el mezrag, bearing spears in processions ; 
the mul' el m'kahhel, shooter ; mul' el azfel, flogger ; seeaf, 
headsman ; mul' el frash, tent-layer ; mul' er-ruah, master 
of horse; mul' el ma, water-bearer; mul' atai, tea-maker; 
mul' es-sinjak, standard-bearer ; and several others who 
could be mentioned, each in charge of slippers, or cushions, 
or spurs, or other convenience which might be needed. 
At one time a mulatto woman was the chamberlain. - !* 

What is called the Moorish Government consists, there- 

* For description see Erckmann, p. 236. 
t In 1728. Eraithwaite, p. 217. 



fore, in the first place of the sultan, in whose name and 
by whom everything is supposed to be done, and 
"*^cJ^!L»/." severa ^ wazeers or ministers who have his ear, 
and whose duties are to carry his wishes into 
effect. As these appointments are practically without 
pay,* and the holders are expected to make what they 
can from the public, bribery is at a premium, and no one 
can be trusted. Indeed, so much inducement is offered by 
the power of spoliation which these and all governmental 
posts afford, that they are eagerly bid for, large sums, 
which have to be repaid from the public purse, often being 
borrowed from the Jews. At the sultan's right hand, so to 
speak, stands the Wazeer el Kabeer, or Chief Minister, who 
sometimes unites the office of Wazeer el Barrani (Foreign 
Minister) with those of chief adviser, though at Tangier 
there is a Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, who has 
to deal in the first instance with the foreign representatives 
residing there ; but he has no power of decision in 
important matters. Then there is the Wazeer 
ed-Dakhalani (Minister of the Interior), whose 
lucrative office it is to nominate provincial governors ; 
and with him is closely associated the Mul' el Mai 
(Minister of Finance). The imperial treasure itself, of 
which no details are made public, is distributed between 
the three metropolitan cities of Fez, Mequinez, and 
Marrakesh, or wherever prudence seems to dictate, and it 
is most jealously guarded. The actual treasuries can only 
be opened by agreement between the keeper, the governor 
of the palace, a trusted eunuch, and the woman in charge 
of the hareem. Whatever faults may be found with their 
principles, in their methods of discharging business there 

* The best man who was ever the Commissioner for Foreign Affairs at 
Tangier, Haj Mohammed Torres, one of the few unbribable Moors, received 
less than £ i a day, and his private secretary, on whose authority I make the 
statement, one-fifth of that sum. 


is a delightful simplicity when once a thing is taken in 
hand. Red tape is in no favour among the Moors, and 
precedents are seldom considered, unless as a plea for 
inaction. The highest officials often transact their affairs 
on a carpet spread under an awning at their street door, 
or in the stable-yard, and I have seen the whole Cabinet 
seated on cushions in the court-yard, while I was presented 
to their lord hard by. 

In addition to the ministers and personal officials, 

there are a number of private secretaries, who take 

down instructions and draw up memoranda 

Imperial Decrees. 111 • 1 

and documents, to be sealed at the top with 
the large public seal, or the small private one, at the 
sight of either of which the recipient kisses the letter, 
and applies it to his forehead. Whenever there is an 
imperial decree to be made known, or news to be dis- 
seminated of the official account of some expedition 
against the tribes, copies of these letters are despatched 
to all the towns, to be read in the chief mosques with 
salvos of artillery. A special body of messengers, mu- 
sakhkharin, is employed for the conveyance of these 
documents and confidential messages, and a more 
rapacious set does not exist. When an interview is 
granted there is a legion of these and other underlings 
to fee, and none of them have any shame in making 

Everyone who approaches the sultan is also expected 
to " bring a present in his hand," and so little delicacy 

is evinced in the proceedings, that a list of 

Official Presents. ... . . . 

what it is proposed to give is often requested 
beforehand ; the highest officials in the land will send 
word asking for more. Previous to the audience these 
offerings are spread out by the attendants on the 
ground near where the presentation is to take place, and 
in proportion to their value may be the expectations of 


the giver, if no great man has been forgotten. They 
generally take the form of silks, brocades, mechanical or 
musical toys, mirrors, clocks, or some out-of-the-way thing 
thought likely to please, but the sultan is the one man in 
the country who will not openly receive coin as a rule, 
though sometimes the late sultan accepted a silken bag of 
gold at an unanticipated audience, when nothing else was 

Public audiences with the sultan are invariably un- 
satisfactory, except for the honour, as business, unless 
of very great importance, can only be trans- 

Public Audiences. J te r J 

acted with the ministers. Natives never appear 
in the imperial presence in a kisa — the toga-like garment 
of the rich — but always in the selham (burnoos), and of 
this the right end only has to be thrown back across the 
shoulder. The sultan always receives seated, while the 
visitor stands, bare-headed, even if out of doors, usually 
on a lower level. The style of dress affected by the 
Moorish sultans is of the plainest, colours being seldom 
employed except in the trappings of the horse.* With 
some it has been possible to tell the rider's state of mind 
from the colour of his mount, white denoting the best of 
humours, and black the worst.f 

When the sultan rides in state, as he does to reviews, 
on pilgrimages, and to the mosque on Fridays, he is 
preceded by five led horses of various colours, 
from which to select each time he remounts. 
At other times use is made of one of the extravagant 
and antiquated vehicles which have been offered by 
ambassadors from Europe, or of a modern one obtained 
by purchase, but as there are no made roads, they are not 
used for any distance. As progress is very slow, men 
walk ahead with wands to clear the way, and a continuous 

* El Yazeed appeared on parade with much show in a Turkish dress. 
(Matra to Foreign Office.) t See p. 148. 



■Ml ■ *■;• 


life V 

^/. Mtlinari, Photo., Tangier From Harper's Jtfagajtme, Copyright, 1F96, by Hat per •'- Blithers 


To fact- /■ 


line of foot-soldiers is kept passing Up from the rear and 
forming in front. Beside their lord walk the personal 
attendants described, among whom the most prominent 
are the fly-flickers and the parasol-bearer. This parasol 
is in Morocco, as in the far East, the chief insignium of 
royalty,* and as such is said to have been introduced 
into this country by the Saadi shareefs, although occa- 
sionally used much earlier. 1 

Meanwhile the dense male crowd at every turn is 
sounding forth the prayer, "Allah ibarak Amur Sidna — 
God bless the days of our lord," or, " Allah yansur 
Sidna — God send our lord victorious," and from, the 
female throats on the equally crowded roofs is uttered 
that peculiarly piercing ululation by which joy is expressed 
in Morocco. Petitions may then be presented, and 
are taken charge of by a special official, for whatever the 
Moors think about the ministers,! the justice of the 
sultan is a Moorish article of faith. After a visit has 
been paid to the sultan presents are returned, 

Presents. ,.,,'.„ • r i i • i i 

which chiefly consist of clothing, horses, swords, 
and saddles. When horses are presented to foreigners — 
and they are common gifts — it is customary to make appli- 
cation for export permits, without which they are not 

" In parts of India, as among the Mahrattas, and in Persia, it has been 
so used. In Burma, Java and neighbouring countries the number of 
parasols permitted denotes the user's rank, and in China, also, government 
officials use them. The antiquity of this custom is evident from the repre- 
sentations on the sculptured stone of Nineveh and Egypt, and its universality 
is to be traced in the use of canopies and baldachinos in European and 
modern F.gyptian processions. 

t " All the evils which afflict a country,"' says a native writer, El Mamiin, 
•"are attributable to its functionaries."-' George Borrow, in The Bible in 

.,'//,' says that Mr. Hay told him that the Moorish Government was "one 
of the vilest description, with which it was next to impossible to hold amicable 
relations, as it invariably acted with bad faith, and set at nought the most 
Solemn treaties" — an opinion re-echoed often enough. 

1 See Ibn KhalLIkXn, vol. iv., p. 359. - Kx-Zaiam, p. 195. ;; p. 15. 



allowed to be sent out of the country, but since many 
prefer to dispose otherwise of their steeds, the permits 
alone sometimes fetch more than the horses, and can 
usually be obtained in Tangier.* 

In camp the imperial enclosure or afrag occupies the 

highest ground, and is distinguished by a golden ball on 

the centre pole of the principal tent, around 

which are grouped those of the women and 




Photograph by Dr. Rudduck 

eunuchs, who alone are permitted within the outer 
wall of canvas (terra'i'ah) which surrounds the whole.f 
A similar arrangement, on a smaller scale, is adopted by 

* This custom of giving horses is all the more noteworthy in view of the 
former attitude of the Moors in this matter. In 1 72 r Commodore Stewart 
was unsuccessful in obtaining one from Mulai Ismail, in spite of the rich 
presents to the son and heir for this purpose. He was told it was forbidden 
by law. 1 

t It is said that the transport of Mulai Sulaiman's afrag and its contents 
required no less than 200 mules. (Thomassy ) 

1 Braithwaite, p. «I. 


all officials o( sufficient importance to travel with their 
wives. As soon as the inmates have started, these tents 
are sent on ahead, so as to be ready for them by 
nightfall. I lard by are pitched the audience and mosque 
tents, and some distance removed stand those of the 
ministers and Court officials, the body of the army, without 
which the Court never travels, being separated from them 
by a space which serves as a market. The tents in use are 
called bukiah or khaxanah, according to size, and are 
divided into kubbah, or bell tents, and utak, or oblong 
pavilions, the latter serving for officials. The better 
class are lined with coloured cloth, the sides being 
made to open up and form a cool reception place by 

The supply of tents for the rank and file is quite in- 
adequate, and many have to sleep outside. There are also 
many camp followers lodged in nondescript tents 
and booths. These include women of a most 
disgusting appearance, hideously painted, who club to- 
gether, four or five possessing a donkey and tent between 
them.* Water is conveyed in ox-hides (rawiah), two of 
which form a mule-load, and often grain has to be carried 
as well as all other stores. Camels' flesh forms a stand-by. 
'Idle greatest confusion and disorder prevail in camp, guns 
and trappings lying in every direction, though the mounted 
cannon usually point to Mekkah, to show the direction for 
prayers. To avoid surprises, only one- half of the army 
prays at a time. 

It would be useless to attempt an estimate as to the 
actual strength of the Moorish army, since, with the 
exception of a few thousand under European instruction 
— harraba, — there are none deserving of the name of 
11 regulars," although some are to the manner born. Such 
.ire the Bokhara, or black guard, instituted centuries since 

* Sec Erckman's description, and De Campuu. 





with importations from the Sudan, strengthened 
and reorganised two hundred years ago by 
Mulai Ismail the Blood-thirsty, 1 their name 
being derived from that of the celebrated author of the 
"Jama es-Sahih," which is carried with them into action 
as a talisman. In times past these hereditary warriors, 
as well as the kindred Udaia — who originated in a picked 
body-guard from various tribes — have set up and pulled 
down sultans at will, having played the parts, alternately, 
of Mamelukes, Janissaries, and the Praetorian Guard ; 
but now the principal duty of both classes is to garrison 
certain towns. 2 In spite of the fact of their being practi- 
cally the slaves of the sultan, to a great extent recruited 
by the enforced purchase of all blacks in the Empire by 
Mulai Ismail, and so incapacitated by Mohammedan law 
from holding " real estate," this right was specially con- 
ferred on the Bokhara by imperial decree in 1697. Their 
colour has in course of time grown much lighter on 
account of the constant intermarriage with white women, 
so that they are now of a hue which makes them in the 
mind of strangers the typical Moors. Of kindred origin 
are the Ashragah and Ashrardah,* who have certain lands 
allotted to them on which to live and multiply till 

The Gaish, too, are hereditary, 3 holding lands for service, 
supplemented when on duty by a small ratib, or allowance, 
varying according to their duties and the value of their 
lands, of. which they cannot dispose except among them- 
selves. One privilege much appreciated in the Ma gh rib is 
their freedom from almost all taxes. From these tribes are 

* The Ashrardah were originally Siisis settled near Marrakesh, but they were 
removed by Mulai Abd er-Rahman to between the Sebu and Mequinez, in 
exchange for the tribe of Ait Immur, which now occupies their old quarters. 

1 En-NAsiri, vol. iv. pp. 26, 33, and 42. - See Martjniere, p. 291. 

3 En Nasiri, vol. iv. p. 20. 


selected the Makhaznla,* or police, who, in 
addition to this allowance, which is purely 
nominal, are paid by the job by anyone employing 
them. They are distinguished by wearing the shashlah, 
or genuine Fez cap, tall and pointed. The Bokharis, and 
tho>e employed about the palace, are the only ones 
clothed by the State, which perhaps accounts for their 
being usually among the most classically dressed in 
Morocco. From among them, even more than from 
among the other fighting tribes, are filled some of the chief 
administrative offices. All of these are horse-soldiers, 
and, with the exception of the Bokharis, provide and 
maintain their own mounts and arms, as also is the case 
with man) r of the special levies. 

The infantry, or Askaria, are of less account, and, with 
the exception of those under European instruction, hope- 
lessly irregular. They date from the French 
victory over the Moors in 1844, when some- 
thing more approaching foreign infantry was seen to be 
needed. When a levy (harkah) is raised, only those are 
forced to go who cannot pay for exemption or provide 
substitutes, and even after they have put in an appearance 
and been allotted their places, they are permitted to take 
leave till required for service, if they can find any boy or 
old man to represent them on "parade," so that the motley 
and undrilled appearance of a Moorish regiment (tabur) 
can be readily inferred. Their uniforms, a modern 
introduction, chiefly consist of loose drawers 
and tunic of the cheapest procurable red 
cloth, from which a gory stream issues whenever it rains, 
and an equally inferior Turkish "fez" from Austria. This 
cap and a pair of yellow slippers are often the only articles 
in which there is any uniformity. Many are wont to 

* A term, however, strictly applicable to all employes of the Makhzin, or 

< "'vernment. 



discard this elegant garb in favour of less conspicuous 
native garments whenever they are off duty, and on 
leaving the ranks after parade they may often be seen 
performing a hasty change by the roadside. 

The only mark of rank in vogue is the gold-embroidered 
velvet Kor'an case of a kaid, or some 
other adornment of personal caprice. The 
European drill instructors (harrab) have, 
however, invented for themselves gorgeous 
and effective adaptations of the native 
dress, which suit them wonderfully, and 
the Frenchmen wear Algerian uniform. 
Native officers make show of dignity in 
fanciful display of finery upon parade, but 
have no prestige in the eyes of the men, 
and there is a total absence of martial 
bearing throughout the service. All classes 
when on duty receive rations or their 
equivalent, called monah, and an addi- 
tional sum, which varies according to 
rank, called ziadah, or supplement ; such 
as three-halfpence daily for a foot-soldier, 
fourpence for a horseman, and up to a 
shilling or so a day for a commanding 
officer. The accoutrements and arms 
supplied are not infrequently sold to 
balance accounts. 

The arms with which these soldiers are 
furnished are extremely varied, including 
the home-made flint-lock of the untrained, self-equipped 
Arms. tribesmen, and the up-to-date repeating rifle of 

the European drilled regiments, to say nothing of the dis- 
carded Continental patterns between these extremes. Of 
late years the Moorish Government has made considerable 
purchases of guns in Europe, besides having received 



main' presents of this nature from foreign nations, 
the most acceptable form for a gift to a Moor. The 
harraba are armed with Martini- Henrys, and under 
Italian instructors European arms are now being manu- 
factured in Fez. Inferior native swords have been to a 
great extent replaced by European blades, but the short, 
curved dagger, or kumiya still survives in daily wear, 
although its blade may now be made in Germany. 

The artillery or tubjiah — chiefly hereditary — are as 
unsatisfactory as any, and though small 

bodies of them are maintained 

in the various torts possessing 
cannon, they may be said never to practise, 
and seldom trouble to keep their expensive 
machines in condition ; they have even been 
known to eat the oil provided for that 
purpose. It is to them that the European 
instructors chiefly direct their attention, 
but they find the task of training them a 
herculean one, though there is good stuff 
in the men, for the difficulties arise from 
their official surroundings. A corps of 
sappers and miners was established by one 
French officer, but it has long since come 
to grief. A certain number of young 
Moors have been sent to Gibraltar and 
elsewhere for training in arms, and some 
have been instructed in engineering at Chatham, or in the 
making of fire-arms in America ; but though proving apt 
pupils, the powers they have acquired have mostly been 
wasted on their return to the slipshod ways of Morocco. 
To be quite up to date, the Moorish army has been 

furnished with a band performing on foreign 

instruments, under the direction of foreign 
a variety of national and 

. Musk. 

teachers, who have taught them 


sentimental airs, the words of which, as recalled to the ear 
of the European, are often most incongruous. I have, 
for instance, heard them play before the late sultan's 
palace on the eve of his departure from Tangier, "We 
won't go home till morning," and kindred airs. Other- 
wise only a few kettle-drums and oboes are attached to 
each corps. 

Commands are given in French or English, according 
to the language of the instructor, as an effectual hindrance 
to the employment of the better- drilled troops without 
European officers. Moorish regiments, named sometimes 
after the provinces from which they come, and sometimes 
after their leaders, are of varying strength. The 
ranks are sergeant (mukaddam), captain (rai's), 
centurion (kai'd el mid), and colonel (kai'd raha), each having 
a lieutenant (nai'b) ; but a man may at will be appointed 
to either rank, raised or degraded, by the sultan, by 
his secretary for war, or by a superior officer. All males 
capable of bearing arms are liable for military service, and 
in time of war with a popular foe, especially with Nazarenes, 
there would be few able-bodied men, and few boys, who 
would not rush to the front, if only to plunder. The 
courage and fanaticism of the Moors will make them a 
difficult race to conquer, but their treachery and avarice 
will tell in the long run. 



SO much of the administration of Morocco is effected 
in camp, that it would be impossible to separate the 
Military military from the civil element. Some district 

Expeditions. [ s always in rebellion against over-taxation 

or oppressive officials, who are not infrequently put to 
death by the exasperated populace. At such times 
the length to which the " rebels "' are permitted to run 
depends entirely on the occupation of the imperial troops 
in settling similar questions elsewhere, for too much 
suspicion is entertained at Court to permit of great 
authority falling into the hands of an)* one commander, 
and the sultan himself is the only general. Almost every 
year, in the month of May, when the tracks have dried 
after the rains, troops are collected from every quarter at 
the royal city in which the Court has passed the winter, 
a certain number being requisitioned from each governor, 
together with contributions and " presents." When the 
camp of many thousands is made up outside the walls, 
a start is ordered. The ultimate destination is kept closely 
secret, and is only to be guessed from preparations made 
along the road to any tribes just then rebellious, although 
even then a circuitous route may be chosen, several 
districts being chastised by the way. 



Merely for the collection of taxes such invasions have 

often to be resorted to, familiarly known as "eating up" 

the country, which is really what occurs, the 

Eating up rabble army passing over like a swarm of 

the Provinces. J l ° 

locusts, despoiling loyal and disloyal alike, 
plundering harvests (which begin about the end of 
May) and grain stores, abusing women and children, and 
burning their homes. Unless a sufficient force can be 
collected to withstand the army in some mountain defile, 
and to obtain terms, the men escape to sanctuary or 
hiding, and the women make a piteous appeal to the 
sultan for mercy. The artillery and certain other objects 
in the camp being considered sanctuary, a deputation of 
men introduced by the safe-conduct of some saint lay 
hold of the cannon while the conditions of peace are 
arranged. Usually these mean aman, or pardon, on the 
payment of arrears and fines, with the acceptance of a 
new kaid or governor. A pitched battle is seldom 
heard of, the nearest approach to one being when 
shareefian forces arrayed against a rebel host — strongly 

intrenched as a rule — send parties of galloping 

Method of Fighting. . r & r & 

horsemen as near as possible to the enemy's 
lines, there to fire a volley and return to reload 
and take breath, in the manner practised at "powder- 
play." Morocco possesses no "cavalry" in the full 
sense of the word, combined evolutions and action 
beyond that described being quite unknown. When- 
ever possible guns are discarded in favour of dagger 
and sword, but at this stage quarter is freely 

The tribesmen, though steadily arming themselves with 
European and American repeating rifles, smuggled in, 
notwithstanding the treaties, have as yet no cannon, while 
the sultan takes with him mountain batteries and machine 
guns under the direction of European officers, which render 



him all-powerful. Though not common, battering rams 
have sometimes been employed by the tribesmen in besieg- 
ing the Atlas forts, pieces of rock being slung in thongs 
of camel-hide at the c\u\ of tree-trunks suspended from 
frames.* During the last reign, however, dynamite was 
introduced to work desolation among tribal strongholds. 

Photograph l>y A'. J. Moss. Esq. 

The collection of taxes, in which this horde is chiefly 

engaged, is based, not on a uniform scale, but on what 

expert blood-suckers think may possibly be 

extracted, although there are in theory certain 

limits. As far back as A.C. 1160 we read of a survey 

* See RiLEY's Narrative,, p. 253. 


having been made by Abd el MCi'min, on which to fix 
a fair assessment. But the present system, if indeed it 
may be described as such, is for the provinces to be 
assessed at so much each, in proportion to what they 
have been known to produce, and for their governors or 
kaids to be entrusted with the collection, which they in 
like manner distribute over the districts under their juris- 
diction, leaving the local sheikhs to divide up their shares 
among the households in what proportion they will, each 
official collecting as much more than is demanded as may 
repay his trouble and prepare him for future demands. 
No one pays when he is asked or what he is asked, 
all pleading poverty, and many suffering imprisonment 
or even the lash to avoid establishing a precedent 
by too great a contribution at once, for the more 
readily the money is forthcoming the more is demanded. 
Everyone, therefore, not enjoying protection of some 
sort, conceals his wealth, and anyone who has a little 
money buries it ; consequently, when an official falls his 
dwelling is ransacked, if not demolished, in search of 

The saints' shrines, mosque property, and other religious 

foundations and their inmates generally escape payment, 

and so do foreign proteges. The taxes to be 

Exemptions. - ^ 

paid by the latter are fixed by treaty. Some 
tribes furnish horse-soldiers at the rate of one for so 
many households, and in other parts they replace army 
horses dying on their territory, in addition to providing 
food for all government servants or guests passing through. 
Kaids and others who desire the sultan's favour, especially 
if they have been in disgrace, will — Jacob-like — meet him 
when he comes their way with valuable presents. Such 
an offering, for instance, made some years ago by the 

* The current Convention on this point was drawn up in 1887. Sec 
chapter xix. 


kaid of Gindafi, consisted of 100 negroes, 100 

1 Wrings. l . 

negresses, 100 horses, 100 cows with their 
cakes, 100 camels with their young, and two of his 
daughters, who with their father concluded the pro- 
cession, which was well received. Thomassv 1 mentions 
a case in which a conquered tribe sent to the sultan 
thirty women tied together by their hair, with knives in 
their mouths, together with children carrying school 
tablets, and men with Kor'ans on their heads.* The 
extra tribute thus sent in, spontaneously, as it were, is 
sometimes of enormous value, and at every feast the 
kaids have either to come themselves or send their 
deputies with valuable offerings, which are presented at 
a state reception. 

If a governor fails for some time to put in an appear- 
ance, he will be summoned without excuse, and if unable 

to satisfy the demands made upon him by the 

Retribution. .... 

ministers and others concerned, he will either 
be cast into gaol and have his house demolished in search 
for hidden treasure, or he will be treated to corrosive 

* 'Hay- speaks of the throat of a beautiful girl being cut before the sultan's 
tent in 1839, but though oxen and sheep are often thus sacrificed, it is almost 
certain that he is mistaken here, as also in mentioning the immolation of 
horses in this way. But to this note of mine a friend in a position to speak 
with some authority replies: "No. Hay was quite right ; Berber tribes still 
make such human sacrifices occasionally. A case occurred at Sefru only a 
few days ago, where a tribesman sacrificed his daughter in that way to obtain 
the protection of a tribe against his being arrested in respect of a debt he owed 
to a Jew. The man was for this flogged twice all round the town of Sefru on 
a donkey, and cast into prison in irons. A tribe in Haiaina, recently menaced 
by the Shareefian expedition now there, bound a woman, and were on the 
point of sacrificing her to the (ihaiata to secure their assistance; but the 
Gha'Mta prevented the sacrifice, granted their request, and next day, by their 
help, the Shareefian force was beaten off, losing six men and thirty horses. 
One of my own servants, a Sanhaji, assures me that he saw three women 
slaughtered all in a row at one time, some thirty years ago." 

1 p. 4«- ' p. xa >. 


.sublimate or arsenic in tea.* At every feast some are sure 
to be at least incarcerated, so that while they are in office 
they make the most of their time.t 

All sorts of pretexts and false charges are employed to 

bring the wealthy unprotected people within their grasp, 

and often such are even tortured to extort 


their riches from them, so that everyone 
who can do so secures by payment the protection of 
some high authority at Court, or that of a foreign 

* Urquhart * says that during the time of Mohammed XVII. the Rabatis 
killed and quartered their kaid, forcing the Jew butchers to offer the flesh 
for sale for three days, ticketed at 2 muzunas per lb., the people going to 
"cheapen" it. The sultan marched against them, but eventually came to 
terms. Later on, at the time at which he wrote (1848), when the Rabatis 
disliked their kaid, they petitioned for his removal, which was granted, but 
the new one was also refused by them. So the sultan told them to choose 
one for themselves, which they did, but he being rejected, they chose a second, 
who was appointed.'- But such petitions seldom succeed, and often bring dire 
vengeance on the petitioners' heads. 

t An estimate of the income of a former basha of Mogador, based on care- 
ful calculations, is appended to this chapter. It was furnished to me by a gentle- 
man long resident in this country, who made it out with the assistance of an 
important native, a personal friend of the governor to whose receipts it refers. 
In addition to this he only received a nominal salary of a few pence a day 
from the sultan, appropriating all he could of his receipts, and living on them 
till the wazeers thought him "fat" enough, when he was called to court and 
" squeezed. " This estimate would represent an annual income of some ^2500, to 
which must be added all that could be squeezed out of wealthy Moors and Jews 
by throwing them into prison till they paid, the presents given by Europeans, 
etc., etc., which altogether makes a respectable sum. In addition to this, 
opportunities would often arise for grinding still more out of the poor people. 
Thus when the late sultan recovered from an illness, ,£176 was raised among 
the Moors of the town by a forced contribution of $s. per head among certain 
classes, even when many did not possess that amount, and had to sell all they 
had to pay ! Of this ^30 was sent to the sultan. 

When last in Mogador I was not disappointed to learn that this same 
governor, who in office had earned the appropriate nickname of " Father of 
Sugar -loaves," had exchanged the bench for the cell, and that again, after 
having secured his liberty and employment as policeman, he had been 
imprisoned for fresh misbehaviour. 

* p. 291. 2 p. 267. 



merchant, whose agents are protected by treats' from all 
unjust claims.* Besides all this irregular taxation, there are 
recognised gate dues (sunk), market taxes (miks), customs 



duties (aashur), and "-ate tolls (hafir), all 
collected by special officials, or sometimes 
farmed out. The Jews, too, officially known as dhimmiya 
or tributaries, have their own contributions to make 
for the privilege of living in a Muslim land, which 

■ Sec chapter xix. 


naturally includes exemption from military service, but the 
foreigners get off with customs duty alone. From what 
has been said it will be seen how utterly impossible it 
would be to calculate a Moorish budget. Provinces are 
often spoken of, but they have no fixed limits, the juris- 
diction of this kaid or that being frequently curtailed 
or extended, and tribes deported from one end of the 
country to the other for disobedience, or to reduce their 
power. So all statistics in Morocco must mislead. 

The local officials engaged in this administration are 

not numerous. In the cities the kaid, or governor, is 

equally known as the basha — a corruption of 

Local Officials. ^ _ J . , , , „ . l 

the 1 urkish bash agha, chief ruler — or the 
aamil — agent — and has under him a khalifa, or lieutenant. 
To a newly-appointed kaid a royal letter is given, which 
he causes to be read in the mosques, if in a town, or 
to the assembled people out of doors, if in the country, 
and forthwith enters upon his duties. The usual hours for 
his court to be open are from 6 a.m. to io, and from 3 p.m. 
to 6, a half holiday being taken on Friday mornings. 
The superintendents of customs and taxes are called 
umana, " trusted ones '' (sing, amin), but they have no 
jurisdiction. In all the towns there is an overseer of 
markets,* the mohtassib (sometimes vulgarly called the 
"mahtib"), whose task is to fix the prices of food, and 
to detect false weights and measures. Mosque property 
is in the care of a special official, the nadhir. Villages are 
administered by sheikhs — elders — and each quarter of a 
city (haumah) by a mukaddam, whose business it is to 
account for all that passes therein, and to judge in small 
matters. The principle of mutual responsibility is carried 
out to the full, the inhabitants of a village or district, 

* Such as formerly existed also in England. See Repoi-t of Royal Com- 
mission on Markets, 19, 25, etc., and Mrs. J. R. Green's English Town 
Life in the Fifteenth Century, vol. ii., pp. 33~4°- 


and even of the neighbouring shops in a street, being liable 
for any robbery or damage inflicted therein. Finally there 
are the common watchmen — assassa — and miiallin dau — 
light-bearers — who, when not more definitely assisting 
burglars, enliven the night and warn thieves of their 
whereabouts by lusty cries to one another.* 

The only satisfactory officials in Morocco, as a rule, 

are those who have been drawn from the ranks of retired 

men of business — men whose palms no longer 

"*? itch — whose knowledge of the world enables 

Administrate ° 

them to act with dignity and fairness, and 
whose intercourse with Europeans has removed their 
prejudices to a great extent. The Moorish method is to 
select from among such men those whose reputation is 
high, and to appoint them as administrators of customs, 
of whom there are several at every port. The towns from 
which they are chiefly drawn are Tetuan, Fez, Rabat and 
Marrakesh, these being the homes of the Moorish aristocracy. 
Mequinez and Salli men are apt to be rougher and more 
bigoted, and usually serve in other ways. None of the 
remaining coast towns carry with them pride of birth, 

* While this chapter is in the press an instance has occurred in Tangier, 
reported in Al-moghrtb Al-aksa thus: — "Last week the owner of a Moorish 
shop was astonished at finding, on opening the shop, that it had been com- 
pletely pillaged during the night. There was a hole in the wall, through 
which, evidently, all the wares had been carried away. There was nothing 
left but a walking-stick. But this stick did not belong to the shop. It was, 
however. a remarkable object, which the shopkeeper had before seen more 
than once. It did not require much investigation, as there were many 
persons who knew the stick as that of the chief of the night guards. In a 
few minutes the report reached the basha, who lost no time in sending his 
soldiers in search of the man. He was at once arrested and taken to the 
Kasbah, where the distinguished member of the honourable police body was 
unceremoniously placed under the rod of the law, with the result that he 
pleaded guilty, and is now one of the inmates of the Kasbah prison. This is 
not a case without precedent in Tangier, where, at different times, the police 
have been charged with similar robberies, and only shows the ever-increasing 
need of a complete reform in this important branch of the local administration." 


for all are either modern, or have been too recently in 
foreign hands. It is seldom that two from the same town 
sit side by side on the same customs bench. For foreign 
payments these administrators serve as Moorish Govern- 
ment bankers, on whom orders are given at Court, and 
altogether they play a part not unlike, though far behind, 
that played by the excellent service under the Inspector- 
General of Chinese Imperial Customs. From among their 
number are selected the cream of Moorish officials, who 
are made governors, ambassadors, and trusted agents 
generally, and it would be a bright day for Morocco if 
this plan were more general. Foremost among them for 
many years stood Sid Haj Mohammed Torres, Com- 
missioner for Foreign Affairs in Tangier, a man beloved 
and respected by all who know him, old now, and at last 
set free from a post from which he tried to be released for 
years in vain. In spite of his important office he remains 
a comparatively poor man, and I used to visit one of his sons 
in a small grocer's shop, while his other son made shoes. 

With the exception of this one class, Moorish officials 

neither bear nor deserve the best of characters. The worst 

are drawn from the ranks of the hereditary 

character of troops, most with a share of black blood in 

Officials. r ' 

their veins, but with few of the redeeming negro 
qualities. Such men can seldom read or write, and their 
whole lives are spent in preying on the populace in one 
way or another, rising from irregular police to high 
authority, and sometimes falling from their lofty height 
as rapidly. In every way corrupt, and a curse to the 
land, these are the officials who earn such a bad name for 
all. They and their close allies, the ignorant caterers of 
religion, who make a living out of superstition, are the 
centres of obstruction in Morocco, and in them bigotry 
and retrogression are perpetually fostered. Travellers, and 
even residents, too often draw conclusions from dealing 


with these officials, and with the low class of servants 
whom Europeans have spoiled, and then proceed to 
condemn the whole nation; but the common people are 
very different from them, and those who get to know 
these sympathetically cannot but be drawn towards them. 
Oppressed and down-trodden by those in power, they 
never have a chance; but they are wondrously long- 
suffering, and wait. Yet such is their low moral status, 
that the best of them deteriorate when placed in office. 

Photograph l>y D?\ Rudduck 

The governor, or his deputy, usually sits in some public 

place adjoining his residence — it may be on the door-step, 

or in the stable, or in a niche beside the city 

The Judgment-scat. i • • . n i xt 

gate, to administer so-called justice. No one 
who hopes to win his case appears before the judge empty- 
handed, and if anything of importance be at stake, he will 
certainly make a private offer for a favourable judgment, 
payable in cash, while ordinary offerings chiefly consist 
of loaves of sugar, packets of candles, and chests of tea. 


By way of summons it is sufficient for the complainant to 
request the defendant in the presence of witnesses to attend 
before such and such an authority, or to apply for a policeman 
to be sent to fetch him, which is done with little ceremony, 
unless he be a man of some position, whose retaliation 
might be feared. Sometimes a rich man bargains with the 
kaid for so much to imprison a foe on some concocted 
charge, if only that he has been overheard to curse God 
and the sultan; but the intended victim is occasionally 
able to turn the tables by a higher bid for the arrest of 
his rival. Swearing is freely resorted to on 
both sides in support of conflicting statements, 
but perjury is seldom punished. Indeed, in ordinary 
conversation, when a Moor introduces an oath it may be 
inferred that he is telling a lie. The only oaths which 
appear to be in any way binding are those sworn specially 
before the kadi on some portion of the Kor'an, or when a 
man declares himself divorced from his wife if what he 
alleges be untrue. I have, nevertheless, known a case in 
which a man swore that he would be triply divorced — 
meaning that he could not take his wife back till she 
had been married to and divorced by another — which 
came to pass when it was found that he had lied all the 

The kadi is the religious judge, taking cognizance of 
civil cases which can be decided by the Kor'an or the 
Commentaries, or in which documents are in dispute, so 
that while it is quite unnecessary for the kaid to be able 
even to read, the kadi is almost always chosen for his 
erudition. The distinction drawn in most countries 
between civil and criminal cases is not known here.* As 

* A notable instance of this is to be seen in the treaty of Madrid, the 
Arabic original of which is alone recognised by the Moorish Government, as 
being that signed for the sultan. Literally translated, this says in Clause 5 : 
<( They [the foreign representatives] have no right to employ even one 

/. /■: GAL PR CED UR E 229 

a general statement, it may suffice to say that 
'" / " the kaid tries cases of makhzan, i.e. t those which 

affect public order, and the maintenance of the 
peace, while the kadi tries those of the shraa, i.r., legal dis- 
putes—the shraa being literally the law as given in the 
Koran — which includes all questions of property, inherit- 
ance, marriage, divorce, contracts, etc. Under the head of 
makhzan comes the settlement of all disturbances among 
the people, cases of assault or fighting, robbery (in- 
cluding house-breaking, cattle-stealing, highway robbery, 
etc.), and all other acts of violence. These are punishable 
by beating or imprisonment, with or without fetters, and 
there is no limit to the length of time for which a man 
may be imprisoned by the simple order of the kaid, who 
seldom even names the term of the sentence. The police, or 
makhazniyah, who in time of war form a species of militia, 
are under the authority of the kaid, whose powers are on 
the whole pretty considerable. His decisions, or those of 
his khalifa, are only verbal, and are executed as soon as 
pronounced, no records being kept. In a case of murder, 
robbery or assault, for which the punishment would be 
death, the documents, attested by the signatures of a speci- 
fied number of witnesses, are sent to the sultan, who sends 
them back authorising the kadi to give a decision on the 

Moorish subject against whom there is a claim {daazvak)" ; and further on : 
"No protection shall be given to anyone who is under prosecution {jarimah) 
before the sentence is given by the authorities of the country." As nearly as 
it can be translated, dadwak shardiah (or, as it is more commonly called, 
da&wah only) means a civil case, and jarimah a criminal one. In the English 
text of the treaty (translated from the French original) the sentences quoted 
above read : "They shall not be permitted to employ any subject of Morocco 
who i> under prosecution," and, "The right of protection shall not be exercised 
towards persons under prosecution for an offence or crime," etc. From this 
the Moors argue, with a good show of right, that no one under prosecution, 
whether the suit be civil or criminal, can be protected by a foreign Power, 
the fact being that they do not know the distinction between them that we do, 
and that according to their copy of the treaty, both civil and criminal cases 
prevent protection. 


case, and pass his verdict on to the basha for execution, 
whether it be to behead the prisoner, or only to cut off 
a hand, an ear, or other member of his body. 

In the kadi's court, which is much the more formal, 

wakils, or attorneys, are employed, the documents being 

drawn up by notaries public or adul (sincr 

Judicial Procedure. f J f V ta 

adel, i.e., "just one"), whose signatures alone 
are recognised, but if to be used elsewhere they must be 
certified by the local kadi. There is much more hope 
of justice in these courts,* and the kadi receives a 
regular sum in proportion to the value of the matter in 
dispute, as well as a fee of about 6d. for signing documents, 
one of his duties being to register marriages. His decisions 
must always be in writing. His officers, or aawan, literally 
" assistants," have the power to arrest any whom he finds 
guilty, and to take them to the common prison. These men 
have no distinctive dress, as the makhazniyah have. When 
the kadi sends a man to prison it can only be for three 
days, unless in pursuance of a decree given in writing, fixing 
the length of his imprisonment. He cannot have a man 
put in irons. In practice almost any important official, 
or even private individual of influence, can send an 
unprotected Moor to prison without trial, the incarcera- 
tion being on his sole authority. Foreign officials have 
frequently availed themselves of this convenient and 
obliging laxness. 

At the end of the three days the prisoner can send a 

* As an instance of Moorish justice, Ez-Zaiani tells how in 1758 the kadi of 
Marrakesh, being accused of giving unreasonable verdicts, the sultan sent 
a learned shareef and several lawyers to attend his court. When a decision 
was given without consulting them the shareef pointed out its error, saying, 
"The words of a kadi carry further than those of a lawyer." The sultan 
upheld the shareef's decision, and dismissed the kadi, appropriating all his 
goods, but giving him $ 1000 to go to Mekkah, on his return from which he 
was reinstated, but with assessors. 1 

1 Ez-ZaUni, p. 133. 



>, tft^M .£5, fiiAai . ; . y ^ ^ £?j .•- fog, <j #j £pi 

•u?, L>X 




c / ! — t— » «*r i_j» 



Much reduced 

(Statement of Claim attested by the "signatures" of two notaries and a kfidi.) 


/„ „ wakil, of whom there are several attached to 

The Kadi s Court. 

the court, to ascertain the sentence or to get him 
liberated. If justice be refused he may appeal to the 
sultan. Anybody may be sent as a wakil, but the kadi may 
refuse to accept the first and second sent, on the ground of 
incompetency to act as such, or for some other reason, but 
he must accept the third. He can only object before the 
case is heard ; after it has commenced he cannot order 
a change of attorney. His court is usually open from 
9 to 1 1 in the morning, and 3 to 6 in the afternoon. He 
can only leave a khalifa to hear the cases when he is sick 
or absent, not when still able to do so himself, as the basha 
can. Both his court and the basha's are public. Although 
Moorish subjects have nominally the option of an appeal 
to the sultan from the decisions of all authorities, in 
reality this affords them but slight protection. It is very 
difficult for a poor man to get to the sultan, and if he does 
succeed in getting near enough, as His Majesty passes to 
mosque some Friday, to throw himself in the way and 
crave justice, even though the sultan stop and promise to 
attend to his case it is very rarely that any good comes of 
all his efforts, and in all probability his last state is worse 
than his first. 

The summary jurisdiction of the kaids affords some 
striking scenes. Picture a reclining official supported 

by cushions on a raised dais in an archway. 

Public Trials. J r ,. 

Before him an excited group of litigants 
and witnesses are all attempting to be heard at once, 
contradicting one another, abusing one another, uttering 
volleys of oaths, gesticulating wildly as they crouch on 
the ground, or excitedly rise with declamation and protests, 
hardly pausing when the judge speaks ; they may all be 
hurried off to prison to reflect together ; there are no 
formalities to intervene, and a word from the governor 
puts any man in or out. Often thrashings are inflicted, 


brutal flagellation with a rope or stick on the bare back 

of a victim held face downwards bv four men, 

or on the soles of the feet tied to a short pole. 

Women are sometimes flogged in this last manner, being 

thrown back seated in a basket tightly tied round the 


Hundreds of lashes are often inflicted, at once or at 
intervals, the sufferer being bucketed to restore anima- 
tion, or carried, faint from pain and loss of blood, to 
the comfortless gaol. Flogging is specially employed to 
extract information as to hidden treasure, or to extort 
money. In the prisons, which are reeking, unhealthy 
courtyards or cellars, without anv furni- 


ture or even a supply of water, usually over- 
crowded, many are thrust into ankle, wrist or neck 
rings of heavy iron. The latter are reserved for special 
cases, unless on the march, when they are common 
to all, a number of them being threaded on to a 
heavy chain. This being riveted at the ends, if one 
dies, or even falls sick by the way, his head is cut 
off to release his body, and is brought into town to 
show that he has not escaped. Such heads, as well 
as those of rebels killed in battle, are pickled by the 
first Jews on whom hands can be laid,* if the distance to 
go be great, to preserve them, just as formerly used to be 
done in England. f In the towns there is a separate 
prison for women, chiefly those caught on the streets, in 
charge of an arifah or wise woman, where they are not 
much worse off than at home. 

* In the towns this task falls to the Jewish cobblers, who have also to affix 
the heads above the city gates. 

t The English custom was to " parboyl them with bay-salt and cummin- 
seed : that to keep them from putrefaction, and this to keep off the fowls 
fnnn x.izing on them." This was done in Newgate Gaol in 1661. 1 

1 Life of Thomas Ellivood, 1714, p. 


, Other tortures, which depend on individual caprice, 
are frequently resorted to, such as starvation in under- 
ground granaries, cutting off a hand or an 

Tortures. fc> fe > & 

ear, or gouging out an eye for theft ; bastin- 
adoing round the town mounted, facing backwards, on 
a donkey ; or filling the hand with salt and binding 
the doubled fingers with raw hide, leaving it so till the 
nails grow into the palms.* Many other tortures might 
be mentioned, such as the "wooden shirt" lined with 
spikes, but they are very rarely employed, and their 
enumeration would only convey a false idea of Moorish 
cruelty. The terrible deeds of a bygone age, which 
make the pages of their history so black, are seldom 
approached by the Moors of these days, and they are 
better forgotten. Though wholesale butchery, as has been 
seen, too often attends the military expeditions of the 
Court, and many lives are wantonly taken, execution as 
a punishment is seldom now resorted to, Mulai el Hasan, 
with whom in time of peace the authorisation lay, having 
been particularly averse to signing death-warrants. The 
lex talionis — "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth" 1 — 
is, however, still in force, and adultery, when discovered 
in the country, is often paid for by the slaughter of the 

* "A further iniquitous and diabolical order arrived from the Moorish Court 
to the effect that thirteen of the Rahamna tribe, now in prison [in Rabat] were 
to have 2000 lashes and their hands cut open. Early on the morning of the 
2 1st April the diabolical work began. None of the men were able to stand 
more than 1200 lashes, having been left unconscious and almost dead. Then 
a native doctor was brought, and their hands cut up between the fingers with 
a deep, crucial incision in the palm of the hand. These wounds were filled 
with salt, camphor, etc., and the hand then closed and sewn over with wet 
sheepskin, which, when it dries, contracts, so that when removed the hand is 
a useless round ball. This punishment is frequently meted out to those who 
mutiny in prison, or who are caught escaping." 2 

1 Kor'an, S. v., v. 49. 

2 Dr. Kerr, "Central Morocco Mission Report for 1897," p. 4. 



guilty parties, though the price of blood, fida et-tar, may 
be accepted. 1 Nevertheless, the vendetta (tolb, or kisas) is 
still a recognised duty, for life is held cheap, and blood 
flows freely in Morocco, the "happy dominions" of its 
official documents. 

l Miskkdt. bk. xiv. 





Receipts from bribes, etc., in sugar, from 25 to 30 loaves a day, say 

25 loaves for 30 days, at 2s. per loaf 
The right of selling tobacco, kif, etc., within the walls 
Amounts paid by well-to-do prisoners, such as kaids and others 
kept at the sultan's pleasure, for diminishing the weight of their 
irons, to allow food to be brought in, to receive less flogging, to 
be allowed conveniences in prison, etc., etc. 
Share in the alms boxes at the saints' houses in the town, including 

all collected at the tomb of the patron saint of the town 
Ditto, from the neighbouring villages 
Tax paid by the fishermen . . . 

,, lightermen 
,, captains of native boats 
,, licensed women . 
,, scribes, notaries, etc. 
,, couriers 
,, police of the town 
,, ,, ,, when attending foreigners 

out of the town 
,, night guard, numbering 25 nightly 
, , guard of shops on the market, etc. 
,, native guilds, bakers, butchers, grocers, etc., etc. 
,, skilled workmen, carpenters, masons, washermen 

labourers, etc. 
,, cowherd of the town 
, , widows and orphans on inheriting property, and to 

speak in their favour 
,, fandaks (bazaars and caravan-sarais) of the town 
,, camels and mules bringing provisions in from the 

, , grain measurers and porters at the markets 
,, tanneries and ovens 

,, country people coming to reside in the town 
,, serpent charmers, etc. 

,, "veterinary surgeons" of the market, and the 
fortune tellers . 
Fines paid for throwing filth into the streets, which are already so 

full that they spread disease everywhere 
Revenue from various other sources 
Presents received at feasts, etc. 


^75 o 
40 o 

40 o 
































1 4 

12 o 

6 o 

,£210 12 

Part II. 




XII. Europeans in the Moorish Service 

XIII. The Sali.i Rovers 

XIV. The Record of the Christian Slaves 
XV. Christian Influences in Morocco 

XVI. Foreign Diplomatic Relations . 

XVII. Moorish Diplomatic Usages 

XVIII. Foreign Rights and Privileges . 

XIX. Commercial Intercourse and Foreign Protection 

XX. The Fate of the Empire 





N common with most Oriental countries, Morocco has 
always possessed attractions for a certain class of rest- 
less souls desirous of fame or adventure. The 

Early Adventurers. . 

stories of what befell those who from time to time 
left Europe to enter the Moorish service are replete with 
incidents which should provide the modern troubadour, the 
novelist, with ample store of matter for most interesting 
pages. Here, however, space will not permit more than 
a passing indication of the part that Europeans — either 
of their own free will or, in times past, fleeing from justice 
— have played in making Moorish history, apart from 
their share in its piracy. 

In the early days of intercourse with Europe the dis- 
tinction between East and West was much less marked 
than we can easily imagine ; and it is less astonishing that 
soldiers of fortune from across the Straits should have 
been willing to enrol themselves beneath the banner of 
the Moor, and that with papal sanction.* Pope 

intervention oj r i r 

the Pope. Innocent IV., who introduced the cardinal's 

red hat, wrote from Lyons to the ameer of 

Morocco, Ali IV. (Es-Said el Moatadid), on behalf of the 

Christian mercenaries in his service. To him he promised 

the support of his ecclesiastical authority in return for 

* See chapter xv. , p. 314. 


kindness shown to them, asking if the mercenaries might 
not be entrusted with certain fortified towns or forts, in 
which they might at any time protect themselves or 
leave their wives and families while fighting the ameer's 

1251. foes. 1 And the same pope addressed Ali's 
successor, 'Omar I. (el Mortada), to similar effect, but 
added the threat that if his request were not acceded 
to, he would have to prohibit Christians from entering 
his service.' 2 But the Moorish ameers were not altogether 
so naive as they were supposed to be ; and no result 
appears to have followed either appeal or threat. Papal 

1290. approval continued, nevertheless, for Nicholas IV. 
addressed a letter to the knights and men-at-arms in 
service in Morocco, Tlemcen, and Tunis, urging them to 
lead a Christian life among Mohammedans. 3 

Other documentary evidence also shows that the Chris- 
tian princes of those days had no greater objections than 
the popes to their subjects fighting for the Moors and 

1388. other " infidels." 4 Juan I. of Aragon authorised 
Gilbert Rovira de Tolosa to leave for Fez with fifty men- 
at-arms to take part in the war against the " Saracens," or 
eastern Muslimeen,* 5 and Chaucer's Knight, of the famous 
" Tales," it will be remembered, had served in Algiers and 
Tlemcen. Ibn Khaldun declares that these foreigners 
were employed because the natives could not 

Christian _ ^^ firm Qn ^ fid(j Qf f^^ whJch j g , 

Mercenaries. ' 

undoubtedly the real explanation. Abd el 
Wahhid says that the militia or jund, as distinguished 
from native levies, included Arabs, Turks, Spaniards, 
Greeks, and tribes won over from the enemy. 7 Mas 
Latrie suggests that till the end of the twelfth century 

* But he also approved the conveyance of "decern mulieres publicas ad 
servitium eorundem." 6 

1 Mas Latrie, Traitcs, part ii., p. 14. 2 Ibid., p. 16. '•'• Ibid., p. 17. 

4 Ibid., Relations, p. 269. See also Tyrwhitt and Leland. 

5 Ibid., Traitcs, Suppl., p. 6q. (i Ibid., p. 248. ? Ez-Zaiani, p. 34. 


these foreign troops were perhaps to some extent recruited 
from the Shabani, the Christian tribe formed by Yak fib el 
Manstir with captives brought from Spain,* or possibly 
from the remains of native Christian tribes, but most facts 
of that period are so misty that nothing can be said with 
certainty as to the latter supposition. And as half a 
century had not elapsed between the settlement of the 
Alarcos captives and the first papal letter referred to, it 
is quite probable his holiness had them and their children 
as much in view as the subsequent free arrivals. 

Already, when the first Franciscan missionaries came, 

1214. they found a Christian prince the ameer's 
general, Pedro, brother of Alfonso II. of Portugal. 1 

1232. With the support of a Christian militia num- 
bering ten or twelve thousand, under Francyl their general, 
Habiba, Christian wife of the Muwahhadi ameer Idrees III. 
(el Mamun), was able to proclaim her son Rasheed I. at 
Ceuta, and to see him enthroned at Marrakesh. 2 These 

1228. were Castilians furnished by Fernando III. on 
condition that El Mamun should cede ten strongholds on 
his frontier to Castille, that he should build a church at 
Marrakesh in which they might freely worship, with bells 
to sound the hours of prayer, and also that they should not 
be permitted to become Mohammedans. 3 About the same 
time Yaghmorasan, founder of the dynasty of Abd el 

1236. Wahad in Tlemcen, employed 2000 European 
mercenaries, the chief of whom attempted his life. Later, 

1274. Yakub II. — ameer of the rival house of Beni 
Marin, supplanters of the Muwahhadis — went himself to 
Barcelona to obtain assistance from Jaime I. of Aragon 
and Majorca in his attack upon his rival's fortress of 
Ceuta, which Jaime granted to the extent of ten ships and 

* See chapter v. , p. 80. 

1 Castellanos. 2 Mas Latrib, Relations, pp. 228 and 267. 

3 Ra6h el Kaktas, p. 356. 



500 knights. 1 As general, Yakub had Alfonso de Guzman 
of San Lucar, who had entered his service in consequence 
of a quarrel with the king of Castille. 2 Abu 
y European Thabit Amr sought help against 

Assistance sought. Granada from Jaime II. of Castille, 
1308- who subsequently sent troops to 
support his brother and successor, Sulai'man I. 
With this assistance Ceuta was taken, and 
the Christian cavalry, under Gonsalvo, re- 
mained with the Moors. 3 Two years after- 
wards Gonsalvo and the wazeer conspired 
against the ameer, and both had to flee to the 
mountains. 4 En-Nasiri speaks a little later of 
one Garcia, son of Antonio, as kaid of the 
Christians. 5 

As years rolled on, when after a weary struggle 
Spain threw off the Moorish yoke, all intercourse 

of this description ceased, and fierce inquisitorial 

hatred took its place. It is not, therefore, till 

comparatively modern times that we again find 
Europeans fighting by the side of the Moors. 
1637. Pere Dan tells us, early in the seven- 
teenth century, that there had been till re- 
cently two thousand renegades in Moorish pay, 
and at one time as many as five thousand 
light horse and two thousand men-of-arms, all 

Of individual volunteers, from one cause or 

another, there were doubtless a number at all 

times, though no account is here taken of the 

captives and forced renegades. Such a 

1 Mas Latkie, Traitcs, part ii., p. 285. 
- *-■ 2 Ibid., Relations, p. 267. 3 Ibid. 

4 Raod el KartAs, p. 556. 

5 vol. ii., p. 123. For references to these mercenaries, 
$^j£~* see also En-NAsiri, vol. ii., pp. 5-8, 16, 46, 49, 50, 80, and 






volunteer was Captain John Smith, of Virginian 
fame, who appears to have had this idea in 
his head when his wanderings brought him 
to Saffi, but after a visit to Marrakesh he returned to 
England, because he found here " perfidious, treacherous, 
and blood}' murthers rather than warre." 1 Soon after- 
1637. wards Englishmen served in Morocco under 
Admiral Rainsborough,* not indeed as mercenaries, but 

Photogi'aph by Dr. Rudduck 

as auxiliaries furnished by Charles I. of England to Mulai 
Zidan against the Morisco republic of Salli. Captain 
Giffard was engaged for 25^. a day and supplies, and 
was presented with a sword and cloak which Zidan's 
father had received from Queen Elizabeth. Several 
military captains served under him at \2s. a day, ten sea 
captains at 4s., the common soldiers to have " 12 pence 

* Full details of this expedition will he found at the Record Office ; see 
Calendar of State Tapers, vols. 1636-1638, and Bihliography, 2219 and 2220. 

1 Travels, p. 877. 


truly paid them." Of two hundred volunteers with thirty 
1607. field pieces most were lost in battle, Giffard 
refusing to flee when Zidan sent him a horse. 1 

Captain John Smith had found another class of 

foreigners established in Morocco, to be mentioned in 

this connection as among those who received wages from 

the ameers. To quote the Captain's own words : " In all 

his [Ahmad el Mansur's] kingdome were so 

Artificers. f evv cr od artificers that hee entertained from 

Imported. ^ 

England gold-smiths, plummers, carvers and 
polishers of stone, and watch-makers:* so much hee 
delighted in the reformation of workmanship : hee allowed 
each of them ten shillings a day standing fee, linnen, 
woollen, silkes and what they would for diet and apparell, 
and custome free to transport or import what they would," 2 
from which it is evident that there were ' : good old times " 
for Europeans even in Morocco. 

This class of labour seems to have been in demand at 

intervals under various reigns, though it is to be 

feared that the good fortune of the foreign employes 

never again reached the high-water mark of Captain 

Smith's experience until the enlightened Sidi 

innovations of Mohammed XVII. began to surround himself 

Mohammed XVII. ° 

with Europeans of all sorts, skilled in various 
1757. arts. Some of them were sent by their re- 
spective governments, principally carpenters, architects, 
painters, masons and gardeners from Sweden and Den- 
mark; others — notably eight hundred Portuguese and 
Spanish, and two hundred and fifty French — were rene- 
gades, mostly deserters ; and from among these he took the 

* Felipe II. of Spain, the builder of the Escorial, notwithstanding his 
hatred of Moriscos, Jews, and Protestants, sent painters to the Moorish 
Court at this time. 3 

1 Ro. C, chap. xv. 2 Mas Latrie, p. 871. 

a Ant. Pons, Viaje de Espafla, vol. i., letter ii. 


garrison of his new town of Mogadon 1 His life is said 
to have once been saved by these men, so that in them 
he reposed a special trust. One renegade, Kaid Drees, 
was employed to draw up a scheme for a Court after the 
French style, on which that of Morocco was to some 
extent remodelled. 2 In this reign also we find one 'Omar, 
a Scotchman, commanding a pirate vessel. 3 

Among the many interesting pages which the records 

of Moroccan history unfold, not one is more romantic or 

replete with adventure than the story of the 


great Duke of Ripperda. By birth a noble 
of Holland, he represented that country at the Spanish 
Court. By adoption a subject and grandee of Spain, he 
became its Prime Minister under Felipe V. Overthrown 
for his habitual deception of the Government, he was 
imprisoned, but escaped to England, where he chartered 
a vessel for Morocco, and thereupon entered the service 
of Abd Allah V., to whom he became wazeer and general. 
By birth and education a Romanist, he became successively 
from policy a Protestant, a Romanist, and a Mohammedan; 
then the would-be founder of a new religion. Yet he 
died a Romanist in his retreat at Tetuan — though buried 
as a Moor — and left on record a career without a parallel. 
A more unprincipled, astute impostor was never equipped 
at a Jesuit college, or one who more fully practised 
Jesuit doctrines. 

With the hope of satisfying not only his ambition, 

but also his thirst for vengeance on the Spaniards, this 

a Dutch wonderful man set sail for the Barbary coast, 

Grand Wazeer. deluded, like so many others, by reports of 

wealth and importance. Of the former Ripperda 

appears to have had no need, since, besides possessing 

estates in Holland, he had a happy faculty for making 

money anywhere. To his protection of the Jews and 

1 Thomassy, p. 303. 2 IbitL, p. 302. 3 Brown on Pellow, p. 32. 



The R ise. 

his choice of them as his agents he owed no 
small part of the power whereby he was able to 
make that brave show which invariably awes the 
Oriental. With the recommendation of the 
famous Abd el Kader Perez, "admiral " and 
sometimes ambassador to Europe, supported by 
a renegade " of kidney like unto his own,"* 
this unscrupulous adventurer soon made his way 
at the Moorish Court, till it was 
virtually in his power. Right and left 
he dealt his bounty and his smiles, declaring 
that his only foe was the foe of the Moors, 
Felipe. He was attended throughout by a 
faithful valet who ultimately lost his life as a 
spy in Ceuta (which Ripperda attempted to 
recover from the Spaniards), and was accom- 
panied always by the " fair Castilian," to whom 
he owed his escape from prison in Segovia. He 
possessed the power of making faithful friends, 
and surrounded himself with a guard of twenty 
English, Dutch and French renegades, who were 
willing to die for him. Having won to his side 
the mother of the sultan, that crafty monarch 
never swerved in his attachment to Ripperda 
till he was deserted in his hour of need, and 
was for the last time dethroned. 

A martyr to gout, Ripperda was yet 
able to reorganise the army, and to lead 
it in person against Ceuta and O'ran. He 
punished with death any officer who hesi- 

* " A monk, but a scandalous debauchee, who, finding 
it impossible to reside among Catholics, flying to England, 
turned Protestant ; but not having found his account in his 
change of religion, fled hither and turned Mohammedan." 1 

1 Rippa-das Memoirs. 



tated in the discharge of his orders, and set 
up gallows around his camp, the which he 
"loaded plentifully with such as were guilty of plun- 
dering, defrauding, or insulting the country people," 
visiting the outposts every day in person, though he 
had to be set on his horse and removed like a child. 
As strong a hand had not been felt in Morocco since 
Mulai Ismail died, for he knew how to make every man 
whom he met believe that he was serving his own interest 
by serving him, the secret, perhaps, of all his success. 

Meanwhile, by means of the Jews, who were also his 

spies, he carried on an extensive trade, preserving always 

the greater portion of his wealth in England or Holland. 

But having persuaded Mulai Abd Allah to raise 

The Fall. , , , . 

supplies by debasing the coin, the country 
became so impoverished by this and the civil war that 
the people could stand it no longer, and overthrew both 
sultan and minister. The duke-basha then retired to 
Tetuan, later to Tangier, which he fortified against the in- 
coming sultan, but first turned back his troops, and then 
made peace with their master with money. As if his pro- 
jects hitherto had not been remarkable enough, the next 
was to establish a new religion to include Jews, Muslimin 
and Christians. To its principles this celebrated turn-coat 
certainly conformed — a fitting task, surely, for so consistent 
an opportunist. Sickness at last overcame him, and having 
1737. formed the resolution, to use the quaint account 
of his biographer, "of dying like a man of honour and 
good sense, that is, like a Christian," he sent to Mequinez 
for a priest, from whom he received absolution, and soon 
after died.* 

* A word must needs be said of his anonymous biographer, whose record, 
although confined to his later years — from 17 15 — is too accurate and detailed 
not to have been largely based on the duke's own reminiscences, although 
compiled in so free a narrative style as to read like romance. Suspicion points 
to Ali, the renegade monk, as its author, but if all the state documents 


During the present century there has always been a 
small number of Europeans in the Moorish service, but 
Renegade the proportion of renegades among them has 

Employees. continually diminished.* Graberg estimated the 

1834 ' total of the foreign residents at only five hundred, 

of whom two hundred were renegades, and at that time 
Christians were not allowed except in Tangier, Tetuan, 
Laraiche and Mogadon f 1 They are now to be numbered 
only by tens, and are seldom encountered. Of late years 
but two or three figures stand out from those unenviable 
ranks, such as Count Joseph de Saulty, 2 who, having eloped 
in his youth with his commandant's wife from Algeria, be- 
came military adviser to the sultan. He was discovered an 
1877. old man in the guise of a Moor, " silent and sad- 
eyed, supported by two attendants, contemplating a uniform 
with which in bygone days he was very familiar.' 3 

This uniform was worn by the French officers who, as a 

military mission, were " placed at the sultan's disposal" — in 

other words, forced upon him — by their Govern- 

Foreign Military ment jealous of the influence of an ex-English 

Missions. ' J ° 

officer, Kaid Maclean, who, without changing 
his religion, has been for many years military adviser and 

quoted are genuine, some other hand must have finally rounded off the work, 
which is, moreover, in excellent English. It is strange, too, that so impartial 
a record should have appeared as early as 1740, only three years after the death 
of one of the most remarkable figures of his time in European as well as in 
Moorish history, so it is possible that fiction may be here largely mingled 
with fact. See also Maner, Hisloria del Duque de Ripperda, 2nd ed., 
Madrid, 1896 ; and Moore, Lives of Cardinal Alberoni, the Duke of 
Ripperda, and the Marquis of Pombal, 2nd ed., London, 1814. 

* Lieutenant-Colonel Jardine, who was placed at the disposal of the Moors 
by the British in 1789, and Joachim Gatell, a Spaniard, who in 1 861 was 
employed by the Moors, but who "deserted in lieu of leave," have both left 
interesting records, that of the latter, dealing with Sus, being of real value. 

t Scott says there were in his time, a few years later, some 600 French and 
Spanish renegades, who had escaped from prison, and had found a place in 
the sultan's bodyguard, or had been sent to Agurai, near Mequinez. 4 

1 p. 68. 2 Martiniere, p 320. 3 Brown on Pellow, p. 45. •* p. 33. 



instructor at the Moorish Court. Since then Spaniards 
and Italians have followed suit with military missions, the 
former remaining a short time only, but the latter being 


still in charge of the arsenal at Fez. Till within the last 
few years a Scotch drill -instructor and a Gibraltarian 
engineer were employed in Tangier with the rank of 
kaid, and a German military engineer has for several 
years been engaged in building batteries for Krupp guns 
at Rabat. In addition to these officers, the little steamers 
owned by the Moors have had a succession of foreign 
crews, but the picturesque days of Moorish service are 
over, and the only noticeable features at the present time 
consist in arrears of pay and petty interferences. 


WHO has not heard of the rovers of Salli ? Yet 
how few have any idea what they really were ! 
Some picturesque notions, doubtless, exist in most minds, 
some romantic fancy resembling that which casts a halo 
over brigands and vikings, which it were almost a crime 
to dispel — an ungrateful task truly, but without 
Undeserved alternative.* Their fame is even preserved by 

Glamour. J J 

the popular name bestowed on the oceanic 
medusa — vulgarly sea-blubber — Velella, known as the 
"Sallee-man," companion to the PJirysalia pelagica, known 
as the " Portuguese Man-of-war." j- Explain it as we may, 
it is a remarkable fact that our highest naval title \ 

* The name "pirate" does not appear to have originally meant a high-sea 
thief, for among the ancient Danes it was an honourable title borne by 
princes and captains of vessels, as was the case in King Alfred's navy, 
according to Bishop Ascher. 1 The word "corsair" is evidently from the 
Arabic karsan, a pirate (cruiser for prey), though attributed by some to the 
Latin currere "to run" {cf. "courser" and "cruiser.") A more common 
name in Morocco is ghazi (//. ghuzat), whence ghazawat "raids," especially 
- applied to those directed against infidels. 

t Excellent descriptions of the former ship-like creature are given by 
Professor Jones in his Natural History of Animals, vol. i., p. 189 ; and of the 
latter by Mr. P. H. Gosse in his Year at the Sea-shore]' ch. x., which contains 
also a beautiful coloured drawing of it. (PI. 28.) See also Gosse's Life, p. 89. 

X Spelled "Ammiral" by Milton {Par. Lost, bk. i., 1. 294). Cf Arsenal, 
from l).ir es-sani, " House of Industry." 

1 Dan, p. 9. 


to-day is only a corruption of the Arabic for " Chief of 
the Sea" — Ameer el Bahr. 

Three centuries ago, and till within a century, these 
rovers were the terror of our merchantmen, especially 
at the time when our ancestors were engaged in laying 
the foundations of our present commerce, when they were 
succeeding Spaniards, Dutch and Portuguese as colonisers 
and explorers. Although long- before that time 

Period. r & fc> 

the Moorish pirates had become adepts in way- 
laying and mastering helpless craft, it was not until the 
Stuart and the early Hanoverian periods that English 
ships became a special prey. Then, throughout the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, scarcely a month 
passed in the shipping season without captures being 
made from every maritime nation and city of Europe ; 
and the large proportion of these that were English 
brought the name of the rovers home to our country 
as nothing else could have done. It was worse than news 
of death itself to learn that loved ones were enslaved in 
Barbary ; yet many hundreds had to suffer this suspense, 
augmented by the awful tales of those who did return. 

There is an unfortunate scarcity of data concerning 
the origin of Moorish piracy. Some have attributed it 
to the vengeance of the Moors expelled from 
Spain ; but as they had never been sailors, they 
could not have at once become pirates. ' Moreover, 
there is evidence that before their expulsion the rovers 
of Salli — ever foremost in this business — had long swept 
the seas. Naval expeditions were indeed sent forth 
against Spain, but that was rather the work of allies in 
Morocco, who already possessed the art and means, though 
they were, no doubt, reinforced by the homeless arrivals. 

To the Moor, all who are not Jews or Muslims are 
Christians — common enemies supposed to be allied ; so 
the dividing line between naval warfare and piracy was 



2 o 

o 3 

« Q 


aot very clearly defined, and it is doubtful whether the 

Moors ever attempted such a distinction. In this they 

were not very unlike the European nations of those days. 

Privateering was then part of orthodox naval 

European Rivals. . 

tactics, and every Mediterranean seaport had 
its own buccaneers who served themselves or the State, 
according to which paid best, being one day feted as 
defending heroes, and the next day hung at the yard-arm 
as thieves, for in turn they were both. The distinguishing 
feature of the Moorish and other Barbary pirates was 
their continued existence after their profession had been 
put an end to in Europe. All that can be said against 
them could probably also be said against each State of 
southern Europe at an earlier date. 

Beyond a doubt the Moors originally owed nearly all 
they knew of sea warfare to Europeans, from whom at a 
later period they almost exclusively obtained, not only 
their arms, but also their vessels. Indeed, foreigners 
were often caused to serve as officers on board the pirate 
vessels against their will, as in the case of John Dunton, 
who, when master and pilot of a " Salli man-of-war," 
ran her to the Isle of Wight. He was appointed to the 
1637. Leopard, one of the English fleet sent to bom- 
bard Salli. 1 

It has even been asserted by a most competent 
contemporaneous authority — Captain John Smith, the 
president and planter of Virginia, who was as intimate 

as anyone with that class of sailors — that the 
Enghsh inst™, rs, j^QQj-jg^ pi ra tes were taught their trade by 

the pirates of our own land.* Of these latter the same 

* Another interesting fact related by Captain Smith is that Macaulay's 
"gallant merchantman" which sighted the Armada, bringing the news "full 
sail to Plymouth Bay " was none other than the vessel of a well-known pirate 
who received a pardon for this service. 

1 A true Journal of the Salli Fleet, by John Dunton, in a Collection oj Voyages and 
Travels, ed. 1745. vol. ii., p. 491. (B. Mus. 456, fol. 14.) 


writer declares it to have been in his time "incredible 
how many great and rich prizes the little barques of 
the West Country daily brought home, in regard of their 
small charge."* He further records that under the 
peaceful reign of James L, "because they grew hatefull 
to all Christian princes, they retired to Barbarv, where, 
though there be not many good harbours but Tunis, 
Argier, Sally, Marmora, and Tituane, there are many 
convenient rodes, for their best harbours are possessed 
by the Spaniards. 

u Ward, f a poore English sailor, and Dansker, a Dutch- 
man, J made first here their marts, when the Moores knew 
scarce how to saile a ship : Bishop was ancient, and did 
little hurt, but Easton got so much as made himselfe a 
marquesse in Savoy, and Ward lived like a Bashaw in 
Barbarv ; they were the first that taught the 

A Contemporary J ' J ° 

Record. Moores to be men of warre . . . till they 

1600 ' became so disjoynted, disordered, debawched, 
and miserable, that the Turks and Moores began to 
command them as slaves, and force them to instruct 
them in their best skill, which many an accursed 
runnagado, or Christian -turned -Turk, did, till they 
have made those Sally men or Moores of Barbary 
so powerful as they be, to the terror of all the 
Straights : and many times they take purchase [prizes] 
even in the main ocean, yea, sometimes even in 
the narrow seas in England ; and these are the 
most cruell villaines in Turkie or Barbarie, whose 

* ' ' Nulli melius piraticam excrcent quam Angli." — SCALIGER. 

t Dan tells us (p. 312) that it was the Tunisians who were taught by two 
Englishmen, " Edward and Yver." 

X Called " Danser " (once misprinted Manser) by Dan, who tells us that 
Algiers, not Morocco, was his headquarters, where he became established in 
1606, and taught the natives to use " round vessels," after which he retired to 
Marseilles on a pardon (p. 311). His name proclaims him a Dane. 


natives are very noble and of good nature in comparison 
of them."* 1 

But, although there is no reason for impeaching the 
captain's facts, there is for suspecting his ignorance of 
history, since, though doubtless men who had sailed with 
Frobisher, Drake and Raleigh were well able to teach 
the Moors "a thing or two" with regard to their craft, 
especially as to the " narrow seas in England," they had 
long had equally able instructors gathered from the scum 
of the Mediterranean.-)- Genoese, Sicilians, 
Mediterranean Greeks, Provencals, Catalans and Pisans, all 

Pirates. ' * ' ' 

indulged in piracy, for, as the Virginian Presi- 
dent remarks of his time, "as in all lands where there 
are many people there are some theeves, so in all seas 
much frequented there are some pyrats." 

There appears to have been, in fact, a time when, to 

judge from some of their early treaties, the Moors were 

1186. in fear of Europe. The treaty with Pisa, J for 

instance, provides that any Pisan pirate attacking Musli- 

min should be punished by the Pisans themselves, 

* The "Turks" — a term including the Moors— were, during the reign of 
James I., so daring on the coasts of Devon and carried off so much booty and 
so many English ships " from under forts and castles left helpless and un- 
guarded," that "noe marchant dared venture on the seas, hardlie they thought 
themselves secure enough on land." Twenty out of twenty-five who included 
two "Christians" were hanged on a sentence of Sir John Eliot's court in 
1624. "There were fourtie saile of Turks besides those which formerlie 
kepte that coast." " Pirating had become so much more profitable than honest 
trading, that several Englishmen actually went into the business." Forster's 
Life of Sir John Eliot. London, 1864, vol. i., pp. 317, 428, 320, 193, etc. 
See also Record Office, Cal. State Papers, vol. 1625-26, pp. 10 to 341, and 
vol. 1635-36, p. 303. 

f Compare the story of the famous Greek renegade, Khai'r ed-Din Barba- 

rossa " Red-beard " — the worst ever known in Algiers, of which he in time 

became Dey, and many another of that class who throve on this traffic. 

% See Mas Latrie's Collection. 

1 The Trzie Travels and Adventures and Observations of Captain John Smith. London 
1630, p. 914. 


1236. as stipulated also with Genoa* and with 

1339. Majorca, t It is, nevertheless, fairly certain that 

the Moors did all they could in the way of piracy, though 

it was not till the thirteenth century that their share 

assumed alarming proportions, when their power in Spain 

was at its height, and communication across 

Probable Origin. . & ' 

the Straits of Gibraltar demanded adequate 
supplies of boats. These, when not required for transport, 
could not be more naturally employed than in holding 
to ransom vessels becalmed in the passage they knew so 
well, or eventually in going out of their way to seek and 
capture inoffensive merchantmen of other nationalities. 

More than this, it is on record that the Moors of those 
days even pirated their co-religionists in Spain, 1 with 
whom they were as often at war as not. It has also 
been alleged that there were Jewish pirates in the 
sixteenth century among the rovers of Morocco. 2 It is 
probable that Europeans only suffered more because more 
peaceably disposed, and because the owners of the greater 
commerce. Those were the days of the galleys, before 
they had been taught to manoeuvre the " round " vessels 
captured from the foreigners, which, after all, were little 
bigger than the fishing smacks of present times. It is 
possible that but for the establishment of the 

/ urkish Influence. , 

Turks in Central Barbary in the sixteenth 
century, this scourge might have died down. The Turks, 
however, never managed to do more than set foot in 
Morocco ; they were kept back in Algeria by the kings 
of Tlemccn and Fez, so the Moors were able to develop 
a piracy quite their own. In spite of the fact that 
1390. they had been formidable to the Genoese, who 
appealed to France against them, 3 their fiercest period 
followed in the latter portion of the seventeenth century. 

* See Mas Latrie's Collection. f Ibid. 

1 Godakd, p. 304. - [bid., p. 428. 3 Froissakt, vol. iv., chap. ii. 



This was induced partly, perhaps, by the example and 
rivalry of their new neighbours, and partly by the recovery 
of all the Atlantic ports from the Europeans, which gave 
much freer scope for their vessels. But the greatest 
impetus appears to have been given in the first years 
of the seventeenth century, when Felipe III. of Spain 
expelled nine hundred thousand of their co-religionists ;* 
i6io. those who fled to Salli became its masters, 
and made especial havoc of Spanish shipping. 1 

Numerous authors have enabled us to estimate the 
Moorish naval power at successive periods, though what 
its effective force was it is not so easy to say, 
E p a ™er NaVal the sizes and descriptions being usually diffi- 
cult of identification. The earliest reference 
is of a two-fold interest — first, as relating to a period in 
which there was no question of the Moors having received 
European instruction, and second, as the testimony of 
a Moor, the author of " Raod el Kartas," 2 who wrote 
ii62. about 1326. He states that Abd el Mu'min, 
first of the Muwahhadi Dynasty (Almohades) had four 
hundred vessels put on the stocks — at Mamora one hun- 
dred and twenty, at Tangier, Ceuta, Badis, and other 
Rif ports one hundred, at O'ran one hundred, and eighty 
in Spain.-j* 

These must, of course, have been galleys — long low 

* Henry IV. of France should not only be remembered as the far-seeing 
author of the Edict of Nantes, but also as having permitted one hundred and 
fifty thousand of these " Moriscos " to settle in France on their certifying 
themselves to be Christians. Of those who refused to do this a large number 
settled in Pera, Constantinople, whence they induced the kadi to expel 
the Jews. 

t Almeria was the maritime arsenal of the Beni Ummeyya, ' ' the port where 
those fleets were equipped which furrowed in all directions the waters of the 
Mediterranean, spread devastation over its shores, and allowed no Christian 
vessel to sail in it." 3 

1 Dan, p. 204. 2 p. 284. See also Ibn KhaldOn, vol. ii. 

3 El MakkAri, bk. viii. , chap, ii., p. 311. 



Style of Vessels 

rowing boats of ancient pattern, needing little mechanism, 
and propelled by oars or sweeps, each worked 
by several pairs of arms, by preference those of 
slaves. Their length would vary from twenty to sixty 
yards, with a breadth of from three to seven, and their oars 
— sometimes as much as sixteen yards long — were supple- 
mented by lateen sails of the style of the faluchos still 
employed by Spaniards on this coast. Those of Barbary 
were small, especially in Morocco, where they were fewer in 
number than in the other Barbary States, being supported 


(From Host, 1779) 

by only one mast. Such vessels had no " prow castle," 
and little or no bulwark, that they might be light for 
chase and escape. They were impelled by about two 
hundred Christian slaves a-piece, packed tightly on some 
two dozen benches with a gangway down the centre. 1 
Such a craft was always formidable to a vessel encum- 
bered with cargo, carrying only sufficient hands for 
navigation. Moreover, while the merchantman was 
always at the mercy of the wind, the well-armed galley 
was almost as independent of it as the steamers of to-day, 
and its warriors were well supplied with lances and arrows. 

1 For good descriptions see Furttenbach, Architcctura Navalis—\\\\\i excellent drawings 
— 1629 ; and Capt. Panthro Pantera ; also Dan, p. 308. 


Previous to this the A gh labis of Sicily and " Saracens " 
of the Levant had owned their navies, and had been the 
terror of the seas ; and it was with seventy galleys and 
one hundred other vessels that " Aben Chapella " the 
corsair was said to have carried Islam to Barbary; 1 but 
here we have to deal with Moors alone. 

Long gaps in the available data then ensue, for the 

1493. next reference occurs when the Governor of 

Ceuta who took the now no longer existing port of 

Targa, east of Tetuan, burned there twenty-five Moorish 

1629. vessels. 2 Razelli found seventeen vessels in 

the river at Salli, and about a score entered later 3 

— a formidable fleet for the period, though not one 

Modem Moorish which would be of consequence at the present 

Na!vies - day,* probably not more formidable than an 

As most of the vessels of those days are now hardly known even by name,. 
an explanation of the most common varieties alluded to may be of use. 

A Brig- has generally two masts, either square-rigged, or nearly like a ship's 
main-mast and fore-mast. 

A Brigantine is an uncovered vessel without a deck. 

A Caravel was a small, round vessel, of twenty-five to thirty tons, such as 
is used in the French herring fisheries. 

A Carrac, or Carraque, was a large ship of burden, a merchantman. 

A Corvette was originally a light vessel with one mast. 

A Frigate in the Mediterranean is a vessel propelled by both sails and oars. 

A Galiote was a small brigantine built for chase, with one mast and sixteen 
or twenty seats for rowers. 

A Galley carried two masts with lateen sails, and had one deck. 

A Shaloup, or Chaloupe, is a ship's long-boat. 

A Piaque, or Pink, was a vessel with a very narrow stern. 

A Polacre has three masts, each of one piece. 

A Snow was "a brig which set her boom mainsail on a trysail mast, instead 
of, as is the present way, on the mast itself." 4 

A Tartan was "a small coasting vessel peculiar to the Mediterranean, now 
seldom seen," 5 but akin to the felucca, with only one mast and a bowsprit, 
and a very large sail on a lateen yard, and sometimes a square sail. 

A Xebeck is a small three-masted vessel of the Mediterranean, carrying two 
large square sails in fair weather ; at other times lateen sails. 

1 Dan, p. 698. 2 Gen. Sandoval, in the Revue africaine, April, 1871, p. 177. 

S Armand, p. 17. 4 Brown on Pellow, p. 368. 5 Ibid. 


equal number of Spanish and Portuguese sailing vessels 
such as may be seen each season loading grain and 

oranges for Seville in the river at Laraiche. A little 
later St. Olon reported about a dozen vessels, mostly 
mounting eighteen to twenty guns in bad condition, with 

1682. crews averaging two hundred men. 1 Two 
hundred and thirty-three Moors were then to be found in 

1690. the Frenchmen's navy,- most of whom took 
part in the attempted invasion of England in support 
of James against William III. They arrived in long 
narrow galleys with decks but a couple of feet from the 
water, in each of which, besides one hundred and fifty 
officers and soldiers, there were no less than three hundred 
and thirty-six slaves, five or six of these unfortunates 
being allotted to each of the sixty sweeps. 3 Among 
their number were Turks and other hostile nationalities 
as well as Moors. 

That a century later such galleys still continued to be 

built, is shown by the captain of the English privateer 

Inspector having been set to work on one at 

* mri *\m! ey ' Tetuan -* ^ had, he tells us, a keel of ninety 

feet, and a breadth of twenty, and carried forty 

oars, nine carriage guns, twenty swivel guns and two 

hundred and thirty hands.-)* 4 These details are of 

* They were used in the French navy down to 1773. 

t A British Admiralty report of 1768 5 says that Laraiche had fitted out 
three xebecks, one of twenty-eight guns chiefly six-pounders, and one hundred 
and eighty men ; one of twenty-four guns and one hundred and twenty or one 
hundred and thirty men ; and one of twenty guns and one hundred men. 
There was another twenty-four-gun frigate "with a xebeck bottom." At 
Mamora there was a snow of sixteen guns built at Salli by a Portuguese rene- 
gade ; a row-galley of thirty oars, eighty men and eight guns ; and a xebeck 
of thirty-six oars and sixteen guns. 

The "Annual Register" of 1775 (p. 84) contains a "complete list of the 
Moorish navy " as follows : " At Laraiche two frigates of 30 guns and 200 men 
each; three of 24 guns and 150 men each; two of 20 guns and 130 men 

1 p. 14. 2 THOMASSY, p. 141. :! MaCAULAY'S History, chap. xvi. 

4 HOUGHTON, p. 196. 5 Public Record Office, vol. x., Aug. 12th. 


special value as those of a practical man, and the only- 
ones personally obtainable which make any pretence at 
exactness. But Dan informs us that galleys were much 
less used by the Moorish rovers than by those of the 
Mediterranean, where the waves are not so formidable as 
N i637. on the ocean, and that they only used "carraques, 
pinques and polacres," of which they then owned thirty 
in all. The galleys of Tetuan chiefly confined their 
attention to Spanish fishermen. 

Mohammed XVII. was possessed of twenty corsairs with 

from eighteen to fifty guns a-piece, eleven of which were 

described as frigates.* 1 One of these latter — 

™Zr nSqf country built— carried three hundred and thirty 

men and forty-five guns, which had to be taken 

over the bar in barges and shipped in the offing ; but 

most of the Salli rovers were only of from thirty to 

sixty tons, for even when the tide was in there were but 

eleven or twelve feet of water on the bar.f 2 En-Nasiri 

each ; one galliot of 22 oars, 12 guns and 90 men; all ready to put to sea. 
At Tetuan two xebecs of 30 oars, 20 guns and 200 men each ; one galliot of 
32 oars, 16 guns and 100 men ; three of 24 oars, 10 guns and 90 men each, 
and one of 16 oars, 8 guns and 70 men ; all ready for sailing. There are also 
ready for launching one xebec of 26 oars, pierced for 16 guns, and two 
galliots of 22 oars, pierced for 12 guns each. At Sallee one vessel of 24 guns 
and 180 men ; one xebec of 20 oars, 18 guns and 120 men ; and three galliots 
of 30 oars, 10 guns and 130 men each ; ready to be launched. At Tangier 
one galliot of 36 oars, 10 guns and 160 men, besides several others very 
forward on the stocks." 

* In 1760 there were at Laraiche five pirate vessels, only one of which 
mounted forty guns. 3 

t So far from the harbours of Morocco having suffered from the " Lisbon " 
earthquake of 1 755, as is often asserted, such a result is never hinted at in the 
full reports transmitted to the Royal Society by the Governor of Gibraltar, 4 
from which it seems that the most serious damage done at Salli was the 
• ' oversetting " of two ferry boats, with some loss of life and camels, and the 
deposition of fish in the streets, though at Saffi the sea reached the principal 
mosque. It was only in the interior, whence reports were less reliable, that 
"vast numbers of houses fell down," and eight leagues from Marrakesh the 

1 Thomassy, p. 298. 2 Dan, 1637. 3 Merry, p. 13. 

4 Phil. Trails., vol. xlix., p. 428. 


says he bad thirty frigates and brigs, and sixty smaller 
vessels ; but this must be taken as native exaggeration. 
1788. Chenier reported the naval force of Morocco as 
six or eight frigates of two hundred tons burthen, with 
port-holes for from fourteen to eighteen six-pounders, and 
perhaps a dozen galleys. By that time the natives became 
sailors with reluctance, on a meagre, fluctuating pay, and 
the command was only entrusted to rich men who might 
be relied on to return. 

About the same time Lempriere reported the navy to 
consist of "fifteen small frigates, a few xebecks, and twenty 
to thirty row-gallies," manned by about six thousand 
1793. seamen under one admiral. 1 Three years later 
the figures are given as ten frigates, four brigs, fourteen 
galiotes and nineteen shaloups, the number of seamen 
remaining the same ; 2 but then one knows how vague 
are Moorish statistics. 

Passing to the present century, the Moorish navy is 
1805. described by Buffa 3 as consisting only of four 
frigates, a brig, and a sloop of war. Ten years later 
Riley could only hear of a frigate of seven hundred tons 
with thirty-two guns, a coppered brig of eighteen guns 
presented by a Mogador Jew — one Makneen — and a new 
frigate of five hundred tons and thirty-two guns, besides 
occasional captured vessels. 4 But if the numbers had 
. r , n decreased this had been more than counter- 

1 he Decrease. 

1820. balanced by the increase in size. Yet after 

village of the Beni Bu Sunba and country people to the number of eight 
or ten thousand were swallowed up. This was on November 1st, and a 
second shock on the iSth did much damage in Fez and Mequinez, where 
" there are but few houses left standing," only eight of those of the Jews 
being saved. The damage done in Mequinez and Zarhon is, however, vouched 
for independently by Ez-Zaiani. B Chenier, writing in 1788, says that this 
earthquake increased the depth of water at the mouth of the river in flood 
time to near thirty feet. 

1 p. 251. 2 Godard, p. 156. 3 p. 43. 4 p. 565. 5 p. 121. 


five years only three brigs mounting forty cannon, and 

1834. thirteen gun-boats remained. l Graberg made 

the same returns, 2 evidently a quotation. Hay gives the 

1839. fleet as consisting of a corvette, two brigs (once 

merchantmen purchased from the Christians),* a schooner 

and a few gun-boats, all unfit for sea. 3 But the days 

of Moorish piracy were ended, and at last there only 

i860. remained of the fleet that had once been the 

terror of Europe a schooner of four guns, a brig of twelve, 

and four gun-boats or two-masted xebecks rotting in the 

Wad El Kus. 4 

What the Moors lacked in tonnage they always knew 

how to make up in boasting, as witness the letter of Mulai 

Ismail to Captain — afterwards Sir Cloudesley — 

Moorish m*& Shovel, when the Portuguese handed Tangier to 

the English : — " Henceforward," he wrote, " I 

shall have ships built as big as yours, if not bigger, hoping 

to take some of your ships and captains, and cruise for you 

in your English seas as you do for us in these. ... As for 

the captives you have taken, you may do with them as you 

please, heaving them into the sea or destroying them in 

other ways." 5 To which the captain made answer as 

befitted an Englishman. 

Yet the very next year Captain Phelps, who was himself 

the captain of a privateer, who had been captured but had 

escaped, asserted that " No Salleeman will fisrht 

Modus Operandi. . . 

a ship of ten guns." They always sailed two 
or three together, making a great show on deck, issuing 
imperious demands of surrender with a view to terrifying 

* One of these would be the " old Sardinian vessel, bought and armed 
against all powers not having treaties," an eight-gun terror, which, a few years 
later, was the only remaining Moorish vessel. 7 Austria, Tuscany, Naples, 
and the Hanse Towns had only just ceased paying $5000 a year to secure im- 
munity for their merchantmen ; and it was time. 

1 GODARD, l.C. 2 p. 229. 3 p # Q g. 4 GODARD, 1 C. 5 OCKLEV. 

6 p. 5. 7 P. R. Office, F. O. Docs., vol. xxxiv., Nos. 99, 101. 



(From Host, 1797,) 


harmless merchantmen, 1 and appear to have relied more 
on deceit and strategy than on force, though when they 
did come to blows, no one could accuse them of faint- 
heartedness.* Often they would approach under false 
colours, or invent some pretext for demanding to see 
the ship's papers while they got to windward, or induce 
someone to come on board in a friendly way. But the 
real secret of their success appears to have been the 
defenceless condition of the majority of the little trading 
vessels of those days, and the unreasonable dread their 
very name inspired. From time to time, in addition to 
the European privateers and regular convoys afloat, ex- 
peditions were fitted out against them, chiefly by France, j- 
Holland, England and Spain, but all they accomplished 
was taken as part of the game, and had an inciting rather 
than a deterrent effect. 

April and May were the piracy months, 2 and the season 
closed in September, presumably on account of the greater 
number of vessels then venturing into the Mediterranean, 
and perhaps also on account of the prevailing winds, which 
then begin to blow from the east, but all the year round 
some prizes were coming in, to be used in their turn as 
pirate vessels if suitable, while before their crews there lay 
the direst of prospects. All goods captured were put up to 
auction, and the proceeds divided pro rata among the 
crew till Mulai Ismail claimed a tenth of the prizes, 
including the captives. 

* Chenier tells of an old Moor of his acquaintance who had been a boy on 
one of Ismail's galleys, and informed him that often when without explosive 
ammunition the pirates would shower the flints and stones employed as ballast 
on the worse-armed merchantmen till they were overpowered and captured. 

t In 1732 the Marseilles merchants wished to use the produce of a lottery 
to arm three frigates with sails and oars for three campaigns of eight months 
against the pirates of Morocco, and petitioned Louis XV. for the same assist- 
ance as had been permitted against Tripoli in 1728, but this was refused. 3 

1 Dan. 2 Mouette, Capt., p. T9 ; Dan., p.307. 3 Thomassy. 


It is probable that all along the presence of paid 

mercenaries, renegades and captives in Morocco was 

accountable for much of the rovers' success. 

In this respect, for instance, JYlehedia (or 

Ma mora) — now a port no longer — when it was taken 

by the Spaniards, early in the seventeenth century, 

could be described as "a perfect kennel of European 

outlaws, English, French, Dutch, but few Italians or 

Spanish, the offscourings of every port, who, like the 

1 squaw-men ' of the West, and the ' beach-combers ' of the 

Pacific, led a congenial existence among the barbarians." 1 

Pere Dan-' even says that renegades were the principal 

1637. stay of the Moorish sultans, and that the 

corsairs were maintained by them.* 

Moreover, it is more than hinted at by writers of the 

times 3 that some of those who passed as respectable 

merchants were not above taking an interest 

European the nefarious traffic in slaves which was the 

Merchants Involved. 

result, even when enjoying consular appoint- 
ments, just as in later years, the game having been 
reversed, some of their successors have not been above 
playing into the hands of conscienceless native officials 
who professionally prey upon their fellow countrymen. 
Many of these willing intermediaries brought the arms 
and gunpowder from Europe which the pirates needed, 
and instead of taking cash took European slaves for whose 
redemption money had been raised abroad, f 

* A "missive" from Admiral Van Gant to the States General, dated 1670, 
describes a fight off Laraiche with pirates, two of which were in command of 

t In the City of London Library (MS. boxes 340 and 341) is a collection 
of printed briefs issued for the redemption of captives, dated 1691. They 
contain a charge to the archbishops and bishops to " effectually stir up the 
other Clergy to give prevailing Arguments to their flocks, both by exhortation 

1 Brown, intr. to Pellow, p. 13. 2 p< 3 g 3 . 

3 Cf. Brisson, p. 151, Houghton, Moiette, and Ockley, p. 112. 


The possession by Portugal and Spain of most of the 

other Moorish ports rendered that of the Bu 

The Republic R a grag, with the two towns of Sla and Rabat 

of Salh. ° °' 

at its mouth — which always remained in the 
hands of the Moors — their principal pirate stronghold, 
the European corruption of the former name being lent 
to the much-dreaded rovers. For a considerable period 
during the chaos which preceded the establishment of 
the reigning dynasty, in the middle of the seventeenth 
century, Salli became almost independent, and virtually 
formed a little republic after the style of the Berber 
tribes in the hills behind. From these tribes, without 
doubt, its best recruits were obtained, although directed 
and controlled by refugees from Spain. 

When convenient, the sultans would repudiate their 
163S. deeds, and Mulai Zidan even went so far as 
to obtain assistance from our Charles I. to subdue 
them, not, however, with a view to the extermination of 
their piracy — as he so carefully explained — but that he 
might control it on his own account.* This was what 
his more powerful successors accomplished, first demand- 
ing; a tenth of the booty, then a fifth, 1 and 

Royalties. & J 

afterwards claiming the whole, rewarding the 
captors at so much a head. From that time forward 
the Government assumed entire responsibility for the 
raids of its " navy," and it was with the sultans in 
person that all bargains had to be struck for their 

The wane of Moorish piracy may be dated from about 

and example, for a Liberal Contribution towards the Redemption of these Miser- 
able Wretches." See MS. 288 in the same library for the accounts of the 
,£16,591 12s. 2h,d. collected from 1700 to 1705. The disbursements included 
7900 " Barbary Gun-locks." 

* The official translation, free and flowery, of this interesting document is 
to be seen in the MS. room at the British Museum, vol. 15,891, f. 234. 

1 St. Olon, p. 15. 



1750. A severe blow was dealt by Tuscany, which sent 
i78i. Sir John Acton in the frigate Etruria to 


(From the Dutch edition of Dan, 1684) 

demand the return of two of her ships with damages, 
an errand which was successful* Yet later the Moors 

* The Moors were given twenty-four hours to decide, but the sultan was 
in Mequinez, and the governor of Tangier would not communicate with him. 


. 1799. were able with eight vessels to blockade the 
port of Cadiz. 1 Mulai Sulai'man II. perceived that the 
day of the rovers was over, though when he learned that 
Europeans were carrying on a contraband trade with 
Er-Rif in animals and corn, he despatched his vessels 
to capture all ships found on that coast, despatching also 
dr. 1820. an army to the mountains behind, while he him- 
self came by Taza to punish the tribesmen, a campaign 
1898. recently repeated. 
It would be difficult to name the year in which this 
piracy ceased, for though Mulai Sulai'man was willing to 
disarm his useless vessels, when from a terror 
The End they had degenerated into a nuisance, and 

the time had come to retire gracefully before 
the introduction of steam, there can be no question 
that the practice died hard. En-Nasiri, indeed, makes 
the remarkable statement 2 that the capture of Austrian 

1828. vessels was no random act of irresponsible rovers, 
but part of the deliberate design of Mulai Abd er-Rahman 
to revive the " holy war by sea," for which purpose he 
had vessels specially built. These sailed under the orders 
of Haj Abd er-Rahman Bargash and Haj Abd er-Rahman 
Bir-Raital, who seized the vessels in question, and in- 

1829. curred the ineffectual bombardment of Laraiche.* 
Though this occurrence gave the death-blow to the 
system, two British vessels were detained in the same 

Acton went round Cape Spartel, and seeing a big village between Azila and 
Laraiche, landed a force at night and took six men (one an important shareef 
of the sultan's family), eight women, a boy, and two girls. He lay off Tangier 
next morning for an answer, when the governor agreed to write to the sultan, 
and Acton, having left for Gibraltar, in due time returned and received all he 
demanded, giving up the hostages. 

* The Austrian vessels having rashly entered the river, as the French before 
them had done on a similar occasion, they were cut off with a loss of forty- 
three by death and others as prisoners. An account of the affair is given by 
Augustin, who was sent with the envoy commissioned to make peace. 

i Godard, p. 579. 2 vol. iv., p. 183. 


i83o. year, 1 and we find Sir Arthur Brooke reporting 
that the Moorish "brigs of war" still sailed "in hopes of 
pouncing upon some unfortunate Bremen or Hamburg 
merchantmen." 2 

This is perhaps the most recent record of actual piracy, 
which to-day is so entirely a thing of the past that in 
the country itself it is difficult to find a Moor, not deriving 
his information from foreign sources, who knows more 
about it than that in the days when his forefathers were 
good Muslimtn they were a match for all the Christians 
together, and made them pay tribute all round. xAnd pay 
tribute they did, as still they do in the eyes of 
European ^ Moors, whenever a foreign ambassador croes 

'tributaries. ' & ** 

up to Court with his presents. But the tribute 
in those days was real, and it is to the New World that the 
honour belongs of having first refused to submit to such a 
disgraceful blackmail, for the Government of the United 
States set the European nations the example of declining 
to continue it. When on his way to Tripoli to demand re- 
1803. dress for cutting down the flagstaff of his nation 
there, U.S. Commodore Preble had captured the Moorish 
pirate Meshbod with an American vessel in tow, and 
having shaped his course for Tangier, obtained the release 
of all American prizes. 

From that time so-called piracy has been confined to 

plundering stranded vessels, as in the many cases on 

1823. the coast of Sus, the Ann Lticy at Mazagan, 

A f' 7/ f . and several cases on the Rif coast. In con- 

i eundertngs. 

1848. sequence of two English vessels having been 
pillaged, Sir Charles Napier was ordered to make a 

1852. demonstration with a view to checking these 
affairs, but he achieved nothing, so Prince Adalbert of 

1856. Prussia was despatched on a similar errand. 
It was the opinion of Sir John Drummond Hay that 

1 P.R.O., "' Morocco," vol. 39, 1829. - vol. i., p. 2Z1. 


he administered a more effectual check by personal ex- 

1856. postulations on the spot. 1 It was at this 

time that the Moorish Government first formally assumed 

responsibility for the action of the Rifis by paying seven 

thousand dollars to the French as indemnity for the 

pillage of the Jeune Dieppois?" The Spanish war which 

soon followed helped to keep things quiet for some time. 

1887. More recently a Spanish smuggler was raided, 

since which there have been several cases, culminating 

1897. in a series two years ago, which led to another 

punitive expedition not yet concluded. 

It must not be forgotten that the object of most 

of the little sailing vessels running such risks on the 

Moorish coast is contraband trade, which gives 

Contraband Trade. . 

a different aspect to many a case of so-called 

1813. "piracy." Thus Ez-Zai'ani says that there was 

so much contraband trade with Christians in Er-Rif that 

the sultan was obliged to send all his vessels to seize the 

foreign smugglers, several of whose ships were captured. 3 

The recent events on the Moorish coast are but the 
practice on the sea of the general custom in these parts 
of plundering every weaker party that comes along, a 
custom by which a large proportion of the mountain 
Berbers live, regarding it as a quite respectable calling. 
If by Divine decree the wind drives small vessels on 
to their coast, and Allah gives them victory over their 
unarmed crews, why hesitate to plunder ? As long as the 
Governments of the victims are content to ransom their 
subjects, or to accept pecuniary compensation, which 
comes largely out of the pockets of innocent neighbours, 
this sort of thing will continue. All the good 
Difficulty of excuses in the world about upsetting the 

Suppression. x ° 

balance of power, or fear of embroiling Europe 

1 Murray's Magazine, vol. ii., November, 1887, pp. 583-595, and Life of Sir John 
Drummond Hay. 

2 Godard, p. 675. 3 p. 194. See En-NAsiri, vol. iv , p. 149. 



in war, will not, in the eyes of the Moors, explain the 
supine policy adopted with this "sick man of the West." 
Morocco only knows that the bark of the "Christian dog" 

(From Host, 1797) 

is far worse than the chance of his biting, although the 
Government knows that he can bite. 

As for the Berber population, they know nothing of 
Europe and less of its Powers : even the sultan is to them 
little more than a name. In individual cases he can 



proceed against this tribe or that, to obtain redress or 
the punishment of offenders, always relying on the 
support of their neighbouring foes ; but to lay his hand 
on the whole of their district would cost him his throne 
if unsupported by an overwhelming army such as he does 
not at present possess. No ordinary force, and certainly 
no Moorish force, could march through those hilly regions 
without terrible risk of famine as well as of foe, for there 
are no towns of any importance where they could quarter, 
and as they approached the natives would destroy all 
before them, by that means clearing an intervening space, 
just as the traveller on the prairie sends forth fire to meet 
approaching flames. 

It has been suggested that the Powers should, jointly 

or by a delegation to one of their number, employ on 

this coast an anti-piratical gunboat, but that 

European Aspect. 111 ,1 • T . 11 

could do nothing. It could not convoy every 
sailing vessel becalmed there, and by way of retribution it 
could do no more than any vessel specially sent as occasion 
arose. Even that is little enough with no ports to bombard, 
and no forts to hold if a force were to land. The natives 
would only retire, awaiting their chance to swoop down on 
the commissariat or other unwieldy detachment which 
promised booty. Allowing no rest, they would but tempt 
the enemy into a trap. If Er-Rif is to be subdued from 
abroad at all — and this has never yet become a necessary 
step — it can only be by its entire occupation, when, as with 
Turkey, the question comes, Whose the task ? 

Long ago a British officer in Moorish service 1 sug- 
1771. gested that any Power wishing to deal with 
these Barbary pirates should borrow a Russian general, 
as the only one who would know how to deal with such 
people, but although to oblige France the Tsar has added 
a Russian legation to the number already established in 

1 Jardine, p. 103. 


Tangier, it would hardly do to-day to make that pro] 

seriously. Of the other Powers, Spain holds the 
"" key in hex presidios* along the coast, and con- 
siders that she inherits a preferential claim, to which 
the French make graceful and soothing allusion when 
they put forward their own designs. France holds the 
hack door in her Algerian frontier, which she is always 
careful to keep ajar, as commanding the passage to Fez. 
Great Britain would object as strongly to see either 
assume control, though unwilling to step in herself, and 
1 things remain as they have been ; for how long who 
can say? 

Morocco has been left so far behind that it has become 
difficult to realise the awe which she was able to inspire 
in Europe, even to the beginning of the present century. 
The consequence is that now, when something akin to 
piracy takes place upon its coast, European statesmen 
altogether under-estimate the importance of the matter. 
And since international jealousies prevent any one of 
the Towers from annexing the country, they are content 
to accept what they can obtain by way of compensation, 
and say no more, oblivious of the moral effect which 
such unsatisfactory arrangements have on the Moorish 
nation, and of the danger to which Europeans and their 
interests are thereby exposed. 

The Moors, like all other Orientals, fully respect only 

one thing, and that is a just and strong hand, but they 

, M must feel it to appreciate it. While, notwith- 

■: the Moors. , rr ' 

standing their real lack of strength, by reason 
of their daring and the ignorance of their foes as to 
their condition, they remained the terror of the western 
seas, the manner in which they treated Europeans 
was disdainful beyond measure. Those who had the 

* These presidios, literally "garrisons," are utilised as penal settlements. 


misfortune to reach their shores were subjected to 
every possible indignity, and, if slaves, to most inhuman 
cruelty. As soon as active piracy ceased, and the Moors 
were compelled to recognise their own inferiority, the 
lot of Europeans in Morocco began to improve, till, 
within the century, their position has developed from 
one of sufferance to one which the Moors may well 
envy, thus affording the best of object lessons as to 
the benefits which even a leaven of Christian principle 
confers upon a nation. 



SINCE the custom of enslaving enemies taken in war 
dates back to the earliest pages of history, and as 
beyond offering brotherly terms to such of their foes as 
should accept their prophet, the Mohammedans 
have made no exception to this practice, it may 
be inferred that the presence of European slaves 
in Morocco counts from the first invasion of Spain. But 
it is not until comparatively recent years that we come 
across the traces of the captives, and not until the seven- 
teenth century, when the Salli rovers captured English 
vessels in increasing numbers, that anything approaching 
an all-round picture of their sufferings can be obtained. 
Xor can even an approximate estimate be formed of the 
thousands who endured so sad a lot, which increased in 
sadness as the distance grew between the civilisations of 
Morocco and Europe. 

The earliest, and for a long time the only, available 

records are those of the noble men who, under the general 

name of Redemptionist Fathers, undertook most 

dangerous and arduous journeys to Morocco for 

the purpose of redeeming those of the captives 

who had not, by accepting Islam, abandoned hope of 

ransom. Renegades had this to face in exchange for 

scanty privileges and a freedom which was only nominal. 

since they could never leave the country save by flight. 



Just before the victorious empire-maker Yakub el Mansur 

1195. returned to Morocco with no less than forty 

thousand Christian captives,* a party of these Fathers 

H89. was commended to that ameer by Innocent III. 1 

Nine years later there was founded at Marseilles — 

already by the assistance of Genoa in treaty relations 

with Morocco — the Order of the Trinity of 

Tf l"J1r tari T" Redemption, later on known also as the 

or Mat/iurins. *■ ' 

Mathurin Fathers.-)- It was doubtless the re- 
ports brought back by these brave and devoted men that 
fired the sainted Francis of Assisi with the wish to follow 
their example, but with the special object of converting 
the Moors, and though he never reached his destination 
his followers did, and suffered as has been related. 

Soon afterwards St. Pedro Nolasquez of Barcelona es- 
1218. tablished the kindred Order of Our Lady of 
Redemption, to be supplemented in their labours 
Tke"Rescatadores."hy the Order of Alfaqueques or Rescatadores, 
1260. founded by Alfonso X. of Castille. The mem- 
bers of the latter Order required election by the king or 
commons as " loyal, brave, humane, and acquainted with 
Arabic " — an accomplishment which must have been fairly 
common in the Spain of those days, — " men of property, 
which would be a guarantee for the right employ- 
ment of the large sums with which they had to be 
entrusted." 2 

A few years later saw the institution of two more French 
and Spanish Orders, those of De la Mercy and De Nuestra 
Sefiora de las Mercedes. As the field of their operations 
included at times Algeria, Tunis, and even Tripoli, it is 

* Sixty thousand according to Mouette. 3 

t Either after their founder Matha, or the church of St. Mathurin, which 
subsequently became for some time their headquarters. 4 

1 His letter is given by Mas Latrie, Relations, p. 130. 

- Godard, p. 438. 3 Hist., p. 64. 4 Mas Latrie, Relations, p. 277. 


difficult to calculate exactly the numbers ransomed in 

Leaving out of the question those whose errands were 

chiefly or entirely missionary, whose numbers decreased 

as those of the Ransomers increased, the hard- 

Rtdtmptionist s] • clu lurcd by these splendid fellows were 

Experiences. l J v 

often little less than those of the captives. As 
years passed on their circumstances did improve a little, 
but they were always looked upon as game to be exploited. 

1681. Desmay, for instance, tells how his party was 
required by the kaid of Tetuan to pay him one hundred 
crowns a month for a safe conduct all the time they 
remained in the country. Before they could enter Morocco 
passports had to be obtained by correspondence, and an 
equal difficulty was often experienced in getting out again. 
The party referred to having bargained for more slaves 
than they could immediately pay for, they borrowed 
twelve thousand lire at four per cent, per mensem from the 
Jews — a modest rate for Morocco — for which one of the 
fathers had, Simeon-like, to remain in pledge. Similarly 

i5i9. four monks sent by Gayangos had remained 
as sureties for a thousand ducats, and were only saved 
from being executed on account of their successful 
preaching, lest the money might not be repaid. Some 

K88. Dutch priests, thinking to avoid these troubles 
by assuming a disguise, were found out and reduced to 
slavery. 1 

On the other hand the religious character with which 
these fathers were invested at times secured strange 
tokens of respect, especially as no breath of suspicion 
seems to have arisen with regard to their sincerity and 
uprightness. Thus we have a sultan asking one of the 
fathers whether he was justified in having slain a 
Portuguese slave who had robbed him thrice. The 

1 BUSNOT, 2. 


father's answer to this question is instructive, for he held 

the penalty to have been just, if time had been allowed 

for repentance. 1 The obstacles in their way 

Hindrances to t however, always on the side of the 

Redemption. ' J 

Moors, for several writers of those times have 
complained of the behaviour of the European merchants 
on this coast, to whom the ransoms were frequently paid 
in cash, and by them placed to the sultan's credit for 
powder, shot, arms, iron, sulphur, etc. 

" Those who supply his Barbarian Majesty with such 
goods as these for his money," remarks Ockley, 2 " are a let 
and hindrance to the general, as well as the particular, 
redemption of slaves. ... It is through the artifices of 
these wretches that they are hedged in and cannot come 
out." It will readily be understood that their desire to 
recover as much as possible of the sums due to them was 
a great temptation to do what they could to raise the 
market value of their fellow-countrymen. Others who 
received sums direct from abroad* for special cases are 
accused of having employed the money in trade, while 
they failed to hasten the bargain. 3 The Frenchman Pillet, 
a trusted intermediary on several missions, at last showed 
his true colours by apostatising, and rose thereafter to be 
the governor of Salli. 4 Considering the circumstances 
under which they struggled, it is hardly to be wondered at 
that only the most desperate and callous traders ventured 
to establish houses in Morocco, where they had to make 
great profit to outweigh great risks. 

The sums paid as ransoms fluctuated with the prestige 
in Morocco of the nations to which the particular captives 

* Cf. the offer of Robert Downe to free thirty-two Englishmen and boys 
at Salli in 1652 for ^"iooo. 5 

1 Mairault, p. 158. 2 pp. 121, 122, 123. 3 See Mouette, p. 121. 

4 Bkaithwaite, p. 253; Mairault, p. 92. 

5 P. R.O. State Papers, vol. 1652-3, pp. 339, 342. 



(From the Dutch edition of Dan, 1684) 


belonged — some faint echo of their prestige in 


Europe, as reported by the merchants, Redemp- 

tionist Fathers, and new arrivals. Some of the 
latter were not above crying up their own countries to 
lower their own price at the expense of others, since 
it was always the weakest country, or the one which 
appeared least able to retaliate or to enforce its demands, 
that was made to pay most. Mulai Ismail, in answer to 
the remonstrances of the French Trinitarian Fathers, who 
complained of his demanding so much more from them 
than from the Spaniards, replied, " It is not the same 
thing. The Spaniards cost us nothing to take ; they are 
the chance comers who escape from their fortresses on our 
coast, who willingly submit to my chains. The French 
only yield at the last point, and sometimes after we have 
lost many men." 1 

On the same authority we are told how some of the 
disappointed men who had been there for years, and 

whose turn had not yet come, grew so exasper- 
Methodo/ atec j by hope deferred, that they waylaid the 

good fathers, and would have killed them but 
for the intervention of the Moorish police. 2 The custom 
was to deliver the ransomed slaves free of charge at the 
port agreed upon, where they awaited a vessel. One can 
imagine with what bursting hearts they at last reached 
the coast and waited for the final step, for, without 
special reason and precautions, they were not permitted 
to approach the sea, and guards were on the watch for 
them. Even renegades were as strictly kept up country. 
As specimens of varying prices paid, may be mentioned 

those arranged by France under Abd el Malek 1 1., 
specimen Prices. a f ter t ^ Q bombardment of Salli by Razelli, 3 who 


concluded a treaty with its practically in- 

l Desmay. 2 Ibid., p. 8 1. 

s, Maroc, t. 2. 

1 Desmay. l Ibid., p. 81. 

3 Archives du Deftartemcnt des Affaires etrangera. 


dependent rovers. That energetic commander, under 

instructions from Cardinal Richelieu, obtained all French 
slaves in the country for a few pieces of cloth, 1 under 
threat of bombarding Saffi.* The English Admiral 
Rainsborough, who followed at the sultan's request to 
subdue the people of Salli, received two hundred English 
in return for his assistance. 

Half a century later no less than ten thousand dollars 
were demanded for thirty Frenchmen from the Trinitarians 
above referred to, though by begging the Friars increased 
the number promised to fort)' ; and by embracing the legs 
of Mulai Ismail's favourite horse, to fifty, receiving, never- 
theless, but forty-five. 2 Next year, however, the sultan 
agreed to a reciprocal price for Moors and Frenchmen of 
one hundred crowns a-piece, when the number of French 
slaves in his dominions was still about four hundred, as 
against two hundred and thirty-three of his subjects on 
1693. board the galleys of France/)* 3 

In the same year the Spaniards bargained to exchange 

the prisoners taken at the capture of Laraiche and 

Mamora at four Moors for a healthy Spaniard, 

Exchange of or j- wo f or an j nva ijd/* ^\ f ew years previously 

Prisoners. J L J 

Colonel Kirke of the "Lambs" fame had agreed 

to pay for Englishmen two hundred " pieces of eight " 

a-head, 5 which then meant nearly ,£50. The Dutch 

it98. struck their bargain at eight hundred crowns 

and a Moor for a Netherlands slave, and even then 

* He received, moreover, a remarkable letter, still extant, addressed to 
Louis XIII. 8 

t Louis XIV. was so anxious to maintain the necessary complement of 
slaves in his galleys, that not only were convicts detained beyond the ex- 
piration of their sentences, but the exchange of Moors for Frenchmen was 
hindered. 7 

1 Thomassy, Relations 1 Cheniek, p. 345 ; and llibliog., Nos. 176-8, and 181. 

may. :: Thomassy, Relations, p. 141. 4 Thomassy, I.e. 

" Phelps, p. 12. '• In de Sacy's Cresto)iiathic Arabc, vol. iii., p. 275. 

7 See Colbert's Manuscrits Verts, in French National Library, for a letter of the Uishop 
of Mar>eilles to this effect. 


returned more Moors than were stipulated for. 1 When 
1704. the successful siege of Gibraltar by England 
lowered the rival prestige of France, its Redemptionist 
Fathers could not get one Frenchman for two Moors, and 
were asked for three Moors 2 or six hundred dollars and a 
Moor for each Frenchman, whereas they offered only 
three hundred dollars and a Moor. 3 * 

Just before the Spanish Fathers redeemed two hundred 
at two hundred and fifty dollars a-head, but when they 
wished to repeat the bargain they were only able to obtain 
1706. them at twice as much. 4 Queen Anne received 
a petition for help from thirty-four French Protestant 
slaves in Morocco, 5 which she granted, but with what 
success does not appear. A few years later the English 
consul at Tetuan went surety for 84666 and fifteen Moors 
due by France as ransoms. 6 The Portuguese about the 
same time paid for six Jesuits 81000 a-piece, and $475 
each for one hundred and twenty-two laymen, besides 
returning sixty-four Moors and undertaking to deliver 
seven more from Mazagan and eleven from Brazil. 7 There 
were then eighty-six Dutchmen in captivity, and these 
were all bought up on speculation for powder 
speculation anc | arms ^ y one Benzaki, a rich Jew, among 

in Slaves. * . 

others, he and his brother securing appointment 

as envoys to the States General to see what they 

1732. could get for them. 8 Spain had at that time 

to pay four hundred dollars and a Moor for each 

captive. 9 

Windus calculated that there were in Mequinez some 

* Busnot brought with him on this occasion a diamond, an emerald, a 
topaz, and scarlet cloth to the value of $2200 as a "present" in exchange for 
which he received two families, which numbered ten souls in all. (See 
illustration on p. 313.) 

1 Thomassy, ReL, p. 150. 2 J bid., p. 150. 3 Dan, and Busnot, p. 149. 

4 Busnot, p. 136. 5 Still in Public Record Office. •> De la Faye, p. 306. 

7 Mairault, p. 151. 8 Braithwaits, p. 212. 9 Ibid., p. 207. 



(From the Dutch edition of Dan, 1684) 


i72i. eleven hundred European slaves, 1 of whom 
three hundred were English, four hundred Spanish, one 
hundred and sixty-five Portuguese, one hundred and fifty- 
two French, sixty-nine Dutch, twenty-five Genoese, and 
three Greeks, an interesting clue to the proportion of 
vessels of various nationalities trading within the range 
of the Salli rovers. The English total had been collected 
during seven years, but they were growing numerous 
again just then, and it was a fortunate thing that among 
other sources of income for their redemption 
provision m one Thomas Betton, a Turkey merchant, left, by 


a will proved in 1725, half the income of ,£"26,000 
intrusted to the Ironmongers' Company for the purpose 
of ransoming British captives in Barbary,* from which 
1750. the sultan made a demand of £17,000, and 
actually received £7647, and so on year by year.f It 
is quite as likely as not that some such bequest as this 
gave the name of " Morocco Land," still borne by a huge 
building in the Cannongate of Edinburgh, to explain 
which Dr. Robert Brown unearthed some most romantic 
stories. 2 " From a recess above the second floor pro- 
jects the effigy of a ' Moor,' a black naked man, with 
a turban and necklace of beads," and over the alley 
passing beneath it there is a Latin legend bearing date 

The prestige of England was falling, and her ambas- 
sador Sollicoffre could only obtain the liberation of the 

* Nicholl's Account of the Ironmongers' Company, p. 346. "The 
;£ 1 0,000 a year which this bequest in time brought in was finally appro- 
priated by the Court of Chancery to grants in aid of Church of England 
' schools." 

t For instance, the highest amounts paid were: 1734, ^2000; 1758, £1975; 
1785, ^4000; 1816, ^1250; and the last, 1825, £3211, after which they 
could hear of no more slaves. But it cost the company £7638 law 
expenses to obtain permission to spend the money otherwise. — NlCHOLL, 
p. 578, etc. 

1 p. 195. 2 See Introduction to Pellow, p. 23. 


nto/ one hundred and forty-four Englishmen whom 
he found in Morocco at 8350 a-head, to be paid 
in powder and shot. 1 As he was unable to 
discharge the whole sum at once, and as the official who 
received what he did pay rebelled and kept the money, 
serious consequences were entailed, for when the British 
privateer, Inspector, was stranded in Tangier Bay twelve 
years later, its crew of eighty were carried into slavery as 
sureties for the payment of the whole account, the consul 
being powerless to help them. During the five years 
which intervened before King George arranged to ransom 
them, they suffered fearful hardships, being employed in 
erecting the kasbah of Bii Fakran, 2 and no less than 
twenty of them " turned Moors." About the time of 
Sollicoffre's mission, besides a " present of 840,000, 
England agreed to pay no less than 81000 for a captain, 
$800 for an officer, and 8600 for each seaman, while 
Venice paid 8700 a-head. 3 

The French, who had seventy-five slaves up country, 

1737 and some thirty in Tangier, redeemed the 

former batch for 845,000 Mexican, and the 

/ rench Bargains. 

men were all stripped before being delivered. 4 
The prices at the time were French 8600, Portuguese 8666, 

1756. and Spanish 81000 5 . Later the French bought 

1765. seventy for 865,720, or 8930 a-piece, and they 

paid 892,000 for ninety-one, or a trifle over 81000 a-piece. G 

The treaty between the United States and Morocco 

1785. stipulated that all prisoners of war could be 
ransomed at 8100 dollars a-head, shipwrecked crews to 
be assisted and sent home. Then the tables turned, 

1787. for we have Mohammed XVII. complaining to 
the French consul of the number of black slaves shipped 
by England from Agadir, which he declared to be greater 

1 Maikallt. - See Troughton's Account. 3 Thomassy. 

4 Mairault ; Thomassy. 5 Godard, p. 543. 6 /#£ 


-than that exported by all the other nations together.* 
At the same time he despatched his son to 

Moors Enslaved. -. _ . . , _ . . _ _ 

Malta with $25,000 to redeem the Moors in 
the hands of the Knights of St. John, and notified the 
foreign consuls that for every Moor returned with a 
free pass from Europe he would pay $500 worth of wheat 
at Mogador, which he was then founding. As a result 
of this the Moors, who had become a drug in the 
markets of Europe, were bought up by the merchants 
and shipped home. 1 When Buonaparte took Malta, 
1798. among the four thousand five hundred Moham- 
medans whom he set free, there appear, nevertheless, 
to have still remained many Moors. As early as the 
fourteenth century Moorish slaves had been regularly 
sold in the markets of Genoa, Pisa, and the Spanish 
ports, and at the latter, in the fifteenth century, the 
customs tariff for Moors was four livres entrance or 
exit. 2 

But what is still more singular than that the European 
nations should so long have been content to redeem 

their subjects from the Moors without question, 
*'is that they should actually have consented 
to secure immunity — or at least the promise of immunity 
— from the Salli rovers by the payment of tribute. 
Such a state of things is only to be accounted for by 
serious disorganisation and indifference at home, as 
well as by lamentable ignorance of those with whom 
they had to deal in Barbary. Although the tales of 
those who had been slaves here grew most numerous 
about the time that tribute became general, and although 
their narratives were often store-houses of information, 
which should have corrected every false impression as 

* It was only in 1777 that Europeans were prohibited from shipping negroes 
from Morocco. 3 

1 Thomassy. 2 Mas Latrie, notes. 3 Gannieks, p. 73. 


to the condition of the Moorish nation and its real 
strength, the explanation of the supineness of Eun 

still appears to have been chiefly ignorance. 

While most of the sufferers were but unlearned seamen, 
whose voices, even through the Press, were not widely 
heard, the general impression which their tales created on 

the minds of those who would most naturally 

road them, could not have been other than a 
highly-coloured exaggeration of the might and prowess, as 
well as of the inhumanity, of "the barbarians" — as they were 
pleased to call them — at whose hands they had suffered so 
much. The numerous editions and translations through 
which many of these stories ran proclaim how widespread 
and how real was the interest which all these sufferings 
aroused. On the Continent, especially, the efforts of the 
Redemptionist Fathers — both in Pulpit and Press — to 
collect the funds required for ransom,* the processions 
of the ransomed captives, and their public thanksgivings 
must have tended to enhance beyond all reason the awe 
in which the name of Moor was held, especially as 
the popular mind made no distinction between Moors 
Algerians, Tunisians, Tripolitanes or Turks. 

As to the amounts which annually reached Morocco 
from Europe under the head of tribute — or, to put it 

euphemistically, " presents for the maintenance 
Amounts of Q f friendship" — it would be a useless task to 

search the records for the details, but the data 
which writers of the period have left available are of 
considerable interest.f No regular tribute appears to 
have been paid until the terrible reign of Mulai Ismail 
had raised Moorish prestige to its height, a point at which 

* For an account of some of the collections made for a similar pur; 
English parish churches see W. A. BSWES, Church Briefs, 1896, pp. 193-206. 

t For these data Graberg is the chief authority, freely quoted by la:- r 


it. stood during the latter half of the eighteenth century, 
when, the wars which followed the tyrant's death being 
over, Morocco became a serious menace to Europe. 

With the exception of Holland, which paid .£2200 a 
year from an early date to 18 15, it was probably the 
trading cities of southern Europe which set the bad 

1732. example. Thus we have Venice undertaking 
to pay fifty thousand sequins down and ten thousand a 
year, besides a present of sixty thousand to the sultan, 
with presents for his chief wife, and five thousand sequins 

1765. to the wazeer. 1 Thirty-three years afterwards 
Venice agreed to pay the Moors ^"4000 a year, a tribute 

1780. which they had to raise because they had in 
the meanwhile consented to pay more to Algiers. 2 This 
contract was subsequently taken over by Austria, but even- 

1815. tually terminated. On the other hand, Sweden, 

1763. which had got off for .£3000 a year in Swedish 
goods, refused payment altogether when Gustavus Adolphus 

1771. came to the throne, sending presents only. But 

1803. the old terms were reinforced, payment to be 
made publicly on St. John's Day, with $3000 to $4000 for 

1844. the officials. This disgraceful contribution was 
continued to the middle of the century, 3 as was also the 

1753. tribute from Denmark, originally assessed at 
^3600. Sardinia was one of the latest to come to terms, 
agreeing to pay the last-named sum at each change of 
consul. France at one time paid .£1450 a year, but none 
of the others appear to have rendered anything definite, 
though they ransomed their slaves, and their presents 
were sometimes enormous. It was only in the year before 

i8i4. Waterloo that the slavery of Christians was 
abolished by treaty. 

Meanwhile the sufferings of those who were enslaved 
were harrowing in the extreme. To use the words of a 

1 Thomassy, p. 50. 2 Chenier. s Hay's Life. 


contemporary writer, Ockley, 1 "If anything 
upon Earth can possibly be supposed to afford 
us any representation of the torments of hell, 
it is certainly the cruel punishment inflicted on the poor 
Christians at Mequinex. The day never breaks, and the 
sun never rises, which affords not matter enough for the 
breaking of their hearts, and gives cause of new sorrows 
to arise in their souls. When they arise, they have just 
reason to think that they shall never more lie down again 
till laid in the dust ; and when they lie down they have 
the least security of all men in the world that they shall 
ever arise again till the general resurrection. For though 
their lives and beings be in the Almighty's hands, as all 
others are, seeing that God hath subjected them to the 
rage, fury, and cruelty of a barbarous and bloodthirsty 
tyrant* who regards the life of his dogs more than theirs) 
they may well believe and assure themselves that there 
is but a step, and that a narrow one, between them and 

" How many poor Christian slaves hath he run through 
with lances, shot, thrown to the lions, and caused to be 
burnt alive in burning lime-kilns? . . . And yet he is the 
best patron and protector that the Christian slaves have to 
depend upon. His terror defends them from the fury of 
his subjects, who, out of the fear and dread they have of 
him, dare not execute in full measure their cruel and 
cursed wrath upon his Christian slaves. . . . 

" Their work consists in building, and providing all 
materials for it. Some must stand stamping earth mixed 
with lime and water . . . with a wooden stamper 
of about twelve or fourteen pounds weight, and 
that from the break of day till stars appear at night, with- 
out intermission or standing still. Others are busied in 

* Mulai Ismail. 
1 p. 109. 


mixing and preparing this earth, some digging quarries, 
finding and breaking limestones, whilst others burn them ; 
some are carrying baskets of earth on their heads, and 
some digging palmetto to burn lime ; some are carters and 
go all day with waggons full of earth, drawn by six bulls 
and two horses, and at night must watch the beasts in the 
field, as well in winter as in summer ; some are employed 
in making powder, others small arms ; some sawing, 
cutting, cementing, and erecting marble pillars ; others 
there are whose business is to look after water-works ; 
the rest tend horses. 

" Now all these (and if there be any otherwise employed) 
have their particular guardians, task-masters and drivers, 
who take such a narrow notice and careful in- 
spection . . . that not a minute must be lost, 
nor so much time afforded as to eat their piece of black 
bread that is allowed them, but like Nehemiah's men, they 
must work with one hand while they put their coarse 
morsel of bread into their mouth with the other. With- 
out doubt the bondage of the Israelites was hard, but 
it cannot be imagined . . . that it was equal to this 

Such a picture as this, if unsupported by abundant 

independent testimony, might indeed be taken as the echo 

Abundant °f the sufferers' version, naturally over-coloured, 

Testimony. b u t the mass of evidence for every detail, and for 

much more than can in these days be stated in 

print, is overwhelming. It is only as a late survival of the 

Middle Ages that the story can be understood, for this was 

written in I7i2,and it is necessary to read the narratives of 

those who escaped or were ransomed to appreciate the full 

reality, and to perceive what changes even Morocco has 

undergone since then. That being the epoch which most 

nearly appeals to us as Englishmen — as well as to the 

other northern nations, who then suffered most — it is the 

(From the Dutch edition of Dan, 1684) 


fittest to portray at length, which it is possible to do from 
many first-hand descriptions. 

At that time most of the European slaves in Mequinez, 

then the capital, were quartered under the twenty-four 
arches of a bridge between the town and the 
stables which the sultan had compelled them I" 
build. The Spaniards occupied eleven of the arches, and 
the other nationalities the remainder, according to their 
numerical proportions. 1 The Spaniards and French had 
chapels fitted up in their quarters, served by the Redemp- 
tion ists and resident Franciscan priests, to whose self- 
oblivious labours the constancy of the majority was 
largely due. Their presence was the one bright spot in 
i69i. these suffering lives. Carlos II. of Spain pro- 
vided 82228 — a large sum in those days — for the erection 
of a hospital of a more permanent character than had 
hitherto been within the reach of the Franciscan 
Friars who, after centuries of kindred labours 
at Marrakesh, had for some time settled in the North. 
Braithwaite 2 describes it as in a good position, and 
affording ample room for its inmates, being in charge 
of a guardian, four friars, a layman, and a surgeon, all 
of whom were under the special protection of the 

By force of this example, doubtless, the bridge was 
replaced by a fine large building in Spanish style, 3 mostly 
the work of the captives. It included hospital, baths, and 
convent (for men). During its erection the slaves were 
for two years lodged in huts. But soon this "great square 
prison" had to be abandoned, on account of the ease with 
which its inmates could barricade themselves, and they 
were thenceforth placed in buildings less commodious in 
the centre of the town. 4 Even that, however, was better 
than the subterraneous, unlit, undrained and unventilated 

1 PlBKTO, p. 649. - J . 251. 3 PuEKTO. ]. -37. 4 BUSNOT. 


granaries in which they had been formerly 

FraicJi Hospital. _.._.._, 11 • 1 1 • , 1 

confined, lne rrench also organised a hospital 
at one period, but their efforts lacked the continuity secured 
by the Franciscans. 1 

Just before the Spanish hospital was built, some five 
thousand of the captives were employed for nine days 
in removing the earth and remains from the Christian 
cemetery which the sultan wished to add to his gardens, to 
the evil effects of which task one in ten succumbed. 2 Later 
on their quarters were more distributed, four hundred 
living three miles out of Mequinez beside the summer 
palace, 3 and many being sent to the country. Renegades 
were subsequently quartered at the kasbah of Agurai, a 
day's journey from Mequinez, where their descendants still 

Of the life that the captives led we have ample but 
sorrowful details. The sun had hardly risen when their 
task-masters were at them to commence their 
labours, which have been sufficiently described. 
The behaviour of these task-masters had this excuse at 
least, that they were answerable with their lives for the 
presence of their charges, 4 who were often dragged to 
work when they ought to have been on a sick bed. 

For food the captives were allowed a daily measure 
of black wheat or barley flour — often so discoloured and 
unpalatable from long keeping underground that 
even the dogs would not touch it 5 ; this, and an 
ounce of oil which they were often fain to exchange for 
soup, 6 since meat never came within their reach ; some- 
times they were reduced to subsistence on roots. If bread 
was given, it was only fourteen ounces;* sometimes even 
water was distributed by measure. 7 

* Generally one in every thirty acted as baker. 

1 De Maurville. 2 Busnot, p. 162 ; and Puerto. 3 Dekker, p. 43 

4 Busnot, p. 164. B Puerto, p. 70. 6 Mouette, p. 121. 1 Busnot, p. 165. 


When night had fallen, and they were at liberty to stretch 
their wearied and emaciated frames upon the ground, or 

on mats if they possessed them, their one word 

Worship. J l ,111 

of hope- came from the chapel, whence, in 
accordance with the custom of the country, sounded, 
instead of a bell, a call to prayer, "Ave Maria, Hermdnos!" 1 
In the plague time was established among them by the 
friars a "Third Order" of Franciscans, 2 as a " Brotherhood 
of Pity," the annals of which are beyond all measure 
touching. Its funds were recruited from a tax on games 
of chance, and on the spirits which the sultan ordered, 
as he found they made the slaves work, the material being 
furnished by the Jews, and the distillation being in their 
own hands. 3 When a slave had recourse to the friars it 
was customary, if he could, to bring some small coin, but 
a favourite present was a bottle of wine " for the mass." 

Of course here and there individual slaves enjoyed 
better treatment, and it is not marvellous that, under 

circumstances such as these, mother-wit, if not 

cunning, should develop to a degree sufficient 
to enable the captives often to get the better of their 
masters, especially where wine and women were concerned. 
Few particulars are more remarkable than the liberty 
which was allowed in the homes of their masters to the 
European captives who were private property, for they 
were permitted access to the women's quarters, such as 
would never be granted to Moors, and veiling was con- 
sidered needless before them.* 

There were also women among the slaves, though 
happily not man)-, and the treatment they received at 

the hands of the Moors, when steadfast in their 

Slaves. r • \ r r -i 

iaitn, was otten 01 a nature not to be described. 

* See the amorous adventures narrated by Mouette, in his Relation. 
1 Puerto, p. 639. - Ibid., p. 618. i:tte, p. 67. 


De la Faye tells the story of a Portuguese lady, captured 
with her young son and daughter, whose anxiety for the 
latter when she grew up induced her to ask a young 
Spanish slave who had taken notice of the girl to protect 
her from the sultan by marrying her. This he did, there- 
by also securing that exemption from public works which 
was granted to married men. But to obtain the required 
permission from her mistress, one of the " queens," the 
mother had to give her all she possessed. 1 On one occasion, 
when three slaves who had attempted to escape had been 
abandoned to the pleasure of two hundred young black 
guards, their lives were spared through some of the 
Christian women risking their own in an appeal to the 

Of the sufferings to which they were subjected Busnot 

wrote : — " For the slightest faults they are impaled, burned 

alive, or hung by the feet over the mouth of a lime-kiln. 

The king often has them strangled ; he passes loaded 

waggons over the bodies of others, and others 

Tortures. . 

still he has tossed into the air by four negroes, 
besides unnameable mutilations." 2 Three to five hundred 
lashes were frequently administered. One was burned for 
accidentally killing a Moor, 3 and many were cast to the 
royal lions by Mulai Ismail and Mulai Abd Allah V., 4 both 
of whom were also fond of slaying them by their own 
hands with lance or scimitar. 5 The former used to shoot 
them on the walls if halting at their work, and had quick- 
lime applied to the heads he had broken, while to the 
latter is attributed a predilection for standing them in 
a row beside a wall he was about to demolish, and letting 
it fall upon them. 7 

About that period European slaves were to be seen 
for sale by auction on the Marrakesh market, just as 

1 p. 173. 2 pp. i/6, 216. See p. 143. 3 p. 147. 4 Dan, p. 449. 

5 Ibid. 6 Mouette, RcL, p. 63. "' De Mairault. 

RE TRIB UT10N 299 

negro slaves and cattle arc to-day, and were 

Auction Sales. subjected to tlie same humiliating examination. 1 

1740. Six years later the treatment received by the 

crew of the Inspector showed that things had in no way 

1765. improved, and still later the prisoners of war 
taken at the unsuccessful attack of the French on Laraiche 
had terrible hardships to undergo before they were bought 
back at one thousand dollars a-head. Their sufferings 
were alleviated only by the hospital service organised by 
the officer to whose anonymous record our information is 
due. 2 

At first sight it seems wonderful that more were not 

successful in escaping from such tyranny, but when one 

reads the narratives of those who did escape, little room is 

left for wonder, notwithstanding the comparative freedom 

with which Europeans were permitted to trade 

Escapes. , l l 

in the country, and the apparent opportunities 
afforded by the presence of their vessels in the Moorish 
ports. So close a watch was kept on the coast, that no 
one could get on board a vessel unless duly authorised ; 
the foreign possessions were surrounded by cordons of 
guards, in some instances provided with bloodhounds 
wherewith to detect and pursue those who tried to pass 
them at night. 3 

So terrible was the punishment meted out to those who 
had attempted and failed, that a man had to be driven 

to actual desperation before he would venture 


to risk so much on so slight a chance. Bastinado 
without mercy, torture, amputated ears, 4 were among the 
terrors in store. Yet there were some who braved them, 
travelling on foot by night and hiding by day, through 
districts infested by wild beasts more savage than their 
masters, suffering unheard-of hardships, and more often 

1 Ckoizenac, p. 87. - Now known to have been De Maurville : p. 129. 

; BUSNOT, p. 192. I MoLETTE, p. 108. 


than, not recaptured at the eleventh hour. Nevertheless, 
a few did reach Europe to tell the tale. Notwithstanding 
that even to be suspected of so doing meant death,* 1 there 
were Moors known as " metedores," or smugglers, who 
undertook to assist and guide the flight of captives, under 
the inducement of large ransoms promised by the foreign 
friars and officials. 

As soon as the escape of a slave was discovered, a 
taleb or scribe was summoned to murmur charms over 
his sleeping place or his old clothes, which were then tied 
up in a bundle, that he might never succeed in gaining his 
liberty. 2 Sometimes a captive was allowed to bid for 
himself at auction, on undertaking before the 

Liberation. . ■ 

consul to ransom himself, when letters were 
conveyed to his friends, requesting them to raise the 
money ; 3 but his lot was seldom the better for that. 
When a party of Redemptionists arrived, they bargained 
for the slaves who had been longest there, but the Moors 
always tried to make them accept the oldest, or those least 
capacitated for hard work ; and one can understand the 
desperation of the younger captives when they saw how 
long they might have to wait for a chance. 

Nor is it surprising that so many of them yielded to 
the strong temptation to "turn Moor," by doing which, 
although they were exempted from the hardest 
labour, and were granted certain privileges, 
they were for ever precluded from hope of ransom, and 
became ipso facto subjects of the emperor. So much 
were renegades despised, however, being known to have 
" surrendered " from interest and not conviction, that they 
were seldom importuned by private masters to make the 
change. The sultans and authorities, on the contrary, 

* Twenty-two were executed on this account in 1702, and one, for fear of 
being taken, plunged into a river and was drowned. 

1 Busnot, p. 178. 2 Mouette, RcL, p. 257. 3 Ibid., p. 34. 


did all they could to induce them to do so, making 
a great show of rejoicing when they yielded, and parading 
the convert on horseback. A Moorish name was then 
bestowed, together with a wife and some employment. 
The wife was almost invariably a negress, 1 and it was not 
till the third or fourth generation that the family lost all 
Christian taint, or even the title of alj — renegade — which, 
in some cases, has been retained as a surname to the 
1680. present time. A young Englishman, who, 
having yielded, afterwards recanted, 2 was beheaded by 
the hand of the sultan, as for this crime death was the 
certain penalty.* 

A decade later nearly all the two thousand captured 
at Mamora became renegades, and so did three-fourths 
of the eighteen thousand taken at Laraiche by Mulai 
Ismail, who transported fifteen hundred to the distant 
province of Draa. 3 There, doubtless, their descendants 
will give rise to interesting problems in eth- 
y races of noloqy for travellers as ignorant of the works 

ades. *>' & 

of their predecessors as most have been who 
have contributed to the literature of Morocco. A still 
more interesting settlement, of which there surely must 
yet be traces, dates back for seven centuries. Yakub 
el Mansur, no longer needing the captives imported from 
1195. Spain after the battle of Alarcos — whom he had 
till then employed in building Rabat and Marrakesh — 
granted them their liberty and also choice of residence. 
A valley having been selected which is not identified — 
though it was somewhere in the central Atlas, nearer Fez 
than Marrakesh t — the Berbers were expelled to make 

* Two ameers were assassinated by renegades, 'Abd el Malek II. in 1631, 
and El Walid, his brother, in 1637, the former by having his brain burned 
while drunk in his tent. 

t Mouette says it lay to the west of Tadla, on the left of the Urn er-Rabia. ' 

1 Pei.low, otij. ed., p. 331. - Mouette, Hist., p. 25. 

:; BKOWN, intr. to Pellow, pp. 30, 32. 4 Hist., p. 64. 


room for the foreigners who were installed there in the 
month of Shaban, from which, according to the Moorish 
historian, they were thereafter known as Shabanis. At 
first they maintained their religion, but, deprived of 
teachers, they lapsed into Islam, and in the course of a 
few centuries were all but indistinguishable from their 
neighbours. They long maintained a reputation for valour, 
and as late as the middle of the seventeenth century 
Mulai Rasheed found them first most formidable foes, 
and then important allies, who could furnish six thousand 
men. 1 These Mulai Ismail had to disperse, sending 
most of them to reside near Oojda. 2 Diego de Torres 
met between Marrakesh and Tarudant, a century earlier, 
people boasting Christian descent while speaking Berber, 
who were restricted to one wife each, and were great 
drinkers of wine. Their kaid informed him that in a 
cavern, of which he kept the key, were preserved the 
bell and books of their ancestors, which he dared 
not show to a European. 3 Undoubtedly these would 
be the Shabani, as also may have been the Chris- 
1683. tians reported by Petis de la Croix near 
Tadla. 4 

Such, then, was the history of European slavery among 
the Moors, a gloomy page indeed, but not more gloomy 
than could have been written, or than has been 
written, of the enslavement in comparatively 
recent years of Africans by Europeans, for whom much 
less excuse can be made th^n for the Moors, who, be 
it noted, have seldom or never treated their black slaves, 
who still exist, with half the cruelty they showed the 

One other phase of the captivity of Europeans in 
Morocco remains to be mentioned. It is the lot of ship- 

1 Chenier, ii., p. 131. 2 Ez-Za'iani, p. 34. 

3 p. 274 ; or Paris ed., p. 161. 4 vol. i., p. 141. 


wrecked mariners and over-venturesome traders, 

or explorers, who have fallen into the hands 

Manners. L 

of the natives, chiefly in Southern Morocco. 
As the comparative calm of the latter half of the 
eighteenth century encouraged trade with Europe, such 
experiences grew in frequency just when the captures by 
pirates began to decrease. At the close of the last and 
the commencement of the present century the wrecks 
upon the coasts of Sus and the Draa grew especially 
numerous, and man)' are the records that they left. The 
hardships suffered by the unfortunate crews were little 
less acute than those of the slaves. Even when Moorish 
intentions were good, the ordinary Beddwi life they were 
forced to lead, and the unwonted food, were in themselves 
sufficient to cause suffering. The impossibility of escape, 
and the remoteness of possible ransom, made their 
situation appear hopeless, while communication with their 
captors, except by signs, was beyond their power. 

The real reason of their being detained was the hope of 

ransom, on which account they were treated as wild beasts 

on whose heads a price was set. Sometimes 

Conditions of wea lthy Arabs bought them on speculation, and 

J\anso)ii. ' ° L 

having brought them to the coast, would even 
earn- them off again if offers failed to meet their expecta- 
tion. Or, if too little was offered, they might not be 
brought to the coast at all, and some lingered on in this 
durance for years. It was therefore suggested by Jackson 
1800. and Court, merchants of Mogador, that a fixed 
medium price should be offered for all classes without 
variation. 1 Those who had no consul were under this 
scheme paid for by the local governors under the emperor's 
orders, and sent up to Court till ransomed by their govern- 
ments. Xow, it is only when they are taken captive in 
the remote districts, which but partially acknowledge the 

1 Paddock, p. 324. 


shareefian supremacy, that Europeans are so treated. 
If caught smuggling in the Rif or in Siis, or exploring 
the forbidden Atlas, they are either simply turned back 
before they enter the prohibited districts, or are despatched 
to one of the capitals under guard, to wait the sultan's 


The immense total of slaves redeemed by the various Orders can be but 
vaguely guessed from such data as are now obtainable, of which the following 
are specimens : — In 1255 two English friars, Gilbert and Edward, sent home 
460 slaves by a third, Friar George, remaining themselves to suffer martyrdom 
for preaching, a fate which likewise befell two other English friars, Patrick 
and William, after having delivered 590. l In 1307 Raymond Albert, Prior- 
General of the Order of Mercy, delivered 300, some of them from Algiers ; 
in 1313 Guillermo Giraldo and Claude de San Romans, the preacher, rescued 
236, and in 1330, 236 were brought back to Barcelona. In 1338 Juan de 
Luca recovered 116, and in 1342 Domingo Pardo 150, including 50 on 
credit. In 1402 Juan de Herrera and Bernardo Arenys redeemed 258, and in 
1408 Denis de Mendoca and Severin de Paris, who also converted a grand 
Rabbi and brought him back, released 104. In 14 11 Severin, this time only 
aved by the intervention of the ameer from death for preaching the Gospel, 
for which he was ultimately impaled at Algiers in 1418, liberated 140. 2 In 
143 1 died Gomez y Martinez, who had in eleven jowrneys ransomed no less than 

2984.5 In 1447 Luis de Sarmento and Bertolomeo de Segovia rescued 189, 
and in 1450 Alfonso de Valverde and Dominico de Sevilla 124. Forty years 
later Pierre Beuccord and Jean le Vasseur brought home 204. In 15 1 7 
Antonio de Cisneros and Matias de Cordova restored 109 to their friends 
and in 1519 Diego de Gayangos no less than 500; 1529 saw 89 set free by 
Garcia de Menezes, and 1543 126 by Gabriel de Andrada and Isidoro de 
Sevilla. So the list might be prolonged indefinitely, 3 but to cull some figures 
from other sources by way of continuation, in 1550 there were estimated to be 
over 1000 Christian slaves in Fez alone, 4 and in 1568 no less than twice that 
number in Marrakesh. 5 In a memoire addressed to Cardinal Richelieu in 

1626. 6 by Razelli, a fleet is requested to chastise those pirates "who have 
commenced to arm by sea these eight years, and have taken more than 6000 

1 Calvo, Resmnen de las Prerogativas . . . de las SS Trinidad, etc., Pamplona, 1791 
part iii., p. 207, etc. 

See Remon, Hist. gen. de la Orden de N.S. de la Merced, Madrid, 1816, vol. i., p. 324- 
358 ; Tableau des Redemptions, Paris, 1785, both quoted by Godard, p. 441. 

The number redeemed from the whole of Barbary by the Trinitarians alone, up to 1635, 
is given by Gonzalez of Avila, as 30,720. 

Torres, p. 418. 5 Godard, p. 496. 

. ,5 Bib. Ste. Genevieve, MSS. L. f. 36 ; and Rev. de Ge'og., t. xix., p. 374, etc. 


Christians and 15,000,000 livres." In the same year a petition reached the 
British Government from 2000 poor women whose husbands were detained "in 

WOflll slavery and grievous torments in Morocco," 1 and a decade later similar 
petitions were presented l>y 1000 of these bereaved women.- Nearly twenty 
later, in 1641, an estimate 3 was: In Tetuan, 3000 to 4000; in Marra- 
kesh, 5000 to 6000; in Salli, 1500 to 2000; in Fez almost as many as in 
M arrakesh, though in 1670 the numbers in Fez were reduced to about 300, 
rising to 600 in two years, with 1 50 in Mequinez, and as many in Tetuan. 4 From 
Salli in that year the Trinitarians redeemed 41, and from Tetuan 1 16. In 
the same year the Dutch ambassador ransomed 41 in Marrakesh. 5 In 1685, of 
800 then in Mequinez 260 were English, (i and in 1690 all the 3000 taken at 
the fall of Laraiche were enslaved. 7 That notwithstanding this concentration 
there were many scattered far inland, is shown by pastoral letters having been 
addressed among others to those at High, capital of Sus. Passing to the 
eighteenth century, there were in Mequinez in 1723, after several parties had 
been ransomed, 20 Genoese, 70 Dutch, 4 English (though at peace with the 
, 350 Spaniards. 130 French, and 160 Portuguese, among whom was a 
priest who refused redemption that he might remain to succour and uphold his 
fellow-captives." In 1756 the monks Georges and J. J. Aubert ransomed 70, 
in 1765 various persons secured liberty for 91, and nine years later the 
Mathurin Friars redeemed 144. 9 But times were changing, and there were 
K) few in the country in 1790 that the sultan tried to purchase all there were 
1 hen in Algeria to exchange them for Moorish prisoners in Europe. 

1 P.R.O., Cal State Papers, vol. 1625-6, p 516 2 /£&£ f vo ]. 1635-6, p.i 5. 

By 1'kkh Dan, pp. 232, 251, etc. ; and Manuel de Aranda. 
4 PUERTO, pp. 597 and 618. 5 Hellwald, Voyage d' A drian Nathan. 

6 Phelps, p. 12. 7 Dk el Puerto. 

' J BAH UK LA FAYF, p 266. s > GuDARD. 


ALTHOUGH it is generally assumed by writers on 
Morocco that there once existed a flourishing 
Christian church in this land, when the founda- 

Vmwmmmted t j Qn Qn ^fa^fo t h a t assumption rests IS 

Assumptions. x 

examined, it is found to be but slender, and 
quite insufficient to sustain the fabric raised upon it. 
Innocent III., it is true, declares in a bull directed to the 
African bishops that the gospel had been published here by 
the apostles, 1 and Pineda says that Peter preached along 
the North African coast as far as Mauretania. In support 
of this statement he cites Nicephorus and Baronis, the 
latter of whom attributed the journey to the fifteenth year 
of his " pontificate." 2 

Mercier maintains that in the year 40 " St. Mark, a 
Cyrenian Jew, came to his country to make proselytes, 
carrying on this work until about 61, when he went 
to Alexandria to establish churches. Having there 
become the head of the church, he did not forget 
his country, but returned several times, and instituted. 
so they say, the first bishops." 3 All this, however, is 
very vague, and whatever success attended the preach- 
ing of Christ in the more eastern of the Roman 
provinces in Africa, there can be little doubt that in 
what we now know as Morocco no real foot-hold was 
ever gained by Christianity, though there may have been 

1 Puerto, p. 5. 2 Monarquia Ecciesiastica, part i., bk. x. 3 p. no. 



individual converts, and amonq- the Romans 

Probable Truth. ' *> 

there must have been some who acknowledged 
the Nazarene. For instance, a centurion, Marcellus, was 
298. banished from the Trajan legion, then in Spain, 
to Tangier, where Aurelius Agricola was vice-prefect, and 
was here beheaded for declining, as a Christian, to join 
in idolatrous rites on the emperor's birthday. The 
registrar, Cassius, who likewise declared himself a 
Christian, was also beheaded for his refusal to write out 
the sentence. The body of Marcellus being conveyed 
to Leon, he became the patron saint of the parish church 
there. 1 During the first three centuries mention is several 
times made of bishops of Tingis, but the existence of 
sees does not necessarily imply the existence of churches, 
and it would be a mistake to infer too much therefrom. 

Even when, at the dawn of the Mohammedan Era, we 
find Arab generals subduing numbers of Christians, 2 it is 

possible that the latter were no more natives 
V?. , „ than the Tews whom they subdued at the same 

Mohammedan kra. J * 

time.* It is, moreover, doubtful if the state- 
ments to this effect should be taken seriously at all, since 
they cannot be traced to the time itself, and should that be 
possible, the habit of Moorish writers to class all who are 
followers neither of Moses nor of Mohammed as followers 
of Christ, might mislead us. The records of the Muslim 
invasions give the scantiest information about the heathen 
who undoubtedly comprised the majority of the inhabitants.! 

* Ibn Khaldun declares that when the Franks (Vandals) subjugated the 
Berbers, they made them take their religion, which they professed till 
the Mohammedans came — (vol. ii. , p. 359). 

t Ibn Khaldun says of the Sanhaja that they had not adopted Christianity 
— (vol. i., p. 212). 

Gayangos remarks (El Makkari, bk. iv., ch.i.,note 15) : "The Berbers were 
sunk in the grossest ignorance ; a few only professed Christianity, a consider- 
able portion still worshipped idols, but the greatest number professed Judaism." 

1 Godard, p. 259. 2 Raou el KartAs, p. 16 ; Ibn Khaldun, vol. i., p. 209. 


Et-Tijani, however, has been quoted as remarking of 
"the Maghrib " — a term which might be understood to 
include Morocco or not — that "the proof that this 
country was conquered without resistance lies in the 
dr. 1309. existence in our own day of the Christian 
churches, although in ruins, since they were not de- 
molished by the conquerors, who contented themselves 
with constructing a mosque opposite to each of them.* 1 
But Et-Tijelni confined his attention exclusively to 
Tunis, of which he wrote a historical description, so 
that the question of pre-Islamic Christianity in 
A {aMl B \iii the " Far West " is not affected by his state- 
ment. Gregory IX., too, has been held to 
have had ancient native churches in his mind when he 
addressed a letter to the Moroccan church announcing 
the appointment of a bishop to the newly created see of 
Fez, congratulating it upon its increase, f But as the 
Franciscans had already been at work in this country for 
nearly twenty years, it is equally probable that their con- 
verts only were in his mind. 

Of possible remains of whatever early Christianity may 

have existed in Morocco nothing very definite can be said. 

Although several writers have perceived in 

certain Berber customs traces of Christian 

belief,* it is quite as likely, if not more so, that these 

* In Spain and elsewhere, e.g. Damascus, it was the custom in cities which 
capitulated to permit the Christians to retain one half of the principal church, 
the other half being converted into a mosque. This was the case with the 
church of St. Vincent at Cordova, now the great mosque-cathedral. 2 

t His words are : "Laetamur quod ecclesia Marrochitana, sterilis hactenus, 
fecunda nunc redditur, et synagoga peccantum, qua; multos habebat filios, 
infirmatur." 3 

X e.g. Mr. W. D. Rockafellar in The Gospel Message, writing of tribes he 

had visited near Mequinez : " Strange to say, among these Berbers a remnant 

v hristianity is found. The women honour the first day of the week by 

1 Ouoted by Mas Latrie. 

Makkari (Gayangos, vol. i., p. 217), on authority of Er-R azi. 
y Collection of Mas Latrie, pt. ii., p. 11. 


only date from the settlements of Christian slaves, who 
must have left no inconsiderable impress on the native 
population. To these early captives probably belonged 
the Christian cemetery containing rude carved gravestones, 
the ruins of which the first Franciscans found at Marra- 
kesh. 1 And the Christians whom Torres 2 in the sixteenth, 
and De la Croix 3 in the seventeenth centuries, encountered 
in the Atlas mountains were without doubt their descend- 
ants, though as indistinguishable from their neighbours as 

doing no work in wool on that day. They work at everything else, but wash- 
ing, carding, spinning, and weaving are among their principal occupations, 
and these they never do on Sunday. They say this is to honour the day, but 
they know not why." Miss Copping also has recorded in North Africa a still 
more interesting experience : "One Friday a large company of women came 
as usual, and amongst them some very interesting country women ; they called 
themselves the children of Ezra. I was astonished to find tattooed on their 
bodies the ' Story of the Cross of Christ ' — each detail of our Lord's humilia- 
tion for us. The most perfect picture was one representing a cross in the 
centre, and a smaller cross on each side. The centre cross had footstones, and 
three marks above it representing the three inscriptions and the Trinity ; even 
the spear that pierced the side and the lots cast for the garment were wonder- 
fully marked. I so wished I could send you a sketch of it. On the back of 
each leg was a perfect fine straight mark representing the narrow path of the 
Christian faith. Then on each side of the line were set Maltese crosses 
representing the twelve apostles. This woman had some words on her right 
shoulder in Hebrew. They probably belong to some Jewish tribe, whose 
ancestors accepted the Lord Jesus as their Saviour, and when forced to call 
themselves Moslems have thus tattooed the children of each generation in the 
hope that someone seeing them might teach them of their crucified Lord, and 
lead them into the way of life. ... A few days after I had seen the woman 
previously mentioned, a young woman came in after the time was up ; but as 
she was suffering from fever I treated her. I have known her ever since 
we first came to Fez, and yet had never noticed that she had the ' Story 
of the Cross ' tattooed on her arm. She herself did not know anything 
about its meaning, and says she supposes her mother or grandmother, whom 
she never knew, must have marked her. She was in tears as I told her 
of all the Saviour suffered for her as well as for us." See also Hay. In 
Egypt the introduction of crosses among the tattoo marks is distinctive of the 
Copts or ancient Egyptian Christians. 4 Leo mentions the people of Bougie 
in Algeria as wearing black crosses on their cheeks. 5 

1 Puerto, p. 155. 2 Paris ed., p. 161. 3 V ol. i., p. 141. 

4 See Lane's Modern Egyptians, p. 531. 5 Hakluyt ed., p. 740. 


the descendants of the Moors who stayed in Spain are 
from the modern Spaniards. 

There are several places which still preserve traditions 

of a Christian origin, as the little town of Bahalil near 

Sefrfi. De Foucauld 1 also cites the ruins of 

Striking Traditions. , , 

1 asgelt, near Tikirt, beyond Beni Malal, an 

ancient amphitheatre-like citadel, with caverns in the rock. 
Similar ruins at Tassaut Zelfa and Taskukt on the Imin- 
i-Shttika, are said to have been the residences of three 
princesses, the daughters of a Christian king whom the 
Mohammedans overcame, but such traditions are far too 
vague for theory building. Some caverns on the top of the 
Kisan hills, close to the Draa, are attributed to Christians, 
and every ruin indiscriminately attributed to "Rum"* 
has similar legends attached. 

Modern Christian missions to Morocco date from the 

beginning of the thirteenth century, when Francis of Assisi 

dismissed his foremost disciples with a letter 

Modern Missions. 

from the pope, and with a circular epistle from 
himself, bearing this superscription : " To all Potentates, 
Governors, Consuls, Judges, and Magistrates on Earth, and 
to all Others to whom these presents shall come, brother 
Francis, your unworthy servant in the Lord, sendeth 
greeting and peace." 2 Armed with these comprehensive 
credentials, his faithful followers dispersed in every 
direction. In Spain they entered the mosques of Seville 
and preached the Gospel where now the cathedral stands, 
being led away to prisons where they preached again, and 
thence to dungeons from which they came forth but for 
martyrdom. 8 

To Morocco came others who were to have been 

* See note on the use of this word in chapter i., p. 12. 

1 PP 93. 217. 

'-', L'Histoirt <ic St. Francois d' Assise, Paris, 1845; Delegluse, ViedeSt. F. 
ti'A., Paris. 1844, etc., and Stephens, Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography. 
EBTO, p. 93. 


accompanied by their leader himself, since he had been 
• " , , ■ ■ prevented from his intended journey to convert 

Francis of Assist L * * 

a Volunteer. the Turks in Syria, but on reaching Compostella 

1214- in Galicia he had been recalled to Rome. The 
new-comers found a " friend at Court " in the person of the 
brother of the king of Portugal, to whom the ameer 
Yusef III. was affording protection in return for the in- 
struction of his Christian mercenaries. Yet twice they 
were deported to Ceuta for shipment to Spain, though only 
to escape each time and return to Marrakesh, where their 
energy prevented their being protected even by the great 
man to whose retinue they were attached, and five of the 
1220. second party of six appointed in 12 19 arrived 
only to meet their death.* 1 

The story told by Fray de el Puerto, chronicler of the 
mission, is that when they ventured to deliver their 
message in the presence of the ameer, he was so 
T Martyrs rSt enraged, that having had them stoned, he be- 

headed them with his own hands and caused 
their bodies to be burned. But such a hold had they 
gained upon the populace, he adds, that they were con- 
sidered saints even by the Moors, whose prayers for rain 
made upon the scene of their execution were granted, 
while a fearful plague soon after devastated the kingdom. 
The ameer was therefore induced to regard this as a 
Divine retribution for the death of these innocent men, 
and by way of expiation he permitted the erection of 
five Christian churches, one in memory of each. 2 Of these 
no record is available, save of the one in Marrakesh. 
Subsequently the bodies of these martyrs were conveyed 

* Yet Abd elWahhid affirms (1893, pp. 192 and 223) that neither synagogue 
nor church was permitted in the Empire under the Muwahhadis; that the Jews 
all professed Islam, praying in the mosques and teaching their children the 
Kor'an, but adding, " God alone knows what they hide in their hearts, and 
what their houses contain." 

1 Puerto, p. 98. 2 ibid., p. 100. 


3 1 3 

to Portugal; they were canonised in 14S1. Next year 
seven brave men arrived, who suffered martyrdom at 
Ceuta, whence their bodies were transported some time 
afterwards to Marr.ikcsh * and thence to Portugal. They 
were canonised in 15 16. 

(From Busnot, 17 14) 

The Morocco mission was then handed over to the con- 

1225. trol of the "Seraphic Order," 1 under the direct 

care of the Church of Rome, in which the evangelical lay 

brotherhood established by Francis of Assisi became 

* By a curious coincidence a common native epithet for Marrakesh is 
" K.s-Sebatu Rijal — [the city of] the seven men" — referring to its local saint 
shrines. See The Moors, chap. xix. 

1 Puerto, p. 104. 


.1226. absorbed just before the death of its founder. 
In this year Honorius III. addressed a bull 1 to the 
members in Morocco, authorising them to modify their 
rules so far as to wear their beards according to the 
custom of the country, where there are few things laying 
greater claim to respect, to make a change in their 
costume, and to carry money for alms. 

Thus was inaugurated a new era for the Morocco 

mission, to which a bishop, Agnellus, was appointed 

by Gregory IX. Although styled in the 

The First Bishop. papa j j etter B j shop Q f Fez> he res ided in 

1233. Marrakesh. He brought with him two letters* 
for Idrees III. (el Mamun), who, however, had died the 
previous year. One of them contained an exposition of 
Christianity, and of this copies were sent to the rulers 
of Damascus and Ba gh dad ; the other, of a more personal 
nature, promised a hundred-fold glory on earth and a 
kingdom in heaven, if he would but embrace Christianity, 
concluding : " As for us, we will accord you in that 
case the greatest favours for the increase of your glory 
and magnificence. If you continue, on the contrary, 
to prefer to be the enemy of Christ to being His 
friend, we cannot allow, as it is our duty not to 
allow, that the faithful to Christ be engaged in 
your service." 2 Rasheed I., the son of Idrees by a 
Christian wife, who succeeded with the aid of Castilian 
troops, received the letters, and showed favour to the 
bishop, which secured a special letter of thanks from 
the pope. 3 

Agnellus was replaced, on his death, by Lupus, who 
brought a letter from Innocent IV. This stated that 

* Dated Feb. 15 and May 27, 1233. 

1 Collection of Mas Latrie, pt. ii, p. 9. 

2 Bullarium Magnum', and Wadihngus, Scriptores Ordinis Minorum. 

3 Mas Latrie. 


S l J 

the " Marrochitana Ecclesia" was the only one 

Tk* u Marrochitana , . .... , 

in these parts, therein doubtless including the 
1264 ' whole of Barbary, since the see of the new- 
bishop extended to Tunis. 1 The same year, on the 3 1 st 
of October, the pope wrote again to All IV. (Said el 
Moatadid), 2 as " King of Ceuta," entreating him to become 
a Christian, and to be received among the Powers, 
promising to place his kingdom " under our especial 
protection and in the keeping of the apostolic see. 
Then, by the authority with which God has invested 
the Church, we will arrest all aggression of your adver- 
saries" — rather a large undertaking for the papacy, even 
in those days. 

By this time the good friars had so thoroughly won the 
esteem of the ameer that he employed three of them to 
make peace with the people of Fez, who were supporting 
the rival and rising house of the Beni Marin. The 

Fasis were so struck with the virtues of the 

Friars Welcomed. . .... . . . , . 

intermediaries that they invited them to settle 
among them, as also did the men of Mequinez, and 
in consequence they soon had churches established in 
both of these centres. Blancus, the third bishop, who suc- 

1274. ceeded, was the last appointed from Rome, as 
Sancho IV. of Leon and Castille had purchased the 
right of presentation to its bishopric by a gift to 
the Church of Morocco of lands at the mouth of the 

1289. Guad-al-quivir. 3 So Nicholas IV. appointed 
Friar Rodriguez, who was also his legate, to Tlemgen 
and Tunis. 

Thenceforward for a hundred years the record is 
broken. The next names known are those of Diego de 

1405. Xeres, who succeeded Bishop Angel, and of 

1413. Aydomar of Orleans, presented to John XXIII. 
the antipope, by Joao I. of Portugal — he who conquered 

1 Mas Latkie, TraitJs, pt. ii., p. 13. - I.e., p. 14. 3 Godard, p. 377. 


. his. Ceuta. Then came Pedro, 1 a Franciscan, ap- 
pointed by Martin V. (Otho Colonna), who 
ike Bishop™ deserted Marrakesh for Ceuta, of which com- 


plaint was made to the pope, and, in conse- 
quence, Martin de Cardenas, another Franciscan, was 
1419. nominated Vicar Apostolic of Morocco. 2 Since 
that date the bishopric has been practically confined to 
Ceuta, and has been occupied by Portuguese or Spaniards, 
1487. though at least one Italian was consecrated 
Bishop of Morocco at Oxford — Pietro de Monte Molino. 
1836. Nevertheless, a modern pastoral letter to the 
Catholics dispersed throughout the Empire was addressed 
in French by Marie Nich. Sylv. Guillon as " Bishop 
of Morocco." Jurisdiction in Morocco proper ceased with 
the fall of the Beni Marin, at whose rise the see had 
been established, though actually under Muwahhadi rule. 
El Mamun had, indeed, declared that there was no other 
mahdi than Christ ; 3 and one of the charges brought 
against the Beni Marin by the house of shareefs who 
supplanted them, was the favour they had shown to 

During these two centuries the faithful missionaries had 

been toiling with occasional success and frequent perse- 

En Ush Mart rs cu tions. Among other names it is of interest 

in Morocco. to notice those of two English friars, Gilbert 

1255. and Edward, who suffered death in Marrakesh, 

1262. where two more, Patrick and William, were after- 

1326. wards burned. 4 Nicholas Firmy and Sylvester, 

English monks, were imprisoned in Marrakesh. Two cen- 

* In Spain we read that the Moorish ameers succeeded to the right of 
representation to bishoprics, and when a bishop refused to attend their 
councils, put a Jew or a Mohammedan in his place. 5 

1 Mas Latrie, Relations, p. 456. 2 Waddingus. 3 Ibn Khaldun. 

4 Svlvestre Calvo, Resumen de las Prerogativos del Orden, etc., pt. iii., p. 207, etc., 
Pamplona, 1791. 

5 Dozy, vol. ii., p. 47; Vita Johannis Gorziensis, c. 129 ; and Samson, Apology 1. ii., c. 8. 



turies later Anthony of St. Mary, an Irish Dominican, 
brought here as a slave from Algeria, refused to leave 
until someone took his place. 1 At that time there were 
no resident priests in Marrakesh, though we read of the 
1530. martyrdom of Andrea (or Martin) de Spoleta * 
1578. and of later arrivals. To supply this lack a 


Moor had been sent by the European slaves there to 
buy a priest in Algeria. 

From this time till two successive superiors were put 

* This was an Italian Cordelier who came to Fez in 1530 under the pro- 
tection of the ameer's brother. " But incurring the jealousy of the Jewish 
Rabbis, owing to his worsting them in argument, he was accused of conspiracy 
and magic, and, after being tortured, was done to death by a lance-thrust and 
a blow from a tile thrown at him." See Passio gloriosi martyris beati fratris 
Andreae de Spoleto. Tolosiv, 1532. 

1 Godard, p. 497. 


i627and 1631. to death, their work continued with few in- 
terruptions, though necessitating constant reinforcements. 
But from the latter date the survivors remained in 
1686. prison for six years. Forty years later they 
were all banished to Ceuta, except one who 

l ersecution. L 

remained as a slave ; and when they were at 
last permitted to return, their present of strange birds for 
the sultan was sent back from El Kasar as unfit for food, 
while they were nearly sent back too. On another occasion, 
when they had been ordered to quit the country, a reversal 
of the edict was obtained by the intercession of a slave 

1668. who was "another Joseph"; 1 and when they had 
been imprisoned at the request of a Grand Rabbi who 
viewed with alarm their labours among his people, they 
were only able to escape from being burned by pleading 
the Koranic injunction to treat Christian teachers well, 
and by paying two thousand dollars. Not to be deprived 
of the show, Mulai Rasheed had the Grand Rabbi and a 
Jewess with her two sons burned instead. 2 In addition 
to. the resident friars there were for some centuries fre- 
quently arriving parties of Redemptionist Fathers, and 
all were at times subjected to persecution. Sometimes, 
on the other hand, not only were the friars 
It'rnerf^ employed as envoys from the Courts of Spain 

and France to Morocco, but also from the 
Moorish Court to Europe, and were granted many 
privileges while the caprice continued. Once they were 

1698. accorded permission to traverse the whole 
Empire, and next year the corsairs were forbidden to 
enslave them, while their goods were exempted from 

no! customs duty. At one time authority was 
granted them to administer justice among Christians. 3 

Fray de el Puerto — then at the head of the mission 
— reckoned the number deserving of canonisation as 

1 Puerto, p. 685. 2 Ibid., p. 596. 3 Godard, p. 531. 

;• Credulity, 


1700. martyrs at twelve, 1 and a century later 
. rificing WaddingUS makes up thirteen. 2 There can be 
no question that Morocco may boast of having 
been the scene of some of the most noble and self- 
sacrificing labours in the cause of Christ. In addition to 
those who have already been referred to may be mentioned 
Julio de el Puerto, who suffered in Fez at the end of 
1556. the fourteenth century, 3 Michael Aguilon, 
1585. martyred at Azila, Peter Elenis 4 and Juan del 
i63i. Prado. The last named suffered at Marrakesh 
at the age of sixty-four, being first tied to a column and 
lashed, then stabbed by the sultan and burned while still 
alive, amid a shower of stones. 5 

Francisco de el Puerto, who might have had his 
information from eye-witnesses, relates that many saw 
angels descending to crown this last martyr, 
and heard their voices, 6 and that marvellous fires 
appeared on his grave, where dew fell while it was dry 
all round." His remains were eventually carried to Spain. 
The same writer tells how, on the way up to Marrakesh 
from Azammur, when left without food among a hostile 
population, Prado and his party, on going aside to pray, 
found a cloth and napkins spread on the ground — a 
custom unknown to the Moors — with bread and fish 
waiting for them. 8 

Among the Portuguese prisoners taken at the battle of 
1578. El Kasar was Tomas de Andrada, who, when 
released by purchase, preferred to remain in Marrakesh for 
the good of the Christian slaves — then numbering seven 
thousand — replying, " Bond or free I wish to die in 
Morocco, bound for the bondmen." While captive in 
a matmorah beneath the ground he had written a touching 

1 p. 829. - Index Martyriarum, p. civ. ' Remon, Hist. Gen., vol. i., p. 444. 

4 Record Office, Dom. Ser., vol. 1581-90, No. 85. 

5 Matias (his companion), p. 90. ,; chapter xxviii. 1 p . 3I 8. 8 p. 215. 


work, Trabalhos de Jesus* and also a play on the life of 
St. Augustine, which was acted in Marrakesh. 1 Several 
renegades were by his efforts reclaimed, and in con- 
sequence one, Pedro Navarro, alias Kaid 


Ahmad, suffered death by crucifixion. 

This method of punishment was at one time much 
in vogue in Morocco,! but because the Christians esteemed 
it an especial honour and embraced the cross — in conse- 
quence of which the people thought that God withheld 
1550. the rain — it was abolished as far as they were 
concerned. In that year a converted Moor, christened 
Tristram d'Alayde after the governor of Mazagan, for 
venturing to preach in the markets, and even in the 
palace, was condemned to be slowly beheaded instead, in 
order to afford time for recantation. But on the contrary 
he prayed, and when his blood began to flow he caught it 
in his hand, and asked that as he had not yet been 
baptised this might be accepted as his baptism. 2 

The same author narrates 3 that an old man looking 
like a savage, with long hair and matted beard, ascended 

* Published also in Italian, Spanish, and French, in the last named by 
LecofTre, Paris, 1851, in two vols., 12 mo. This work is not to be confounded 
with that of Alonso de Andrada, an English edition of which, entitled Daily 
Meditations on the Lives of Jesus Christ and the Saints, was published in 
London in 1878, from the Spanish of 1674, which bore the title, Itinerario 
historical, el qual debe guardar el hombre para caminar al cielo, Toledo, 1592, 
1672, etc. See De Backer, Ecrivains de la Compagnie de Jesus, I serie, 
p. I5> etc. 

t In Raod el Kartas the crucifixion of rebels at Marrakesh in the twelfth 
century is recorded at pp. 276 and 277. A heretic mudhdhen of Tlemcen was 
crucified in 851, exclaiming, "Will you kill a man for saying God is my 
Lord?" (p. 131), and Abu Thabit, cir. 1306, crucified thirty robbers on the 
walls of Rabat (p. 555). As late as 1727 five Moors were crucified in 
Mequinez for killing an important Jew. (Braithwaite, p. 252.) At times 
a dead body has been crucified, as in Abd el Wahhid (p. 241). About 742 
Abd el Malek of Spain was crucified at Cordova by the Syrians between a 
dog and a pig. (Dozy, vol. i., p. 262.) 

1 Nic. Antonio, vol. ii., p. 246 ; Godard, p. 445. 2 Torres, an eye-witness, p. 136. 

3 p. 189. See also Mendoca, p. 169, and El Puerto. 


1548. the pulpit after the imam had finished his ser- 
mon at a Friday service in Marrakesh, and proclaimed 

in Arabic, " Christ lives! Christ conquers! Christ rules ! 
Christ will come again to judge the quick and the dead ! 
All else is mockery." He turned out to have been a 
renegade, but as he was considered a fool he was per- 
mitted to escape. 

It is impossible to estimate the full results of all these 
lives spent in Morocco, but throughout the records there 
are given instances of Moors converted, al- 
though there at no time appears to have been 
gathered anything resembling a native church,* and many 
of the stories seem to point to personal interest far more 
than faith. Innocent IV. showed by a letter which he 

1245. addressed to the knights of St. James, 1 that he 
anticipated the conversion of the " King of Salli/'t for 
he authorised their grand master to accept his states 
when he accepted Christ and St. James, but it is not 
likely that there was much ground for his expectations. 
Remarkable accounts of various other " royal converts," 
who from time to time excited interest, are also on 
record. Of these was Kasem (?) — son of Said el 
Wattas, exiled by Mohammed, the founder of the 
Saadi dynasty — who died under the name of Gaspar 
de Beni Marin at the reputed age of one hundred, 

i64i. being buried at Naples, where his epitaph long 
existed in the church of Sta. Maria della Concordia. For 
distinguished services rendered in the Low Countries and 

* Gramaye {Afric. IHiistr., p. 57) says that native Christians in Morocco 
in the eighteenth century used an Arabic translation of Mozarabic liturgy 
handed down from the Visigoth Church, but there is no foundation for such 
a statement. 2 

t " Zeid Aazon, rex Zali illustris, divinatus inspiratus, desiderans baptis- 
matis unda renasci." This Said was Ali IV. (Said el Moatadid). 

1 Mas Latkie's Collection, pt. ii., p. 12. 

- See Migne's Patroiogic; and Godard, p. 364. 


Hungary against the Protestants, under Felipe 
II. and the Emperor Rudolf, Urban VIII. 
appointed Gaspar Commander of the Order of the 
Immaculate Conception. One of the sons of Abd Allah 
III., who died in 1524, appears also to have embraced the 
Christian religion on fleeing to Spain, in the hope of 
securing assistance against his brothers. 1 

Equally strange were the stories of Mulai el Arbi and 
Mulai Mohammed et-Tazi, the former of whom, a nephew 
of Mulai Rasheed, took refuge at Laraiche, and passing 
thence to Spain, was baptised at Puerto Santa Maria 
by the name of Augustin de Cerda, and became a monk. 2 
1669. An anonymous letter, published in Lille, 3 
evidently emanating from a Jesuit, relates how the latter, 
a son of the then late King of Morocco (Mohammed XV. 
or Ahmad VI., whose name however is not given), having 
been captured by the Knights of Malta on his way by sea 
to Mekka, and having obtained his liberty by borrowing 
one hundred thousand gold crowns from the Bey of Tunis, 
embraced Christianity, taking the name of Balthazar de 
Loyola de Mendez, and became a Jesuit priest at Messina. 
This news so troubled his queen that she died, and his son 
succeeded. " Quitting the purple to adopt the livery of 
Jesus Christ," he was received by Pope Alexander VII., 
and afterwards preached throughout the country with such 
effect that at Naples alone one hundred and fifty Turks 
were converted. The Grand Mufti of Islam was also 
convinced by one of his letters, and coming to join him, 
1667. was baptised at Florence. In Toulouse he 
preached to enormous crowds in Italian, and everywhere 
he appears to have been announced and received as a 
king who had abandoned two crowns, those of Fez and 
Morocco, but a good deal of credulity was exercised some- 
where. The story leaves him starting as a missionary 

1 Ro. C. 2 Godard, p. 507. 3 In Dr. Brown's Collection. 


to the Indies and the empire of the Great Mogul, A 
son of the "Mulai es-She'i'kh " who delivered Laraiche 
to the Spaniards in return for assistance, fled to France 
and was there baptised. 1 Later on Ahmad bin Nasar, a 
grandson of Mulai Ismail, took refuge in Ceuta, whence 

1733. he crossed to Spain and Rome, and wrote to 
Louis XV. asking him to be his god-father. 2 

Of less important converts there are naturally fewer 

traces, but one or two recorded by Puerto are worthy 

**r Conversions, of mention.* At one time many conversions 

1637 - took place among the Moors, the men being 
sent to Spanish ports for baptism. 3 About the same 
time the brother of a governor of Azammur, a shareef, 
detained in Mazagan as his hostage, became a Christian, 
and was baptised in Madrid with Philip IV. as sponsor. 4 
A still more remarkable story is told by Torres, 5 not 
half a century later than the alleged occurrence, of a 
blind Moor whose sight was restored by a drop of blood 
which fell from the corpse of Fernando, Prince of Portugal. 
This Prince was left as a hostage for the surrender of 

1437. Ceuta after the unsuccessful attempt on Tangier, 6 
and when he died his body was hung out over the 
walls of Fez. The Moor, having thereupon professed the 
faith of the Christian prince, was put to death, and was 
buried outside New Fez, where Torres saw his tomb, 
an object of veneration even to the Moors. The graves 
of the Capucin Fathers who died of the plague, contracted 

* In 1623 there was published in Faris the " Histoire veritable de la mort 
SOuferte par frere Bernadin, religieux de l'ordre de S. Augustin, pour avoir 
par ses predications converti deux mille infideles a la foi Catholique en la ville 
et cite de Marque en Barbaric" Menezes (p. 63) tells of many conversions 
by force in the sixteenth century, the victims of which all returned to Islam. 
Seven young Moorish converts, who died as martyrs for their faith, are 
referred to by Bernadin us de S. Antonio, historian of the Trinitarian Fathers. 
1 Ed. of 1624, p. 92.) 

1 El Pi/erto, p. 254. - Thomassv. :f p. 442. 4 pp. 373, 376. 5 p. 409. 

6 See description of Tangier in The Land 0/ the Moors; CAMOBNS, Lusiad, iv. 52. 


in nursing their fellow prisoners, were revered by the 
Moors as those of saints. 1 

Among the Jews, too, there were converts, a fact which 

at one time induced complaints to the authorities, with 

the result that it was declared lawful for Jews to 

Jewish Converts. , - i • • , 1 i r i . 

change their religion, though a lew years later 
the permission was restricted to such as desired to turn 
Mohammedans. 2 Two Redemptionist Fathers from Paris, 

1408. Denis and Severin, brought back a rabbi who 
had been converted by their means, 3 but more remarkable 
still was the history of Rabbi Samuel " Marrochianus," 
who accepted Christ in Toledo in the eleventh century, and 
was the author of an Arabic treatise proving Him to be 
the Messiah.* Another chief rabbi who acknowledged the 

1627. Christ sought an invitation to Paris, there to 
teach Hebrew. 4 In recent years again there have been 
cases of converted Jews in Morocco ; the members of one 
family, that of Benoliel of Tangier, had to flee thence, 
thus furnishing several Christian missionaries for other 

* This ably-written treatise is given in full in Migne's Patrology, vol. 
cxlix., pp. 334-371, under the title " De Adventu Messiae quern Judaei 
temere expectant." Its date is given as A.c. 1072 ; it was translated 
into Latin from the original Arabic in 1339 by a Dominican, Alphonsus 
Bonihominis, and is taken from the Bibliotheca veterum Patrum, vol. xviii., 
p. 518. (See also Possevinus, Apparatus Sacer, vol. ii. p. 190.) In the 
Argentine edition of 1523 the author is described as rabbi of the synagogue of 
"Sulijulmenta" (Sajilmasa ?) in the kingdom of Morocco, he himself belonging 
to Fez. His work commences by showing how the wrath of God rests on His 
people ; that all their sufferings and dispersion result from their disobedience, 
as in the days of their captivity, and that in consequence of the unjust death 
of Christ, the tribulation foretold by Daniel has come upon them. He then 
explains the first and second coming of Christ, and shows that since His first 
coming Jewish worship has been done away with, being replaced by that of 
the Christians, the apostles replacing the prophets, the church the synagogue, 
and the sacrament the sacrifice. Pie concludes by declaring his willingly 
blind brethren to be apostates from God, even worse than the Mohammedans, 
who at least accept Jesus as the Christ. 

1 D'Angers, p. 75. 2 Puerto, p. 484. 

3 Remon, Hist. gen. de la Orden de N. S. de la Merced. 4 D'Angers, p. 75. 


lands. Few have remained in the country, and not always 
those who were most satisfactory. 

Of Christian churches in Morocco our earliest record 

goes back to that erected in Marnikesh as one of the 

conditions on which the king of Spain supplied 

C*risti*HC**rcAes. ldrees el Mamun with Castilian mercenaries. 1 

This church was destroyed a few years later 

by Yahya, the rival whom the Christians had been hired 

to fight. 2 The same fate befell all Christian buildings 

erected for the next four centuries, of which there is 

nothing definite known. The Marrakesh church was 

1637. rebuilt under the friars who had come as 

envoys from the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and was 

dedicated to " Our Lady of the Conception," in the name 

of the pope and the king of Spain. 

This church was then embellished with titles, pictures, 
and statues, 3 which undoubtedly confirmed the Moors in 
their ideas of Christian idolatry,* stirring them up to 
1653. sack it, which they did. According to El Puerto 
this was done under the direction of a Protestant slave, 
but was permitted by the sultan on account of the capture 
of his library by Spain. A convent and infirmary had 
also been erected, and by a decree of Mulai Ahmad es- 
1637. Sheikh 4 the possession of these buildings and 
of the cemetery adjoining the prison of the European 
slaves was secured to the Franciscans. Nevertheless 
they were expelled soon after by Abel el Karim bin Abu 
Bakr, when, according to the chronicler, 5 the new owner 
was thrown from his horse, and his son fell down dead 

When Laraiche fell, in 1690, four of the statues of virgins and saints 
which were captured were brought up to Mequinez, where, after they had 
been spat at and beaten by Mulai Ismail himself, they were each exchanged 
for a Moor, and were sent to Spain. 

1 kAoi) ei. Kaktas, p. 356 ; and Mas Latrie, Relations, p. 134. 

2 Raoh ei. Kaktas, p. 363. a El Puerto. 
4 Given by El Puerto, p. 423. 5 Ibid., p. 556. 


while playing with the keys. The keys were returned to 
the sultan, and the convent was demolished, the friars 
taking refuge in the house of a Jew till leave was given 
to erect a chapel in the kasbah. 1 

These commotions brought about the removal of the 
friars to Fez and Tetuan. The property in Marrakesh 

7J „ was left in the care of the Armenian Catholic 

Removal to pcz 

and Mequinez. merchants there established, 2 and with the assist- 
1672, ance of free labour and contributions, the first 
church in the northern capital of which we have a 
definite record was built. But the new sultan, Mulai 
Ismail, making Mequinez his residence, the friars had 
another move, and at first were fairly well treated, always 
being privileged and free to do what they could for the 
captives. In the Spanish church in the prison they were 
able to have "incense, music — vocal and instrumental — 
tapers, choristers dressed as angels, and fireworks for 
fetes," 3 but Ismail commanded the removal of the images, 
1693. fearing lest they were the cause of drought. 4 
Such accounts reached Rome of the state of things 
there that it was proposed to revive the bishopric, but 
the idea was abandoned lest it might tempt the Moors 
to interfere. 

With the extinction of the Salli rovers and the traffic 

in Christian slaves, the chief need for the presence of 

the friars in the interior ceased, and the estab- 

Withdrawal to the m 

Coast. lishments in Fez, Mequinez and Tetuan were 

1790 ' abandoned. Since then the increasing European 

population of the coast towns has required them in the 

ports, where they have remained, their headquarters 

1750. having been established in Tangier. When 

1760. Mogador was built, a chapel was erected there 

which remained in use till 1813, where now the Spanish 

1 Given by El Puerto, p. 560. 2 Ibid., p. 618. 

3 GODARD, p. 531. 4 MOUETTE, Hist., p. 283. 


1859. consulate stands. Since the Spanish war the 
friars have possessed a substantial church and convent in 
Tetuan, adjoining the Spanish consulate, and from time to 
time subsidiary stations have been opened at most of the 
other ports as the Spanish colonies have grown, first at 
1838. Casablanca, Mazagan, and Mogador, and during 
the eighties at Saffi, Laraiche, and Rabat. A station had 
been maintained at Laraiche till 1822. 1 Last year a church 
1893. was opened in Mazagan. 
Just before the Spanish war this mission received an 
impetus, in common with all Franciscan missions, from the 
establishment of a missionary college for the 
1,1 Order, through which it has since been supplied, 
chiefly from the monastery of Chipiona, near 
Cadiz, set apart for this purpose. During the war the 
friars were obliged to quit the country, but they were 
sent over with the Spanish army to tend the wounded, 
which they did with loving care. Everywhere they go 
throughout Morocco they are most highly respected, 
for they have almost invariably been men of warm 
hearts and good character, a trifle bigoted perhaps, 
but earnest, and sometimes numbering scholars among 
them. Such was the late universally beloved Padre 
Lerchundi, the author of the most important existing 
1896. works on Morocco Arabic, who died bishop- 
elect of Ceuta. 

Each Franciscan mission station is in charge of two 
priests and two laymen, with the exception of Tangier — 
where there are seven priests, as many lax- 
men, and as many nuns of the sister Order of 
Clarisses* — and Tetuan, w r here there are four 
priests and three lay brothers. To each of these missions 
are attached free elementary schools for boys, and in 

* Otherwise the Third Order of St. Francis, trained at a college in Barcelona. 
1 Rohlfs, p. 233. 


Tangier for girls also,* while at the Spanish hospital 
1883. opened in Tangier under the direction of this 
mission some of the friars and a few natives study medicine 
at the expense of the Spanish government. The use of 
bells, though so much disliked in most Mohammedan 
countries that a clause is sometimes inserted against it 
in the treaties, is here permitted, a privilege dating 
1228. probably from the permission granted to the 
Christian mercenaries. 

Although the good " padres " and " frailes " of to-day 
would certainly rejoice as much as any of their 
predecessors over the conversion of Mohammedans — 
provided always that it were to the Romish persuasion — 
their attention has for long been directed to Europeans 
alone, and though according to their conception of it they 
have done their duty in opposing the evangelical missions, 
they have not for many a year shown zeal themselves in 
the making of converts. 

By the treaty of Wad Ras, which followed the Spanish 

war, ample privileges were secured to this mission, and 

by the "most favoured nation" clauses of other 

Treaty Rights treaties, the same rights are secured to mission- 

or Missions. ' ° 

aries from any other friendly nation. Says the 
clause in question : — 

" His Majesty the Sultan of Morocco, following the example 
of his illustrious ancestors, who extended such effective and 
special protection to the Spanish missionaries, authorises the 
establishment in the city of Fez of a Spanish mission house, 
and confirms in their favour all the privileges which former 
sovereigns of Morocco have conceded in their favour. The 
said missionaries, in whatever part of the Moorish Empire they 

* The total number of pupils in the twenty Franciscan schools last year 
was three hundred and eighty-seven boys and three hundred and eighty- 
nine girls. The number of priests and laymen engaged was fifty-five. For 
these statistics I am indebted to the present " Prefecto Apostolico de Mar- 
ruecos," Fray Francisco Ma. Cervera. 


may be, or may settle, may freely attend to the exercise of their 
holy offices, and their persons, houses, and houses of charity, 
shall enjoy all security and necessary protection. His Majesty 
the Sultan of Morocco will give the requisite instructions to his 
authorities and delegates that they may at all times fulfil the 
stipulations contained in this article." 

Protestant mission work in Morocco is of altogether 
recent introduction, the " London Society for the Propa- 
gation of the Gospel among the Jews" having 
been first in the field. After a commencement 
1844. interrupted by the war with France, this 
1875. Society established its one station at Mogador 
under the late Rev. J. B. Crighton-Ginsburg, whose 
labours there continued till he left for Constantinople 
after eleven years, leaving M. Th. Zerbib in charge. 
At his own expense he had fitted up a large room 
as an English church, which still continues to be used 
as such, and is the only permanent place of Protestant 
worship in the Empire, except at Tangier. Here a 
1885. temporary iron structure was erected by sub- 
scription as the " Pro-church of St. Andrew," which was 
1896. sold to the "North Africa Mission" for the 
Spanish Protestant congregation. A chaste erection of 
stone has since been raised in the later morisco style, 
the details of which were borrowed from the Alhambra. 
The chaplaincy, maintained by the " Society for the Pro- 
pagation of the Gospel " and local contributions, is usually 
occupied only in winter, and is included in the diocese of 

Definite evangelical work among the Moors was first 

undertaken by the British and Foreign Bible Society, 

1883. which appointed as agent in Tangier Mr. 

Work William Mackintosh, formerly of Syria. Next 

year the " Mission to the Kabyles and other 

Berber races of North Africa" — now known as the "North 


Africa Mission" — then recently established in Algeria, 
acquired a valuable property on the Marshan, outside 
Tangier, which has since been its headquarters for 
Morocco. For several years the Rev. E. F. Baldwin, 
an American, remained in charge, and saw the work 
extend to Azila, under the able direction of Miss Emma 
1888. Herdman, who afterwards took two other ladies 
up to Fez. There, in the face of every obstacle and dis- 
couragement, they bravely settled and established a 
medical mission which still continues, having since been 
reinforced by others.* 

From the first, medical work formed part of the opera- 
tions in Tangier, where the " Tulloch Memorial Hospital " 
The North Africa was erected beside the mission house, in 
Mission. memory of Miss Hughie Tulloch, the first of 

the workers to die at her post, in a room now 
incorporated in the hospital. Laraiche, Tetuan and Casa- 
blanca (where there is a second hospital) were made 
stations during the next few years, though Laraiche was 
till recently abandoned. At present the mission supports 
in Morocco nine male and twenty-seven female workers, 
three of the former and one of the latter being doctors. 
One branch of its labours lies among the Spanish-speaking 
colony at Tangier, and it is there that visible results are 
greatest, f 

The Presbyterian Church of England established a 

* While the proof of this page is being revised the news has arrived of 
Miss Herdman's death on April 24th last, at an advanced age. In her not 
only the mission, but the cause of civilisation, has lost an able and indefatigable 
worker, qualified beyond the ordinary for a difficult task. Her remains rest 
in the Tangier cemetery, near those of a group of missionaries and their 

f The "North Africa Mission" was formed in 1881 with the object of 
evangelising all the races within its sphere, from Morocco to Egypt, countries 
with a population of some thirty millions. The staff consists of nearly a 
hundred workers, five of whom are doctors, and several trained nurses. 
Though no salaries are guaranteed, its weekly needs on an extremely 



1886. mission at Rabat, directed by Dr. Robert Kerr, 
1894. who resigned his connection with that body, 
Central^ southern and has continued his work as the " Central 
Morocco Missions. Morocco Mission." This is steadily making 
practical Christianity known among the Berber tribes- 
men who crowd in to the good doctor's dispensary, 
and bid him welcome to their homes. The " Southern 
1888. Morocco Mission " came into existence as a 
result of the interest taken in the country by Mr. John 
Anderson of Ardrossan, whose sturdy Scotch friends have 
earned an excellent name for themselves and their Master 
in Mogador, Saffi, Mazagan, and Marrakesh.* The last- 
named station, where they have a hospital, is their head- 
quarters, under the direction of Mr. Cuthbert Nairn, and 
their agents number twelve women and nine men. 

Spasmodic efforts have been made from time to time by 
the " Mildmay Mission to the Jews," but such efforts are, as 
the name implies, restricted to one race, although their 
representatives have always lent assistance to other workers. 
189). Finally, the " Gospel Union " of Kansas City,. 
U.S.A., sent missionaries to Morocco, under the direction 
of Mr. Nathan, a Christian Jew, who from Tangier 
supervises stations in Fez, Mequinez and El Kasar. 
Altogether these various missions support at present 
thirty-three men and forty-nine women. 

It is worthy of note that the London Jewish Society 

alone being denominational, all are able to work together 

in harmony, their only object being to set forth 

Christ, and not to spread sects. Although from 

moderate scale amount to over ^*20D. Volumes descriptive of its work have 
been published by Mrs. Haig, and the Rev. John Rutherford has a handbook 
in course of preparation. The " Central " and " Southern Morocco Missions" 
are also " faith missions," with no guaranteed supplies, and all are worthy of 
the heartiest support. 

* A new station has recently been opened at Azammur. 


the nature of the ground they occupy speedy apparent 
results are not to be anticipated, several conversions 
have taken place ; but not all who have been baptised 
have been steadfast. There can be no doubt that many 
more are kept from confessing a change of belief by the 
fear of the powers that be, and if ever religious liberty 
is accorded in Morocco, or perhaps before, scoffers at 
the efforts of the missionaries may be wonderfully dis- 

The prejudice and misconception in the native mind as 
to the facts and aims of Christianity are so great, that it is 
not till the Moors have long and closely watched the lives 
of those who come to teach it, that they can be influenced 
by their message. If nothing else had been achieved 
beyond raising the Moorish ideas of Christians during 
these years, a good work would have been accomplished. 
That this has been the case wherever they have gone, and 
often far beyond the limits of their journeys, I can testify 
abundantly from personal experience, and the friendship 
of the emissaries of the Christian Church among the 
Moors is a true privilege. 

The methods employed by all these agencies are 
identical, consisting chiefly, in addition to the medical 
work already alluded to, in visitation of the 
women by their Christian sisters. The latter 
are able to enter where men never can, and all having 
some practical acquaintance with medicines and nursing, 
are made heartily welcome where there is suffering. They 
are invariably known as tabibas, " doctresses," in itinera- 
tion through the villages, with which also medical work 
is combined, and which affords the best of opportunities 
for personal dealing and the dissemination of the Scrip- 
tures. They also tend beggars and provide for orphans, 
and maintain one or two elementary schools, though 
educational work meets with most opposition. Sometimes 


the missionaries wear the garb of the country, especially 
in the interior, where " Christian clothes " excite more 
curiosity than is convenient, and sometimes prejudice. 
Most Moors appreciate the brotherly feeling shown by 
adopting their dress, and those who find themselves at 
home in it experience a wonderful bridging over of the 
sailf between East and West. But there can never be 
unrestrained intercourse between Islam and Christianity 
as long as either remains active, and the old refrain — 
" En-Nasara f es-senarah wa el Yahud f'es-sehud " (" The 
Nazarenes to the hook and the Jews to the spit"), is still 
sometimes heard.* 

Some years ago, when stations were first opened up 
country, and there were signs of an increased activity, 
efforts were made by the Moors, with the 
support of France and Germany, to prevent 
a further extension of mission work, alleging that it 
formed a serious menace to the peace of Morocco, by 
which European lives and property were threatened 
throughout the Empire, but experience has so far 
proved the fallacy of these alarms, political rather than 
religious, and no trouble need be feared till there comes 
a pentecostal wave of conversions, for which the mission- 
aries would be willing to lose everything. 

In the coast towns Christians and other foreigners have 
Cemeteries. special grave-yards, but in the interior those 

formerly set apart for the burial of Nazarenes have been 
lost sight of, as also is the case with the old one at 
Tangier. That now in use there is under the management 
of the diplomatic body, acting in conjunction with the 
1899. friars. This year a " Christian " cemetery has 
been opened outside Marrakesh, thanks to the efforts of 
the British Minister, Sir Arthur Nicholson. 

* A hook " for slinging Christians " is reported in the Life of Sir J. D. 
Hay (p. 243 note) as still existing over one of the gates of Marrakesh in 1846. 



IT would be an unnecessary expansion of a work like 
this to enumerate all the negotiations and treaties 
entered into between Morocco and Europe, but it is of 
moment to record the more important among them, those 
in particular by which the still existing privileges were 
secured. 1 The earliest relations were, of course, 
informal, and it is impossible at this date to 
define precisely when they commenced in each case, 
especially with Christian Spain. Ample details are, 
however, available for the study of the growth and trend 
of Moorish intercourse with Europe — details which shed 
invaluable light upon our present diplomatic dealings with 
the Moors. 

Leaving out of consideration the semi-official envoys 

who passed to and fro as representatives of commerce or 

religion — often bearing letters, and even coming to an 

understanding which, though generally verbal, practically 

amounted to a treaty — it is with the seaport towns 

<»f Italy that the earliest recorded contracts were drawn 

1133. up. Thus early in the twelfth century two 

Pisa Moorish galleys arrived at Pisa, where a treaty 

of peace was arranged, which was formally 

registered later on, and subsequently renewed. - 

1 he Genoese, about the same time, entered into 

F lists of early treaties with Morocco see Martens, Receuil des Traitrs, vol. i., 
PP- 57» 1 57, etc. See also Schweighofer. - Mas Latrie, Relations, p. 68. 



similar relations, and their envoy visited Morocco, where 
1160. a treaty was concluded. By this eight per 
cent, was to be paid on all imports, except at Bougie, 
where, of the ten per cent, to be charged, a fourth was 
to be returned to Genoa. Venice, Pisa, Marseilles, 
Aragon and Barcelona had their treaties with Morocco 
in the fourteenth century, 1 and those with Pisa and the 
other ports were at intervals renewed. Ceuta had also 
opened up negotiations with Marseilles 2 and Genoa 3 in 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, while offensive 
and defensive alliances were entered into periodically with 
one or another, as tables turned. 

Then, in the state of chaos which succeeded to the 
height of Empire in Morocco, the fallen fortunes of the 
Beni Marin almost put an end to amicable intercourse 
with Europe. As piracy increased, such intercourse was 
altogether interrupted, save in the case of ports which 
the Spanish and Portuguese possessed on the Moorish 

Notwithstanding the alleged appeal of John of England 
to En-Nasir of Morocco, 4 there were apparently no formal 
diplomatic relations between Great Britain and 
Morocco until the time of Queen Elizabeth. 
Of the correspondence which then took place several 
letters are still extant,* 5 but it does not seem to have led 
to anything definite by way of treaty, though the queen 

* In one of the letters preserved in the Public Record Office (1559) the 
queen signed herself "your sister and relative according to the law of crown 
and sceptre." Modern Royal Letters, second series, which contains some fine 
original illuminated letters to Queen Anne {e.g. No. 96), mostly inserted 
upside down, and marked "undated." 

1 Cafmany, Memorias historical sobre . . . Barcelona, vol. iv., pp. 7, 82. 

2 Consul appointed in 1255, Mas Latrie, Traites, vol. ii., p. 90. 

3 Luing, Codex Diplom. Italia', vol. i., col. 1118 ; Bandt, Algerie, vol ii., pp. 149-156. 

4 Matthew of Paris in Rohrbacher, vol xvii., p. 333. See p. 82. 

5 See Bibliography, 86-90, 2063. Also Hakluyt, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 119 ; and Bib. Harl. 
Cat., vol. i., p. 176, Cod. 296, Art. 59, with answer in Rymer's Focdera, p. 819. 




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was promised that her subjects should not be molested 
or enslaved. English interests out here were as yet hardly 

important enough, and it was westward that our hopes 
of enterprise lay. The appeal to Charles I. from Mulai 
Zidan for assistance against the Andalucian Moors 
of Salli, which was granted, might have been taken 
advantage of to conclude a treat}-, had such appeared 
needful,* but the earliest on record date from the British 
occupation of Tangier. 1 To this alone they relate, many 
of them having been entered into with the independent 
rulers under whom the kingdom had become divided. - 

It was not till the following century that the first treaty 

from which we benefit to-day was signed, that of Stewart, 

i72i. at Fez, 3 which was confirmed and extended by 

1729. that of Russel, also at Fez. These have been 

supplemented by those of 1734 by SollicofTre ; 

of 1750 by Petticrew, at Fez; of 1760 by Milbanke, at 

Fez; of 1783 by Curtis, at Salli; 4 of 1791 by Matra, 

at Salli (which renewed all existing treaties); 5 of 1801 

by the same at Fez; 6 of 1824 by Douglas; of 1845 

and 1856 by Hay, at Tangier, 7 and of 1861 by the same. 8 

From the time that Gibraltar became a British 
possession it loomed large in our negotiations with 
Morocco, whence for a long time it was almost entirely 
provisioned. When we were besieging the Rock supplies 
were obtained from the Moors in exchange for munitions 
of war, and we made free use of the Moorish ports by 

* It was, indeed, proposed in 1657 to establish a British Consulate in 
Tetuan, but nothing seems to have been done. 9 

1 Public Record Office, "Tangier,'' No. 4, 1665. 

2 Such as Gha'ildn, or Guyland. See Thomassy, p. 227. 

3 Hertslet's Treaties, vol. i , p. 89, etc. 

4 Copies of this and the four succeeding treaties are in vol. xxxiii. a of the F. O. Docs. 
in the Record Office. 5 Hertslet's Treaties, vol. i., p. 112. 

6 A copy of this in Arabic, with a new translation by J. D. Hay, is in the Record Office, 
F. O. Docs., vol. xxxiii. b, 1837-8. 7 Hertslet, vol. x., p. 903. 

~ / d., vol. xi., p. 425. 9 P. R. O., Cal. State Papers, 1656-7, p. 274. 


permission of Mulai Ismail. Conventions were 
a "mo 1728 s ig ne d after the second and third Spanish sieges, 
empowering the English to purchase provisions 
in Morocco at current rates, and to export them duty free 
1756. to Gibraltar. 1 But Sidi Mohammed XVII. wrote 
to the English ambassador complaining that the ransom 
1734. of the English slaves released had been paid in 
powder and cannon to the rebel basha of Tetuan, that 
help had also been afforded to his rebel uncle at Azila r 
and that the English had been engaged in smuggling at 
Laraiche, by all of which his so-called friends had done 
more harm than his open enemies of Portugal and Spain- 
He therefore declared war on Gibraltar, while desiring to 
remain friendly with England, adding, "We believe, my 
father* and I, that the king your master has no knowledge 
of the behaviour of the Governor of Gibraltar towards us 
... so Gibraltar shall be excluded from the peace which 
I am willing to consent to between England and us, and 
by the aid of the Almighty I will know how to avenge 
myself, when I may, on the English of Gibraltar."! 2 

At the time of the great siege of Gibraltar by France 

and Spain, although the Moors had undertaken to keep 

their ports open to both sides, who were "at 

^fcin-aUar liberty to destroy each other in his ports or on 

shore]' 2, yet immediately afterwards, by a 

promise of £7500 a year, the Spaniards nominally 

purchased Tetuan and Tangier, from which all British 

1788. subjects were forthwith ejected. J 4 Again the 

* Abd Allah V., for the writer was then only heir-apparent. 

t Soon after this the Morocco consulates were for a time placed under 
the direction of the Governor of Gibraltar, then under the Colonial Office, and 
in 1836 they were transferred to the Foreign Office. 

% At the commencement of the siege the sultan offered the exclusive trade 
of his ports to Britain, but the proposal was treated with neglect or derision. 

1 Thomassy, pp. 209, 210. 2 Ibid., p. 233. 

y Letter of Gen. Eliot to Lieut. -Gen. Murray, on Sept. 4th, 1780, conveying this information 
from Consul Log;ie, Tangier. (Col. See's Papers ) 

4 Sayer, Hist, of Gibraltar, pp. 340, 341 ; Brooke, vol. i., p. 245. 


consuls at Tangier were threatened with war if they sent 
help or provisions to Gibraltar,* 1 in consequence of which 
the English had to obtain supplies from O'ran and the 
Bey of Mascara.f The Governor of Gibraltar seized the 
1793. presents sent by France to Morocco, forwarding 
them to the sultan as from himself, but Mulai Sulaiman 
would not accept them till presented by the French consul 
in person. 2 More friendly relations having 

He then made the offer to Spain, and obtained much better terms. "It was 
the policy of the Government at that day — 1785 — to dispense with African 
supplies, to the serious detriment of Tangier." 3 Sir Robert Curtis had in 1783 
obtained the free purchase of provisions till March 28th, 1 784, and from that 
time to pay reduced duty, except at Mogador, where this was to be the same 
as for other countries. The reduced rates were: Ox 4 "cobbs," sheep 7 okeas, 
twelve fowls 6 okeas. For other tariff see Art. 6 appended to treaty of 1760. 

* Florida Blanca wrote : " The assistance afforded by the Moorish Prince 
would appear incredible had it not been seen. He opened his ports to the 
ships employed in the blockade of Gibraltar, permitted them to pursue and 
detain those of the enemy, facilitated the transport of provisions and assist- 
ance to our camp, and finally deposited in our power part of his treasure as a 
pledge of his sincerity." On December 27th, 1789, Consul Matra complains 
in a despatch to the Government that the Jews were "constantly scribbling to 
Europe," but congratulates himself that "mule and beef smuggling to 
Gibraltar" were "going on well." 4 

t A specimen of the attitude assumed at this time by Morocco towards the 
European Powers is afforded by a circular addressed by Mohammed XVII. to 
the consuls at Tangier : — 

" In the Name of God ! 

" There is no force nor strength save in God ! 

" To all the consuls resident in Tangier ; peace be to those who follow the 
right way. 

" By these you are to know that we are in peace and friendship with all the 
Nazarene Powers until the month of May of the year 1203, answering to the 
year 1 789; and such nations as are then desirous to continue in peace and 
friendship with us must, when the said month of May comes, write to us a 
letter to inform us that they are in peace and friendship with us, and then we 
shall do the same with them ; and if any of the Nazarene nations desire to go 
to war with us, they shall let us know it by the above-mentioned month of 
May. And we trust that God will keep us in His protection against them. 
And thus I have said all I have to say. 

"The 2nd of the month Shaban, 1202, being 7th May, 1788." 

1 Thomassy, p. 309. 2 Hid., p. 345. 

3 Cf. Keatinge, vol. ii., p. 41 ; and Godakd, p. 560. 
* P. R. Office, F. O. Docs., Morocco, No. 17. 


been established, Nelson, on his way to Egypt, halted 
1801. for provisions at Tangier and Tetuan, but found 
them very dear, for a hundred-weight of powder was 
demanded as duty on every ox.* Tangier was blockaded 
1828. and the British flag struck by Consul Douglas, 
who was detained on shore by the Moorish Government, in 
consequence of a misunderstanding between the consul 
and two British naval commanders then in the bay. The 
blockade was not raised for some months, when the 
consul complained of the little attention paid to his 
opinion, and eventually Commander Hope was censured. 1 
As the century advanced, especially in consequence of 
1844, i860, the wars with France and Spain, the influence 
British influence. Q f England in Morocco grew. The Moors ap- 
preciated her impartial advice, and particularly her action 
at the close of the latter, when, by raising a loan to meet part 
of the indemnity, she was successful in preventing the victors 
from retaining Tetuan. 2 This feeling has hardly yet died 
out, though recent British diplomacy in Morocco has not 
been exactly brilliant. Still, there is a feeling among the 
Moors, that even if ours is not altogether a disinterested 
friendship, at least they can rely on English advice as 
uninspired by hunger for their territory. In the instructions 
addressed by the Marquis of Salisbury to Sir Charles 
Euan-Smith, it was stated that " it has been the constant 
aim of Her Majesty's Government and of your predecessors 
at Tangier to preserve the independence and territorial 
integrity of the Empire of Morocco, while neglecting no 

* On another occasion the free provisions supplied at Tangier for British 
ships of war of sixty to seventy guns consisted of four bullocks, twelve sheep, 
eight dozen fowls, and vegetables ad lib. ; for those of forty to fifty guns, two 
bullocks, six sheep, four dozen fowls, etc. ; for those of thirty-six guns and 
under, one bullock, four sheep, two dozen fowls, etc.; but "no barley to be 
allowed, or any mention made of other articles. " 3 

l F. O. Docs., vols, xxxvii.-xxxix. 2 Hertslet's Collection, vol. xi., pp. 425, 426. 
3 P. R. Office, F. O. Docs., vol. xiii. 



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favourable opportunity of impressing upon the Sultan and 
his Ministers the importance and advantage of improving 
the government and administration of the country. ... It 
should be your constant endeavour to maintain a good 
understanding with the Sultan and his Ministers, and to 
act in cordial co-operation with your colleagues, the 
Representatives of other Powers, in promoting, as far as 
may be in your power, the good government and material 
development of the country." 1 

Since Sir John Drummond Hay had concluded a series 
1856. of treaties for England, no determined attempt* 
The Euan-Smith ^ad been made to improve our position — or by 
Mission. our aid that of other " favoured nations " — till 

this mission of Sir C. B. Euan-Smith. f All the 
Powers who would benefit therefrom were notified of the 
convention which it was intended to submit, and were 
invited to support the envoy, who, fresh from the court of 
an eastern puppet-sultan, under-estimated the ability of 
independent Moorish statesmen — with the covert aid of 
rival European statesmen — to resist all such attempts to 
open up the Empire. Authorisation was therefore sought 
by Sir Charles — in case the sultan, " whether acting under 
evil counsels, or from ignorance or prejudice," might refuse 
to discuss or accept his proposals — to "hold language to 
His Majesty of a character more vigorous than that of 
mere remonstrance and disappointment/' 2 but in reply 
Lord Salisbury charged him to " abstain from anything in 
the nature of a menace, because, if resisted, it might bring 
about a serious crisis, and, if successful, would place Her 
Majesty's Government in the position of having undertaken 
the protection of Morocco." 3 

* That of 1886 ended in talk. 

t For a full account of this mission see the official " Correspondence " 
presented to Parliament in August, 1892 ("Morocco, No. I "). 

1 Blue Book, Morocco No. 1, 1892, p. 1. " I.e., p. 5. 3 j iCi( p. ]3 . 


Cordially supported by Germany, Italy and Austria, and 
to some extent by Spain, but with the disguised hostility 
of France, amid a journalistic fanfare the embassy started 
f< or Fez. Arrived at the capital, four weeks were spent in 
negotiations, with the result that the sultan's commissioners 
accepted all the articles of the proposed treaty but the three 
important ones, which were to amend the customs tariff 
of 1856, to permit sea transport between Moorish ports 
without payment of duty, and to recognise the unrestricted 
right of foreigners to purchase land and other immovable 
property, and to build or rebuild thereon without hindrance. 
£20,000 in gold were offered to the envoy by 
**the sultan if he would withdraw these articles,* 
but this offer being refused, negotiations were broken off 
by the Moors, and semi-official attempts were made to 
rouse the populace against the foreigners, who were 
abused and threatened. On the envoy's demand of the 
sultan, 810,000 fine was paid to him by the governor ; + 
the lieutenant-governor, who had led the mob, was sent to 
prison, and four of his police, who had been ring-leaders, 
were flogged. At length the sultan personally agreed to 
accept and sign the treaty as it stood, and gave instructions 
for clear copies to be made. But these proved unacceptable, 
for in the meanwhile busy agents had been at work advising 
resistance, forecasting a change of government in England, 
which would mean a change of policy, and urging that the 
envoy was exceeding his powers, and was not authorised 
to use threats, which would not be enforced. Instead of 
signing, therefore, a new expurgated draft was prepared 
by the Moors, and indirectly submitted through a member 

* " On making this offer, His Majesty said that it was the custom for all 
foreign representatives, when they withdrew measures which he disliked, to 
accept presents of considerable value as a reward." (Sir E. Euan-Smith to 
the Marquis of Salisbury, July 2nd, 1892, Corresp. p. 41.) 

t The money was dispensed in local charities, and an account submitted to 
the sultan. 


of the mission ; this was torn up on receipt, and returned 
to the minister as an irregular communication. Negotiations 
were again broken off, and after two weary months the 
embassy returned to camp, setting out for the coast. In 
camp a fresh attempt at compromise was made, but the 
commissioners pleading insufficient powers to sign, the 
farce was put an end to. Something had, nevertheless, 
been achieved, for the French, who followed, were enabled 

1892. to obtain a treaty embodying all the commercial 
reforms arranged by Sir Charles Euan-Smith, with the 
exception of the three provisions to which such objection 
was raised. The only harm arising out of Sir Charles' 
refusal to accept these half measures was an apparent 
rebuff to England, and the postponement of all minor 
pending questions, the discussion of which had been set 
aside for that of the treaty. 

France has occupied a very different position since she 

has become so near a neighbour. Her dealings with 

Relations with Morocco were established just before the days 

France. Q f "good Queen Bess," when direct negotiations 

1555 ' commenced. France was the first to appoint 
a consul to this country, a step which was taken by 

1577. Henri III., "on the petition and request which 
has been made to us by the king of the said kingdoms of 
Morocco and Fez, our good and true friend." There were 
then already several French settlers in the country, 1 
although they were " known only for their bad faith 
and untrustworthiness," many being merely runaways. 2 
This Salli consulate was abandoned for nearly fifty years 
1718-1767. in the eighteenth century. 

When the tricolour was adopted a model was sent to 
Mulai El Yazeed, who caused it to be saluted when hoisted 

i79i. at Salli, for he had a grateful memory of his 
transportation in a French vessel from Tunis to Jedda. 3 

1 Thomassy, pp. 115-18. 2 Ibid., p. 222. 3 Ibid., pp. 338, 341. 


On the accession of Mulai Sulai'man, when 


the French consulate was removed from Salli 

1795. to Tangier, the envoy's letters of credence 
were signed with a space left for the sultan's name, 
where that of the victorious claimant might be filled in. 
Buonaparte displayed his ingenious tactics in distributing 
in Morocco Arabic and Berber bulletins descriptive of 
his victories. 1 After Salli had been bombarded to obtain 

i85i. the settlement of certain French claims, the 
sultan refused to re-open communication by the usual 
diplomatic channel, and addressed himself direct to 
the French President at Paris. 2 This example was 

1889. followed when the writer was requested by the 
Moorish Commissioner for Foreign Affairs at Tangier to 
indite a telegram to President Harrison himself, requesting 
the recall of an objectionable consul. 3 

Although as early as the thirteenth century, Yakub II., 

1282. who was at war with Alfonso X. of Castille, 

had proposed an alliance with Philippe III. of 

France, 4 the earliest regular treaties with that 

country 5 are the series entered into by Louis XIII. under 

the energetic guidance of Cardinal Richelieu. These were 

1630. severally signed, one in Salli Roads, two at 

1631. Marrakesh and Salli, all by Razelli ; one at 
1635. Salli by the Admiral du Chalard, co-signatory 
1669. of the last two, and one later. 6 The next, 

between Louis XIV. and Mulai Ismail (both described 
therein as " tres-haut, tres-puissant, tres-excellent et tres- 
1682. invincible"), "done at Saint Germain-en-Laye," 
was disavowed by the sultan when presented for his 
approbation by Saint Amant. 7 St. Olon, who followed on 

1 Thomassv,p. 383. '- Godard, p. 622. 3 See p. 364. •* Mas Latrik, Relations, p. 256. 

5 See Tableau de la Situation des Etaldissemcntsfrancais en Algerie, 1841, p. 418, etc.; 
and Mas Latrie, Princijaux Traitis de Paix, etc. 

'■' Inventaire so;// main- des Arch, du Dc/>. des Aff. Strang, vol. ii., 1S92, Maroc, 2. 

7 See Saint Amant and Petis de la Croix for their accounts; and the Catalogue 
du Bibliothique de M. Langles, p. 431, for the MSS. negotiations. 


1693. a similar errand, fared no better.* 1 The Comte 
1767. de Breugnon met with greater success a century- 
later, though humiliated by the conditions of the release 
1824. of the slaves of his nation. 2 His treaty, renewed 

1844. with additional articles, 3 had to suffice till the 

1845. war with France demanded fresh conventions. 
A series of important regulations of the system for foreign 

Foreign Protection protection of Moorish subjects were drawn up, 

1863. and these formed the basis of the Madrid 

i88i. Convention, the agreement still in force. The 

1892. most recent treaty with France is commercial, 

chiefly affecting the customs tariff. 

Setting aside the numerous treaties, conventions, and 

alliances entered into between the Moors and Castille, 

Relations with Leon, Aragon, 4 and other Spanish kingdoms, 

s P ain - the modern diplomatic engagements with the 

united Spanish monarchy date only from a treaty of the 

1767. eighteenth century, which the Moors attempted 

to repudiate, but which they eventually extended and 

1780,1799. confirmed at Aranjuez 5 and Mequinez. 6 At 

this time the " presents " received by the Moors as tribute 

from Spain in consideration of privileges granted were 

considerable, though no fixed sum was stipulated for as in 

other cases. Conventions as to the limits of Ceuta, 

1844, 1845. fisheries, and other minor matters, followed, but 

i86i. nothing of importance till agreements and 

* Documents in the French Foreign Office reveal the fact that an attempt 
to seize on Tangier, recently abandoned by the English, was contemplated by 
France in 1698, and that again in 1764 it was proposed that she should conquer 
Morocco. 7 

1 See his own account. 

2 The Arabic text of this is given in Silvestre de Sacy's Chrestomathie Arabe, vol. iii.; 
see Chenier's account. For an account of this mission see Rochon. 

3 De Clercq's Recueil de Traites, vol. iii., pp. 317, 379. 

4 See Capmany, Meworias historic/is sobre . . . Barcelona, 1733; and Mas Latrie's 
Traites. 5 See Cantillo's Collection. 6 Martens' Collection, vol. ii., p. 175. 

7 Archives, Maroc, t. 3. See lnventaire Sotnmaire, 1892, t. 2, and Rev. A/ricaine, 
2893, p. 251. 


treaties were signed with respect to the Mel ilia frontier 
and the war between the contracting parties. The last 
date was that of the final peace, the conditions of which 
still remain in force. Portugal made a very similar series 
of treaties, here unworthy of separate notice. 

The Danes made an early attempt to arrange terms, 

but " owing to mismanagement, ignorance of the country, 

Denmark. an d above all to the misrepresentations of a 

1751. Moorish Jew whom they trusted too implicitly," 

the embassy failed. 1 A treaty was, however, concluded later, 

1753. the main provisions of which were commercial. 

It secured for a Danish company the monopoly of the trade 

of the coast from Salli to Sam* for fifty thousand dollars a 

year, 2 with half as much again as tribute. But in a few 

years, notwithstanding a promising start, the company 

consumed its capital and failed. 

1750. Hamburg paid tribute about the same time, 

and later secured a treaty, though without having direct 

i83o. representation, and eventually Mr. Hay was 

\nt:- Hanscatk authorised to treat on behalf of the Hanseatic 

Ports and s^cden. towns in general. Sweden was one of the last 

1763. to make terms with Morocco. 

One of the curious episodes in Moorish history is the 

accrediting of Sir Anthony Sherley to Abd el Aziz III. 

1604. (Abu Faris), by Rudolf II. of Germany, 3 when 

stria a treaty was secured. This does not however 

appear to have been followed up, and it was 

not till the present century that Prussia, and ultimately 

the new German Empire, entered the lists. Austria, 

nevertheless, maintained its relations, and received an 

1784. embassy. Treaties were also drawn up in 1799, 

1805, and 1830, though Vienna was unrepresented at the 

Moorish Court except through the officials of friendly 

1 Described in quaint Dutch doggerel by Ravn, its treasurer; see Bibl. Art., p. 384. 

2 Host, p. 284. » Ro, C, chap. x. 


1886. nations till a few years ago. Germany recently 
1890. obtained a treaty which was only a slight 
improvement on those of the other nations. 

A Jewish envoy was first sent to Holland to conclude 

1604. a peace with the Dutch, who subsequently 

1610,1651. ratified treaties 1 with the Filali shareefs. These 

wuh Holland. received confirmation in 1657, 1658, 1659, 1684 

(when privileges hitherto restricted to Salli were extended 

to all Morocco), and in 1692, when complete security was 

guaranteed to all Dutch subjects. The important nature 

of the interests of the States General in Morocco at that 

time may be inferred from this series of dates. In the 

following century their treaties were ratified and extended 

in 1752, 1755, 1778, 1786, etc., the last of these securing 

to them the monopoly of trade with Laraiche. 

Diplomatic relations with Morocco were for a long time 

carried on by the component states and republics of Italy, 

with itaiy. in addition to the early treaties with Pisa and 

1765. Genoa. Thus Venice made a treaty 2 which 

1806. lasted till its consulate was abandoned, and 

Tuscany also obtained an agreement confirming anterior 

treaties. Peace with the two Sicilies dated from the 

1727. year of Mulai Ismail's death, when a treaty was 

arranged through the British consul. It was a Swedish 

consul-general (Graberg di Hemso) who made peace on 

1820. behalf of Sardinia, which he represented till 

1825. an independent consul came. Ultimately its 

1859. representation was merged in that of re-united 


On the advice of Spain, and in a Spanish man-of-war, 
Mulai el Hasan was induced to make the strange innova- 

1 Du Mont's Collection, vols, vi.-viii.; Aitzema's, vols, vii., viii. ; Groot Placetboek, 
and Petis de la Croix, vol. i., p. 470. A good account of Dutch relations with Morocco 
is given in chap, vi., pp 213-319, of the Hedendaagsche Historie of Tegenwoordige Staat 
van Afrika. (Bibl. 397.) 

2 _See Carlo Antonio Martin, Storia Civile e Politica del Commercio de' Veneziani, 


tion of sending an embassy to the pope of 
Rome! 1 The idea impressed upon H is Sharecfian 
1888 - Majesty appears to have been that the papal 
see still held sway over the destinies of Christendom, 
and that the various nations desirous of appropriating 
Morocco might be thereby induced to relinquish their 
aims. Vain hope ! 

At last there appear on the scene the United States of 

1787. North America, a treaty with them being con- 

1836. eluded by Barclay, 2 and renewed at Mequinez 

ththe after fifty years by Leir. 8 Peace had nearly 

rica. 1 a • 1111 

1802. been broken when the Americans bombarded 
Tripoli ; the Moors declared war, but finding no one 
at hand to fight, after some correspondence friendly 
relations were resumed in the following year. The United 

1836. States Government conceived the idea, since 
adopted by Spain and Germany, of obtaining the con- 
cession of the little island of Perejil {i.e., parsley, pron. 
perekhil) on the Straits of Gibraltar, as a strategic 
position, 4 in modern parlance a "coaling station." Then 

1887. the Spaniards vainly attempted to steal a 
march by quietly taking possession. During the civil war 
the Moors, to oblige the United States consul, arrested 
two emissaries of the Southern frigate Sumter, on their 

1862. way to Cadiz for coal, and after a brief 
incarceration in the Tangier consulate, they were promptly 
-hipped off to the States.* 

Belgium, which had already been represented "near" 
the Moorish Court for three or four years, next 

1862. secured a treaty of commerce and naviga- 

* Of this incident I published a complete account from the official corres- 
pondence in the Times of Morocco, January 13th, 1888. 

1 See Times oj Morocco, Nos. 119 and 123, February 18 and March 17, 1888. 
- Martens, vol. i., p. 380. 

3 Hid., vol. iv., p. 443; and Nowelle Rccucil Generate, vol. xiii., p. 685. 
* P.R.O., F.O. Docs., vol. i., 1836. 


with Belgium tion, and has subsequently been a party to 
and Russia. the Madrid and Spartel Conventions. She 

has sent a succession of energetic ministers to represent 
her in Tangier, and has been second to none in her 
endeavours to develop trade in these parts, deservedly 
meeting with much success. Her position outside the 
jealous circle of Powers greedy for Morocco itself led to 
hopes that she might secure important railway and mining 
concessions, but so far her hopes have not been realised. 
With Russia, the last to enter the lists, it has been other- 
wise, for with no trade to foster, and no direct political 
interests, not even resident subjects to be protected, other 
1898. reasons for her action must be sought. Last 
year the Tsar appointed an ambassador who has recently 
presented his credentials in Marrakesh.* Within the 
past few years Brazil has appointed its own representa- 
tive, and Denmark, which continues without a legation in 
Tangier, is nevertheless represented in the consular body. 

Attempts at diplomatic relations between Morocco and 
Turkey have never been very successful, chiefly on account 

* One of the amusing episodes of Moorish foreign politics was the arrival 
at Mogador some years ago of a soi-disant " Minister Plenipotentiary and 
Envoy Extraordinary" to the Moorish Court from " His Majesty Achilles II. 
of Patagonia," himself a French adventurer, but still unworthily represented 
by the Austrian Geyling, who hoisted the unknown flag, and had to haul it 
down on the united protest of the legitimate consular body. The discomfited 
" envoy " had previously been known in Morocco as the secretary of a French 
pretender to the Moorish umbrella, one Joly, who declared himself a Moorish 
prince captured at the battle of Isly and educated in France, but who was 
arrested in Tangier and punished in France as a deserter. Later Geyling 
passed as " Abd el Krim Bey," and meeting the writer in Paris, posed as the 
physician of Mulai el Hasan on a special mission to Europe. Having failed 
to induce the French Government to receive him as an emissary from the 
semi-independent chiefs of Sits, he tried in vain to form a company in Paris to 
exploit that province. More successful in London, on his representations the 
Tourmaline speculation was entered into, and an attempt was made to open 
up a trade in defiance of the Moorish and British Governments — ignoring 
customs regulations — with the disastrous results still fresh in the public 



> i_ 

< - 



2 A 


Morocco and °f t^e unwarranted assumption by the rulers 

Turkey. of Constantinople of the title of khalifas of 

Islam, and the consequent pretension to a sort of suzer- 
ainty of the Mohammedan world. This, however, they 
have never succeeded in establishing beyond the reach 
of their arms, unless for the moment acknowledged by 
some applicant for their assistance. As they are not 
shareefs {i.e., of the family of Mohammed), and the 
Moorish dynasties have been so for four hundred years, 
they have even been refused by the Moors the title 
of sultan or emperor, and this has always obstructed 
negotiations. The same thing occurred when ' ; Saladin " 
refused the title of Ameer el Mu'minin to the Muwahhadi 
Yakub el Mansur, who on that account refused the 
assistance sought against the Crusaders.* The appear- 
ance of the Turkish forces in Algeria early in the 
sixteenth century, and their conquest of that country, 
brought them into closer relations with Morocco, which 
they several times invaded with varying fortune, usually 
in support of some claimant for the throne. An Algerian 
1552. envoy was therefore despatched by Sulai'man 
the Magnificent — called by Moorish writers " the Shah " — 
to define the limits of their jurisdiction, which may be 
said to have been the opening move of modern diplomatic 
relations between the two nations. 

When the Sultan of Morocco had imprisoned all the 

French merchants in his dominions, and despoiled some 

of their goods, because their consul, Castellane, 

Turkish Arrogance. ^ d made off w j th ^ vo l umes entrusted tO 

him by his son,f Zidan, to be rebound — 
though the books had been captured by the Spaniards 
on their way to France — an appeal for the use of 

* The light in which the Turk is regarded by the Moor is sufficiently 
shown by a quotation of El 'Ufrani (p. 8o, or of the Arabic, p. 43). 
f See pp. 130 and 362. 


their good offices was made to the Turks by the French 
ambassador at Constantinople. 1 But instead of using 
persuasion, the Turks sent peremptory orders to Morocco 
for the release of the French — orders which the Moors 
of course refused to obey — so the French bombarded 
1624,1629. Salli. They only secured reparation, and in 

1630. vain endeavoured to obtain some recognition of 
the claims of the Turks, who were never able to extend 
their power beyond Algiers. Mulai Zidan, nevertheless, 
in his struggle for the throne, despatched " ten quintals 
of gold" to Constantinople to procure assistance, which 
was granted, though all but one of the vessels bearing 
the troops that were sent were wrecked on the way. 
A century later saw the tables reversed, for Mulai Ismail, 

no. who, nevertheless, appeared to imitate his 
rival in many respects, offered to assist Louis XIV. 
to fight the Turks. 2 Better relations were inaugurated 

1767-8. by the despatch of a ship-load of cannon, 
mortars, bombs and shot by Mustafa III. to Mohammed 
XVII., whose daughter was sent to Mekka to marry 
the local shareef, styled by Ez-Zaiani the " sultan." 3 

Then— after Ez-Zaiani had been sent to them as envoy, 

1787. and had become such a persona grata that the 
Ottoman sultan had asked his brother of Morocco to send 
him only as long as he lived — the Turks called on the 
Moors as fellow Muslimin to join in a holy war against 
Russia. At the same time they requested a loan of 
twenty million piastres, which Sidi Mohammed did his 
best to find. 4 He first desired to send two, then four 
frigates to the assistance of the Turks, and collected 
sixty thousand men under arms at Salli, promising to send 
with them three hundred thousand piastres. But trans- 
port difficulties blocked the way, for his piratical sailors 
did not know how to get to Constantinople, and he 

1 Thomassy, pp. 117 and tax. - Ibid., p. 197. :< Ibid., p. 1434. 4 /Aid., p. 309. 


Assistance to was obliged to ask the English at Gib- 
Turkey. raltar for crews. This request being refused, 

he threatened war against England, and refused the 
supplies to her garrison promised by treaty. Eventually 
all that he remitted to Turkey was fifty thousand piastres 
through the French consul at Salli ; and, though he stated 
that this was sent in consideration of the good treatment 
of the Moorish pilgrims to Mekka, and to pay six fokihs 
at Alexandria and Cairo to read the book of prayers 
which he had written and sent to them, all the return 
he received was the chagrin of hearing that the Turkish 
sultan had accepted it as tribute. War nearly broke 
1805. out between the two nations over the treatment 
of the members of the Darkawi brotherhood, some of 
whom the Dey of Algiers had put to death, in con- 
sequence of which the people of Tlemcen fled to Morocco, 
declaring that they " could not stand hunger and Turks 
at once." 1 

Of late years Turkish interests in the Maghrib have 

been entrusted to the British representatives, but as no 

Turks reside in Morocco, and few ever come 

Present Turkish ^ere, there has not been much for them to do. 


On the other hand the number and importance 
of the Moorish pilgrims to Mekka has increased with 
improving means of communication, but it is to the 
interest of the Turks themselves to see that from whatever 
country the pilgrims come they are fairly well treated. 

Tripoli appears, on one occasion at least, to have entered 

into direct relations with Morocco, for the dey sent a 

1812. beautiful virgin to the sultan, and in return 

„ . .. ... received a 32-gun frigate from Laraiche. 2 With 

Relations with o t=> » 

Tripoli, Armenia, the other nations of the East it may be said 
and Tartary. that M orocco h as never entered into diplomatic 

1 Ez-ZaiAni. 2 Riley, p. 577. 


relations, though there exists a letter from Mulai Ismail to 
( Hieen Anne concerning the imprisonment of an Armenian 
envoy, Dr. Bentura, who is more likely to have been an 
adventurer than a duly accredited representative. 1 Mar- 
lowe, in his Tantburlaine the Great, represents the kings of 
" Moroccusand Fez" as throwing down their crowns before 
the great Tatar, although it was the king of Fez who in a 
previous act had asked disdainfully, "What means the 
haughty Turkish emperor, to talk with one so base as 
Tamburlaine ? " He was willing now to exclaim — with 
that inaccuracy of description which makes so many 
novelists and playwrights paint the Moors as negroes : — 

" I here present thee with the crown of Fez, 
And with an host of Moors trained to the war, 
Whose coal-black faces make their foes retire, 
And quake for fear."'-' 

1 Public Record Office, "Modern Royal Letters,'' 2nd Series, No. 
- Part ii., Act 1, Scene iii., 1. 128 ; cf. Peele's Battle 0/ Alcazar, 


55 9* 

w 2 
« I 

O "" 








F not, perhaps, unique among eastern lands in its 
treatment of the representatives accredited to it from 
abroad, Morocco has at least an interesting 
record. In the early days of diplomatic inter- 
course, the custom prevailed of sending a consul as a sort 
of supercargo with each little trading fleet 1 — for vessels 
then seldom ventured singly — and undertakings of this 
sort were far from frequent, while a life among a people 
so inhospitable offered few attractions. Even when the 
settlement of merchants on the Barbary coast was 
followed by the appointment of resident consuls, their 
offices were sometimes of a very informal character; 
thus as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century 
we find the Frenchmen settled in Tetuan nominating one 
of their number to act as consul, 2 an arrangement which, 
having satisfied the Moors, appears to have satisfied Paris 
as well.* Queen Elizabeth's envoys were "sworne Es- 
quires of her Majestie's person," the second of whom 
" remained there as Liger for the space of 3 yeeres." 3 
The receptions of these officials by the Moorish ameers 

* Marseilles had centuries before by a wise regulation authorised any ten of 
her merchants residing in Syria or Barbary to select one of their number to act 
as consul till a regular official was appointed. 4 

1 GODARD, p. 355. - DE LA FAYE. 

I ikluyt, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 64-67, and 117 ; also Kerr's Voyages^ vol. vii. 
• Mas LaTRIR, Relations, p. 165. 




or sultans used to vary in proportion to the fear in which 

their countries were held at the time, and were 

shericys - m conse q Uence f ar f r0 m uniform in cordiality. 

Independence. *■ J 

That bold adventurer, Sir Anthony Sherley, 
who had secured the confidence of the great Persian shah, 
Abbas, having been entrusted by him with commissions to 
the potentates of Europe — by one of whom he was in turn 
accredited to the ameer Abd el Aziz III. of Morocco — 
1604. " astonished the natives " by coolly riding into 
the court of audience, a privilege 


Moors should have had 

accorded to the sovereign alone. 
The ameer was, however, too 
politic or too polite to raise the 
question, but took care that on 
the next occasion the " dog of a 
Christian " should find a chain 
across the gateway. 1 This Sir 
Anthony could not brook, so 
rode back threatening to break 
off negotiations, and it affords 
a striking lesson as to the right 
way of dealing with Orientals, 
that even in those days the 
to give way and imprison the 

porter, permitting the admission of Sir Anthony on 
horse-back thereafter. To the present time ambassadors 
from Europe are received uncovered and on foot by the 
mounted sultan, shaded by the royal parasol.* Perhaps 
it was with this humiliation in their minds that the Moors 

* "The exact form and method that all ministers have ever gone on 
an embassy to the Emperor of Morocco, from George Delaval in 1707, to 
Charles Stewart in 1722," is to be found at page 76 of the 1720-28 volume 
of Treasury Papers at the Public Record Office, and affords some curious 

1 See account by Ro. C, and also The Three Brothers, whence the accompanying 
portrait, "from a scarce print," has been obtained. 


subsequently permitted only one horse to the consuls- 
general, and forbade anyone else to mount them, a re- 
striction which remained in force at least as late as 1S36. 1 

The brutal Mulai Ismail in the following century 

made one English ambassador take off his boots when 

presented,* in return for which the king of 

England made the Moorish ambassador take 

off both turban and shoes. 2 St. Olon, who was 

dited to the same monarch from Louis XIV. — for 

wh< >m the tyrant had a great respect — retained his head-gear 

during the audience, 3 though the custom was afterwards 

dropped.! Of late years some ambassadors have remained 

covered part of the time, and by degrees more reasonable 

forms are being introduced. It was only in 1845 that 

Sir John Drummond Hay broke through the custom of 

presenting credentials kneeling, and it was M. Ordega who 

i83i. first remained covered.! 4 

It seems to have been considered quite the correct thing 

in the early days to arrest, if not to ill-treat, obstreperous 

ambassadors, § no theory with regard to the 

inviolability of their persons or their domiciles 

ins. J l 

having as yet obtained acceptance in Morocco. j| 

* In 1 77 1, when the royal attendants wished Jardine to remove his shoes 
before an audience, the sultan called out, "Let him alone; these Christians 
>ubject to catch cold without shoes." 5 

t Although Mulai Ismail received St. Olon with his clothes still stained 
by the hlood of the men he had just killed with his lance, 6 yet he refused to 
receive a merchant accredited to him as ambassador. 7 

+ M. Ordega notified the sultan in advance that he would keep his hat on, 
" .^ he had more ideas inside his head than hairs outside of it, on which 
account he feared the cold." 8 

s' As late as 1833 a U.S. consul was imprisoned. 9 

II Vet they soon learned what it meant in Europe, for the "Annual Register" 

<>f 1764 (p. 74) records the trial of "four chairmen, for forcibly breaking into 

lorocco ambassador's house [in London], with a large mob at their heels, 

R.O., F.O. Docs., vol. iv.; reports of Mr. Drummond Hay for 1837, 1st quarter. 
2 St. Olon, p. 124; Ekckmann,p. 234. :! See his own account. 

4 Charmbs, p. 573. 5 Jardine, p 36. ,; St. Olon, p. 179. 

7 ///</., p. iqk 8 De Campou. » P.R.O., F.O. Docs., vol. xlv. 


1617, 1619. Mulai Zidan refused to receive two consuls sent 

1622. by France, and cast a third into prison on 
account of the carrying off of his library by the 
Spaniards from Castellane, which he laid to the French- 
man's charge. 1 When Razelli arrived on his first mission 

1624. with three vessels, he landed with nearly fifty 
men in place of the twenty-five for whom he had per- 
mission, so they were at once arrested, and only the 
ambassador and three monks set free. 2 Even they were 
only permitted to return to France on providing bail 
among the French merchants, and as they never sur- 
rendered themselves, the money was refunded by the 
Convent of St. Honore in Paris. The others lay in Moorish 
dungeons for several years, for it was long before Razelli 

1629. returned with a force sufficient to deliver six 
French vessels en route, to bombard Salli, and to capture 
several pirates, after which the prisoners were released and 
a consul accepted under a new treaty.* 

In the following century an envoy sent by Queen Anne 
to Barcelona was detained on his way in Tetuan, as 

1712. hostage for the Moorish envoy to England, and 
the Moor was accordingly arrested at Gibraltar 
till an exchange was effected. 3 In a similar way 

1725. the English consul at Tetuan was imprisoned 
because a Moorish vessel sent for repairs to Gibraltar 
had been detained there. 4 Latton, an ambassador 

1750. from England, was confined to his house for 
about a year, and Sturge, his secretary, thrust into a 

and their violently attacking the ambassador himself, in pretence that he kept 
one of their wives from her husband. But through the great lenity, it is 
imagined, of His Excellency, they had all the good fortune to be acquitted." 

* Razelli's own memoire to Cardinal Richelieu, dated 1626, asking for a 
fleet to chastise the Moors, is among the MSS. of the Bib. Saint Genevieve 
(L. f. 36), and has been published in the Rev. de Gtog., vol. xix , p. 374. 

1 See p. 130. 2 D'Angers, p. 18 ; Charrant, p. 141 ; Godard, p. 481. 

3 Busnot. 4 De la Faye. 


matmdrah,* because they would not pay a second time 

1734. the ransoms paid by Sollicoffre to the basha 
I lamed, who had rebelled and kept the money. 1 On the 
same account the crew of the British vessel Inspector^ 
eighty in number, were enslaved for five years. 

A remarkable series of catastrophes overcame our 
consuls in Morocco during the last century. Sollicoffre 

1735. died at Tetuan, and his successor, Latton, was 
1750. imprisoned, as has been narrated. Petticrew, 

who followed, died a natural death, but Read 

1758. committed suicide in Fez. His successor, 

1770. Popham, was incapable, and was removed on 

account of the sultan's " declared aversion " to him, but 

was consoled by a pension of £200 a year, he being then 

at the age of sixty. The next man, Sampson, after two 

years, fled before the intrigues of the Moorish Court, and 

recalled. Then came Logie, who was banished from 

i78i. Morocco with all other British subjects. Sir 

1785. Roger Curtis was more successful, but gave 

place to Payne, who was in a few months recalled for 

neglect. After him the credit of the service is revived by 

Matra, whose clearly written despatches fill many volumes 

at the Record Office, t 

Formerly the consuls did not dare to leave the country 
without having an audience of the sultan, a formality which 
often took from three to six weeks, even if performed by 
proxy, and involved some $500 or 8600 in presents. In 
those days envoys used to purchase the assistance of the 

• Underground granary. 

t The secret code employed by Matra for important communications 
>ted in the number of page, line and order of each word as it stood 
in Johnson's Dictionary, with any letter between each group of figures,, 
repetition being avoided. 2 

1 HOUGHTON ; also Public Record Office, F.O. Docs., vol. vii. See p. 340. 

2 F.O. Docs., vol. xvii., May 4 and 24, 1790. 


. favourite wives of the sultans/ and had recourse to many 
forms of intrigue to achieve their ends. The 
J mt*^tT Jews whom they employed as interpreters were 

sometimes cruelly illtreated, and there is no 
lack of excuse for the still existing right of protecting all 
official employes. A Jewish merchant of Salli who was 
1732. sent to the Court with a message from the 
British consul, was actually burned alive 2 when the sultan 
discovered that it was a Jew with whom he had been 
talking* and a rupture of diplomatic relations naturally 
1772. ensued. Consul Sampson had to flee to Gibral- 
tar " without having brought any other than some old 
clothes on my back," as the sultan had attempted to 
starve him. Notwithstanding Consul Popham's recall "at 
the sultan's request," as years passed by, and the foreign 
officials assumed the high hand, it was supposed that 
1889. the demand for the recall of U.S. Consul 
Lewis for alleged malpractices was unprecedented. On 
the advice of the writer's father the demand was made 
by Sid Haj Mohammed Torres, then Commissioner for 
Foreign Affairs, who made official use of the telegraph 
cable for the first time on this occasion. President 
Harrison at once acceded to the wish expressed, and 
Lewis was dismissed. 3 

One morning the British consul at Tangier, then the 

highest British functionary in the country, received 

n PJ . , _ . . a a visit from some seventy of the black 

British Subjects J 

Expelled. troops quartered near, who, he says, declared 

1780. u t^y came there by order of the emperor to 

abuse, spit in my face, collar and threaten to stab me with 

* Yet in 1768 a Jew, Benider, was appointed British vice-consul at Salli on 
^iooa year, and such posts have since frequently fallen to his co-religionists. 
In 1772 he was sent to London with letters from the sultan announcing the 
expulsion of the Europeans from Tetuan. 4 

1 Peres dk la Mercy, p. 224. 2 Mairault, p. 210 ; Pellow (Brown's), p. 216. 

3 See Times of Morocco, December 21, 1889. •* Annual Register, vol. xv., p. 122. 



>nby R. Caton Woodvillt 

(Sir W. Kirby Green in 1887) 


. their daggars (sic)," to disprove their alleged attachment 
to the English, a command which they proceeded at once 
to execute " in the most rigorous and offensive manner 
they were masters of." He was subsequently carried 
to the sultan at Salli, and soon after his return was 
notified, in common with his fellow consuls, that from 
i78i. January 1st Tangier was sold to Spain for 
$100,000 and a hundred Moorish slaves a year, so that all 
other nationalities must immediately remove to Tetuan, 
though at the time no Europeans were allowed to enter 
1772. that town, from which they had been expelled 
within a decade. At a few hours' notice seven hundred 
and nine British subjects were banished to Marteel, vessels 
and property of all sorts being abandoned. The consul 
burned the archives, as the Spanish commander claimed 
the British subjects as prisoners of war, as which they 
were taken to Ceuta, but eventually delivered in Gibraltar 
under a flag of truce on January 10th. The consul's 
estimate of his property per force abandoned — including 
his " large and valuable library of books, upwards of two 
hundred volumes," reckoned at £7$ — amounted to nearly 
/ ^3000. 1 * 

On the other hand some of the envoys have rendered 

themselves popular with the Moors, and apparently 

Sherley was among this number.f On arriving 

Slurleys Methods. /v • i * ■ • r 1 • rr 

at Sam with thirteen companions — of different 
nationalities for the sake of their tongues — he maintained 
open house with extraordinary liberality, and by way of 
producing effect, presented each of the five hundred men 
sent down to form his escort with a special turban as 

* The fare for two from Gibraltar to London was then ^42, and the hire of 
post-chaise with four horses (trumpeter and post-boys included) from Falmouth 
to London was ,£35. 

t See correspondence with him in Public Record Office. 

1 Fcreign Office Docs , vols, xi., xiii. 


.1 livery, although to meet his expenses lie had to borrow 
largely from the local Jews. 1 But Morocco did not 
prove sufficiently attractive, and he willingly returned 
to organise the Persian army, into which he introduced 
the use of firearms.* The Colaco family, 
y ' which so long retained the representation 
of Portugal in Morocco, f is descended from a Portuguese 
slave employed by Mohammed XVII. as ambassador to 
Lisbon, but there refused as such, yet who was sent back 
to Morocco as the representative of Portugal. 2 When, 
during the war of the succession, the Colaco then in office 
received no pay and got into debt, the sultan found him 
money as a family friend, and when the Portuguese 
•\ eminent wished to remove him, the Moors declared 
that if this were done they would never receive another, 
so he was allowed to remain. 3 

Among the interesting men who have visited Morocco 

in the company of foreign envoys, may be mentioned 

GoliuSjJ the Dutch professor, who presented the 

ameer with an Arabic New Testament and 


atlas, and an Arabic address of his own com- 
position, though in speaking he could not make himself 
understood by the Moors, and had to use Spanish. 4 Most 
of the early official correspondence with Europe appears 
to have been in this language, and numerous letters in 

• "The Mighty Ottoman, terror of the Christian world, quaketh of a Sherley 

fever, and gives hopes of approaching fates; the prevailing Persian hath learned 

Sherleian arts of war ... so that they which at hand with the sword were 

before dreadful to the Turks, now also in remoter blowes and sulfurian arts 

rowne terrible." 5 

t Four generations. Dom Jose Colaco, for many years doyen of the Corps 
Diplomatique in Tangier, still lives in retirement at his country seat here. 

X Otherwise Jakob van Gool. 

1 Ro. C., chap. xi. 2 Graberg. :! Richardson, p, 43. 

v. iiakant, pp. 166 and 175 ; Host, p. 34. 

chas' Pilgrims, vol. ii., p. 1806. See also Pietro della Valle, and Curzon's 
1, vol. i., p. 57 j, and ii., pp. 35, 537. 


Spanish received from Moorish sovereigns are preserved 
in our Record Office. Although the treaties were as a 
rule drawn up in Arabic, discrepancies often found their 
way into the translations used by the foreigners, which 
frequently represented the general sense rather than the 
exact wording of the original. This has been a fruitful 
source of misunderstanding, as will be readily understood. 
One Moorish envoy to France refused to accept the 
1777. Arabic translation accompanying a letter from 
Louis XVI. unless signed by the Minister of Marine, as 
the French original was, so they made the translator 
certify it, and the minister witnessed his signature. 1 
Originally both consuls and envoys communicated direct 
with the sultans, but the basha of Tangier was appointed 
1842. Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, 2 an arrange- 
ment which has since been modified by the appointment 
of a special official as such. 

An enumeration of the presents brought by foreign 

envoys to Morocco, in addition to the sum of money 

paid under that head, though really tribute, 

Nature of Presents. , •, . , . . , . . , ^ A , 

would provide some interesting items.* At 

* Among other presents, Captain Paddon took to Mulai Ismail from George 
I. " a rich crimson velvet sedan or chair for the darling sultaness, a native of 
England ; ^50, and ten pounds of the finest tea, at 30.y. per pound." 3 Russel 
took to his successor in 1728 : a big twelve-branch candlestick, eleven bales 
containing three pieces of cloth each, fifteen pieces fine cloth, a case of French 
(Brittany) cloth, twenty-eight loaves of "sugar royal," a case of porcelain 
china, eighteen pounds of tea, a case of sweets, a box of ornaments and 
curiosities, a case of brocaded stuffs, a silver carpet, satin and gold lace, a 
gun and a pair of pistols, four boxes of Florence cloths, and a case of holland 
and cambric. 4 A specimen of Moorish tastes is afforded by the commission 
from "ladies of the hareem" to Dr. Lempriere, 5 which includes tea-cups and 
saucers, mahogany trays, damasks, satins, beads, tea, sugar, coffee, nutmegs, 
silks, pearls, mahogany clothes-boxes, scents, a mahogany fourpost bed, "a 
green Dutch box," a chest of drawers, watches, etc. All of these would 
be as heartily appreciated at the present time. 

1 Thomassy, 292. 2 Godard, p. 622. 3 P.R.O. State Papers, vol. 1714-17, 19, p. 412. 
4 Braithwaite, p. no. 5 p. 408. 


one time value, at another rarity, appears to have com- 
mended certain articles, and of recent years an effort 
has been made to mark the progress of the outside world 
by sending specimens of modern mechanism — even a 
small railway train for instance* — or mechanical toys, 
pianos, musical boxes, scientific instruments, and orna- 
mental objects of all sorts. Curious animals, too, have 
always been favourite gifts on both sides, and among the 
English presents have been found the smallest horses bred, 
and an elephant. 

The staple Moorish offering has long been horses, to- 
gether with richly embroidered saddlery, etc., though in 
days past they have sent ostriches, lions, giraffes, 
and other rare species. Since carriages first 
1580. reached Morocco from Portugal, 1 they have 
always been favourite gifts, and have of late included 
wonderful contrivances for pedalling, as well as bicycles 
and tricycles. Moorish sultans have not seldom been 
exacting in this matter, indicating plainly their desires 
and criticisms. Thus Mulai Ismail wrote to the equally 
infamous Kirke, " Know that there came from thy master 
[Charles II.] three coach horses. Now a coach needs four 
h >rses to draw it, wherefore thou must send another of the 
same likeness, sort, and size ; oblige us in this by all 
means."-)- 2 The same monarch asked the envoy of Louis 
X I V. for " some cuirasses, a rich and rare sword, a few 
precious jewels from your emperor's treasure, and other 
nificent curiosities which may be to our taste. J 3 But 

* Presented by Baron Whettnall on behalf of the King of the Belgians in 1887. 
t Kirke had a hundred carts sent from Mequinez to Tangier to bring 
up presents from the King of England in 1681. 4 

Amand had already brought from Louis XIV. in 1682 two worked 
guns, two large clocks, two dozen watches, twelve pieces gold brocade, and 
v of English cloth. 5 

1 El Ufrani, p. 145. S Ocklev, p. 139. 3 St. Olon, 197. 

1 Moukttb, Hist., p. 322. 5 St. Amand, p. 520. 

2 I! 


the presents most appreciated by the Moors have always 
consisted of cannon and ammunition, especially mountain 
and quick-firing guns. 

As specimens of what used to be sent, may be men- 
tioned an offering from the Fathers of Mercy : three fine 

pearl collars, valued at 2450, 1400, and 1050 
specimen List. -{ vres (francs) respectively ; a diamond in a gold 

ring, 1. 2100 ; an emerald, 1. 525 ; a topaz, 1. 210 ; 
a clock, 1. 300 ; with valuable cambray and scarlet cloths, 
silk handkerchiefs, etc. A few years later the same Order 
presented ^"iooo worth of gifts, which included tea 1 — a 

beverage probably thus introduced, and of which 

the English subsequently gave a quantity — 
which has since become the national drink. Another set 
1723. of presents included two great mirrors, silver- 
mounted fowling pieces, gold brocade, Gobelin tapestry, 
coloured cloths, great China vases, chests of tea, sweets, 
etc., and three big dogs. 2 Even the governor of Tangier 
used to come in for presentations each time a consul was 
changed,* a custom discontinued by Great Britain in 1837, 
the Foreign Office having the previous year taken over 
from the Colonial Office the control of our officials in 

When foreign envoys visit Morocco, it is the custom to 
send down an escort to the coast with every requisite for 

* Among the officials who claimed " presents " from a private traveller to 
whom an audience was granted were the master of ceremonies, his attendant, 
the royal musket-cleaner, the lance-cleaner, the groom, the tea-maker, the 
umbrella-holder, the saddle-cleaner, the coachman, the spur-man, the tent- 
man, the slipper-man, the water-bearer, the chair-man, the fly-flapper, the 
sword-carrier, the watch-keeper, and numerous porters, guards, messengers, 

t Some interesting particulars as to the cost of French embassies to 
Morocco in 1680 and 1689, with notes of presents and tribute, are to be 
found in the Archives dn Dtpartement des Aff. ctrang., at Paris. See 
Inventaire Sommaire, vol. ii., 1892, Maroc 2 and 3. 

1 Mairault, p. 91. 2 De la Faye, p. 147. 


transport to the capital at which the Court is to 
be found, and the people along the route are 
requisitioned fur the support of the whole 
retinue, under the name of monah or provision. The 
nightly supply, always far in excess of the demand — 
which leaves room for much misappropriation and 
swindling unless watched unusually well — includes 
packets of tea, loaves of sugar, candles, fresh herbs, eggs, 
milk, butter, chicken, live sheep, roast sheep, stews, 
keskasoo, bread, and barley for the animals, all of which 
are wrung from an exhausted populace. 

The functions which in these days attend the receptions 
of ambassadors cannot here claim space for a full descrip- 
tion, but as almost every embassy has its 
chronicler, and all receptions are very much 
alike, there is no lack of literature upon the 
subject. Each successive ambassador has it impressed 
upon him that the attentions he has received have never 
before been equalled ; that particular honour has thus been 
shown to this particularly welcome representative of a 
particularly cherished ally. As the capital is neared a halt 
is called to make arrangements for the entry, which 
generally takes place in the morning. Half the town 
turns out to see the sight — on account, of course, of the 
particular honour in which that particular nation is 
held — and arrayed in their finest, the visitors ride in 
between two lines of soldiers, amid piercing ululations 
from the throats of women crowded on the house-tops 
reserved for their use. 

Three days are allotted for repose and preparations in 
the house and grounds apportioned to the embassy, from 
which, as often as not, some unlucky citizen has been 
ejected for the occasion. Not till this delay has expired, 
affording time for many pourparlers, can admission be 
granted to " the august presence, the portal made lofty 


- by God, the prince of believers, the noble sultan exalted 
of God," the autocrat of the Maghrib. The public 
audience takes place in one of the vast courts of the palace, 

in which troops are drawn up, in the midst of 
T ReceAtion whom the foreigners are humbly grouped on foot. 

Then, with a wild fanfare, the great gates open, 
and His Majesty emerges on horseback, preceded by one 
of the carriages he has received from abroad, and followed 
by grooms leading several beautiful horses. Approaching 
the central figures, who uncover their heads and bow, 
the principal usher — always chosen for his stentorian voice 
— introduces the envoy, who, being courteously welcomed 
in a condescending tone, presents his credentials in a silk 
handkerchief to a waiting official, and if he can, repeats 
a short set speech in Arabic, or does so by interpretation. 
Further assurances of a peculiar friendship for his nation, 
with a glance at the presents disposed around,* and the 
members of the ambassador's suite having been presented, 
the audience ends, always the most gracious one yet 

Subsequently feasts are offered by the various ministers, 
and entertainments, such as hunting, provided for the 

visitors. Private interviews are granted for the 
Transaction of transact j on f business, the details of which 


have already been discussed with the ministers 
concerned, though the point is often missed by reason of 
loose or deceptive interpretation, not to speak of ignorance 
of native thought. Finally the sultan's presents are dis- 
tributed, and as the party arrived, so it takes its de- 

The foreign ministers all reside at Tangier, and as the 

* A noteworthy innovation in this respect was made by Sir Charles 
Euan-Smith in refusing to offer presents till some satisfactory result had 
been achieved by his negotiations. 1 

1 "Corresp.," p. 33. 




Court is constantly moving from place to place in the 
interior, facilities for the transaction of business are scant, 
and ample excuses are found for procrastination and 
prevarication. These are the two favourite tactics of the 
Moors, whose principle it is to promise everything — '' if 
God will " — with a mental determination that God shall 
not will, unless altogether to their advantage, if they 
have their way. The day has passed when a Moorish 
sultan can be expected, like his ancestor Ismail, to pros- 
trate himself on the ground to thank God for sending 
Christian envoys to bear witness to his greatness, the 
frequency and inconvenience of their visits having long 
ago rendered them the most unwelcome of guests. 

Very strange ideas seem to have prevailed among the 
Moors as to the class of men fitted to be their representa- 
tives in Europe, where they have maintained 
Moorish a rodent consul only in Gibraltar. He is 

kmissanes. * 

practically their sole permanent official abroad, 
as their only other " consuls " in Cairo and Mekka are not, 
strictly speaking, officials, being merely agents. It has 
been quite a common practice with them to employ 
foreigners as their envoys, as in the case already men- 
tioned of the first Colago, so employed by Mohammed XVII. 
Mulai Ismail sent a Spanish slave named Dias to negotiate 
a treaty for him with the Portuguese, 1 but the treaty 
was repudiated. Then he sent the same man with a 
present of lions and ostriches to England, and two 
hundred dollars to pay his expenses there. 2 On his 
return he was sent back to his task as a slave, and 
eventually had his throat cut. The Spaniards refused to 
receive a Genoese whom Mulai El Yazeed sent to them, 3 
but questions of this sort appear to have been seldom 
raised in those days. 

There came once to Paris one David Palache, a Moroccan 

1 De la Mercy, p. 188. 2 Busnot, p. 42. 3 Seguk. 


few whose father was Moorish agent in the Netherlands, 
the bearer of a letter from the sultan of 
Morocco, and pretending to be an ambassador. 

163L lie was received as such, and accepted gifts 
for his master, with which he withdrew to Amsterdam. 
His actions in France being disavowed by the sultan, 
Louis XIII., who had even supplied his travelling 
expenses, demanded his extradition from the States 

1637. General, but in vain, for on his father's death 
he became the Moorish agent in Holland. It is possible, 
therefore, that after all the disavowal was but Moorish 
diplomatic practice.* A subsequent treaty with France 

1682. was disowned, it being alleged that the supposed 
plenipotentiary f was only the secretary of the real one 
who did not go ; that he had inserted his name in the 
letters of credence without authority ; and that, having 
sold the presents he was bringing back at Marseilles, he 
had retired into private life. 1 One Moorish envoy to 

1609. Spain had for his object the redemption of 
Moorish captives and the restoration of Arabic MSS.* 

A later envoy to France, Ben Aisa, cut a very 

different figure, for his wit was the amusement of the 

rand Court, and made the fortune of the Mercure 

Gahvit, which reported or invented jokes for 

1699, him. It was Ben Aisa who was entrusted 
with his master's proposal for the hand of the great 
Louis' daughter; and to excuse the number of wives 
Ismail already had, he declared that in Morocco this 
was necessary to secure the qualities which one Parisienne 

* The State correspondence on this subject is given in full in the Revue 
iVHist. Dipl., Paris, 188S, p. 27. (B. Mus , Ac. 6885 ) 
t Mohammed Thamim, a mukaddam or sergeant of police. 
t Moh. el Hammas: see his life in the Nashar el Mathani, and his own 
>unt of his journey, translated into French by M. II. Sauvaire. 

1 St. Amant, p. 22; St. Olon, p. 132. 


possessed. From the field on which the Moors had been 
routed by Charles Martel this envoy collected handfuls 
of earth as a relic. Having once been liberated without 
ransom by our James II., whom he found in exile in 
Paris,* he took the occasion to express his thanks, and 
altogether made an impression on the gay city. 1 

A subsequent envoy, Kaid Tahar Fanish, refused to 
accord the French monarch the title of sultan, and the 

. ,. letter he bore was addressed, " To the chief of 

A Question of 

ntics. the French nation who is now at the head 

im of the Government, Louis XIV. : peace be to 
him who walks in the right way."j- 2 George III. 
was addressed as the "Adhim," "mighty one," of the 
English, or simply by a borrowed Spanish word " er-rey." 
1790. A letter of the blood-thirsty El Yazeed addressed 
" To the chief of the English, Rey George " is on official 
paper water-marked " G.R.," but perhaps this is only a 
translation, for it is in Spanish. 3 

In our own time, the ambassador to London after the 

i860. war with Spain — whose object was to raise a 

Recent English loan wherewith to pay the indemnity claimed, — 

Experiences. presented the Lord Mayor with £200 for 

* Probably to his report was due the letter from Ismail to James II. at this 
time which is to be found in the Archives dn Departement des Affaires e'trangeres, 
at Paris. (Angleterre, 75.) 

f This conclusion to the address is a typical specimen of Oriental craft, 
for as the recipient of this particular document, being a ' ' Nazarene 
infidel," did not walk in "the right way " (i.e. of Mohammed), no desire 
of peace with him was thereby expressed, only a "colourable imitation" 
which would serve till an occasion for war might arise. The phrase trans- 
lated " the right way " — " Siratah el mustakimah " — is solely applied to Islam. 
Mohammed XVII. wrote to Louis XVI. to excuse this action, asking not to 
be addressed as sultan himself, since God only knew who were sultans ; others 
would at last be dragged face downward to hell with a cord round their necks. 
If the Turks used the term, it was because the letters were only sent from 
wazeers, not from the sovereign himself. 

1 Thomassy, La Question d'Orient sous Louis XIV. 

2 Sylvestre de Sacy's Chrestomathie Arave, vol. iii., p. 262, contains the letter. 

3 F.O. Docs., vols, xiii., xvii. 


charities, probably the "secret service money" with which, 
in accordance with custom, he was doubtless furnished 
to facilitate his errand. When Morocco was invited 

1897. to take part in the Victorian Diamond Jubilee, 
the Regent wished to seize the opportunity to utilise his 
representative for diplomatic purposes; but as since the 

1892. promises made by the late sultan to Sir Charles 
Euan-Smith were disregarded, the Government had re- 
fused to receive a special mission from the Moors,* this 
was not permitted. Morocco was, therefore, unrepresented 
at the Jubilee, although the sultan's presents got as far as 
Gibraltar, and the envoy — formerly a pupil at Chatham — 
had also set out for England. 

* " The Queen cannot consent to receive a Special Mission from Morocco 
if your representations to the Sultan remain entirely unheeded." Lord 
Salisbury, Despatch of March 24th, 1892, to Sir C. Euan- Smith. (Morocco 
No. 1, 1892.) 

■V^KlYtCtC -' tr'L.C 





T seems strangle to most new-comers to Morocco that 
a land in which the lives and property of natives 
are so insecure should offer such security to 
foreigners, especially in view of what passed in 
the days of the rovers ; but the actual conditions 
are not really anomalous, they have their roots far 
back in mediaeval centuries, whence it is well worth while 
to trace their growth. The rights at present enjoyed by 
foreigners in this Empire have been ranged by the dis- 
tinguished writer Mas Latrie under the following heads : — 

i. Security of person and liberty in transactions. 

2. Jurisdiction and irresponsibility of consuls. 

3. Right to places of business, churches and grave- 


4. Individual responsibility. 

5. Renunciation of the right of escheatage. 

6. Reciprocal abandonment of piracy. 

7. Protection of wrecks and abolition of right to 


8. Admission of strangers under an allied flag. 

9. Permission to freely transport, store and sell mer- 

chandise, and to collect payment. 
10. Free exportation of unsold goods. 



At first those traders who ventured to remain on 
shore found shelter only in the fandaks or caravan- 
sarais in which they transacted their business. 
- Ultimately they monopolised certain of these 
buildings, and as their numbers increased the various 
nationalities segregated in separate buildings, sometimes 
veritable little strongholds, each internally administered 
by an elected chief, in whose authority we have the 
germ of consular jurisdiction. An inconvenience which 
had early to be guarded against by treaty, was the 
custom of holding the consul or chief responsible for the 
debts of those under his charge. This was presumably 
the original condition on which jurisdiction was granted, 
and was thoroughly in accord with the patriarchal 
system upon which the Moorish administration is 
based. 1 

The oldest treaty 2 at present available* was signed at 
Tlemcen by the Beni Marin ameer, Ali V. (Abu'l Hasan), 

The oldest w * tn Majorca as the other contracting party. 

Available Treaty. It was to remain in force for ten years, and 
1339 - stipulated that the subjects of either country 
should be at liberty to visit the other with merchandise 
of every description, the freedom of their persons, goods, 
ships and interests being guaranteed on sea or land. 
Thus it was that, even during the piracy days, ships 
bound for Morocco itself were free, just as on the desert 
the traveller who claims an Arab's hospitality will be 
protected by the very man who otherwise would have 
despoiled, perhaps have murdered, him. By the same 
treaty the export of wheat was forbidden, as also that 
of beans, hides, cows, goats, and arms, but all else might 

* Primaudiae mentions (apparently on the authority of Caffaro) a treaty 
signed in 1161 between the Genoese and Yakub el Mansiir, who, however, 
only commenced to reign in 1184. 

1 See p. 224, foot. 2 Given in Mas Latrie's Traite's pt. ii., p. 192. 


pass on paying the usual dues. Goods to be submitted to 
the ameer were not to pay the duty levied on all other 

Twenty years had not passed when the question of 
jurisdiction was placed on a federal footing by an 

„ . . , agreement with Pisa. 1 But first it was essential 

: tonal ° 

Hon. to admit the principle of individual responsi- 

1358. bility,* which being done, it was enacted that 
questions between foreigners should be submitted to their 
consuls, with right of appeal to the kadi in disputes with 
natives.f It was also stipulated that, contrary to Muslim 
law, the property left by foreigners dying in Morocco 
should not be escheated to the State. At the same time 
the right of requisitioning one in three of any empty 
foreign vessels for the service of the State was accorded, 
hire to be paid, and the consuls to make the selection. 
No doubt the convenience thus afforded was one of the 
main inducements to the Moors to facilitate the develop- 
ment of maritime relations. 

Thus were the foundations laid of still existing privi- 
leges, for whatever may be said about the manner in which 
the Moors fulfil obligations, it must be acknow- 
ledged that, in principle if not in practice, they 
have always held to the engagements of their ancestors. 
Even in the absence of "most favoured nation" clauses, it 
has seldom been a difficult matter to obtain for one what 
had already been accorded to another. When at last 
1585. England appeared on the scene, it was only 

* Art 3. — "Che se alcuno mercatante de' vostri fa alcuno fallo, che ne 
debba esser puniti, cive nella persona e nell' haver suo ; e se' 1 mercatante 
muore, che il suo havere lo quale ha tra le mani, che non debba esser 

rt 11. — "E quando la questione fune dal Saracino al Cristiano, che 
torni alia ragione de' Saraceni e de' loro cadi." 

1 See Tkonci, Annale dc Pisa, and Fanucci, Storia dci trc celebri Pofioli deW Italia, 
vols, iii., iv. 


to obtain an edict from Ahmad V. that English subjects 
should not be molested or enslaved, 1 a privilege already 
long enjoyed by others, and immediately infringed, for it 
was with the opening of the seventeenth century that the 
Moorish pirates most effectually terrorised not only British 
merchantmen, but also British hamlets on our southern 
coast. 2 

The next important group of concessions — some of 

which had already been granted in practice, if not by 

„ . A treaty — were the result of long-spurned negotia- 

Appointment J ° L Q 

of consuls. tions re-opened by the French by force of 

1630. arms, when Razelli was commissioned a second 
time to check the growing power of the rovers. By 
the third of the treaties then drawn up, 3 signed at Saffi, 
i63i. the right to appoint consuls in all parts in which 
French interests existed was confirmed, Moorish ambassa- 
dors were empowered to settle disputes between Moors in 
France — a provision worthy of notice — corresponding 
power being confirmed to the ambassador or consuls 
of France in Morocco, each party to judge cases brought 
against its own subjects, without appeal to the other. 
Freedom was accorded for Christian priests to travel 
D . . , in the country, but only for the benefit of 

Priests atid J ' J 

Captives. those of their own nationality. A subsequent 

1635 - treaty, signed by the same parties, directed 
specially against the rovers of Salli, stipulated that on 
both sides captives should be liberated without charge, 
and that France might attack any port that refused to 
comply in this matter. This was a most important con- 
cession, for it put an end to the favourite Moorish tactics 
of denying responsibility, and doubtless it was in view of 

1 Hakluyt, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 177 ; and Kerr's Voyages, vol. vii. 

2 See Forster's Life of Sir John Eliot, 1864, vol. i., pp. 193, 317, 320, 428, etc.; and 
contemporaneous writers ; also Record Office, Dom. Series, vol. 1625-6, pp. 10-341, and 
vol. 1635-6, p. 303. 

3 See Tableau des Elab. franc, en Algerie, 1841, p. 418. 



this that war was afterwards declared against Gibraltar, 
while desiring to remain at peace with England.* 

The only other concession of importance in that century 
was the acceptance by the Moorish government of the 
responsibility for the payment of debts due 
from its subjects to foreigners, which had grown 
out of the impossibility of otherwise collecting 

v ilnlity 


1684. them. Ismail wrote to Sir Cloudesley Shovel, 
"As for the English merchants that are here resident, 
their debts shall be satisfied, which being done, none shall 
remain in my country." 1 If no greater haste was displayed 
in discharging these obligations than is experienced by the 
European merchants in Morocco to-day, it may be well 
understood how it came to pass that the English 
merchants of those clays remained. On the other hand 

* See chapter xvi., p. 340. 

1 Letter preserved by OCKLKY. 


the Moors were allowed to prevent those foreign merchants 
whose debts were unpaid from leaving the country. As 
1844. recently as the French bombardment, the 
English vice-consul at Mogador was detained in the town 
when the others embarked, on account of his indebtedness 
for customs dues, 1 which were formerly paid in goods as 
required. At present, although this right is no longer 
enforced, all foreign claims on natives are presented 
to the Government for collection, and as they are most 
reluctantly paid, it is the custom to allow them to accumu- 
late until their total warrants the despatch of a gunboat to 
support the demands, when the most pressing are dis- 
charged to keep the cannon silent, and the rest are carried 
forward to a new account. 

The most important concessions of all, perhaps, were 

obtained in the eighteenth century, which opened in one of 

the blackest of Moorish epochs, the long reign 

important of Mulai i sm &ii_then just half through— and 

Concessions. J ^ 

closed upon the wise administrations of Sidi 
Mohammed XVII. and Mulai Sula'i'man II. Ismail issued 

1704. an edict to Fray Diego, a Spaniard, to administer 
justice among all the Christian captives, but the friar 
refused to accept the charge, and appointed laymen. 2 

1721. During the same reign Stewart signed the first 
of England's important treaties, 3 one of the stipulations of 
which was mutual permission for the examination of the 
passports carried by the vessels of either party. 

1728. This was confirmed and extended by Russel, 4 

the new agreement containing several fresh concessions; 

e.g., Moorish subjects (including Jews) to be free 

Treat m\ f n 1728 to traffic for thirt y da >" s onl >" in Gibraltar or 
Minorca, and to be free to leave ; questions 

between Englishmen and natives to come before the 

1 Murray, vol. i., p. 101. 2 De el Puerto; Godard, p. 531. 

3 Hertslet's Collection, vol. i., p. 89. 4 Ibid., vol. i., p. 93. 


:rnor and consul ; native servants of British subjects 

• free from all taxation ; all British subjects captured 
in any vessel to be free ; provisions for Gibraltar or for 
the British fleet to be purchasable duty free in any port. 

173*. It was next agreed that British subjects 

taken on prizes should be delivered to their consul, 1 and 

1750. later they obtained the important concession of 
Inviolability of domicile and property, excepting on a 
special order from the sultan. 2 By a subsequent convention 

1752. the Dutch secured trial by the sultan alone — 
with the consul present — of a foreigner charged with 
killing a Moor. 

But the most satisfactory treaty of the period had yet 
to come, being that of De Breugnon for France, signed 
, , u , at Marrakesh. 3 After introducing the " most 
favoured nation " principle, so far as port dues 
were concerned, it stipulated that the French 
might appoint as many consuls as they liked, in ports or 
Other places, who should have precedence over all others, 
and who should pay no customs dues ; native clerks, inter- 
preters, couriers and other official employes, were not to 
be interfered with in the discharge of their duties ; their 
persons and domiciles in any place whatever should be 
respected, and they should pay no imposts ; freedom of 

hip in their homes was guaranteed, Christians of other 
nationalities being free to be present; the sultan, or his 
highest local representative, was to decide between Moors 
and Frenchmen, without the interference of the kadi, the 
same right being reserved to Moors in France ; the consul 
might be present to defend a fellow countryman, but not 
to be considered responsible for him, or for his or other 
debts ; French vessels to be subjected to no search for 
slaves after notification had been given to the local 

1 Hfrtslet, I.e., p. 95. 2 Ibid., p. 96. 

:! Martens' Recueil, vol. i., p. 57 ; Tal>. de* Etal>. fr. en A/^-., 1841, p. 422. 
2 C 


authorities of their arrival, that precautions might be 
taken to prevent slaves escaping to them ; the French 
were to be at liberty to take refuge from their enemies in 
Moorish ports, but the Moors were not to venture within 
thirty miles of France ; commerce was to be unrestricted, 
and no duty charged on unsold articles. 

With the exception of the abolition of slavery altogether, 
1816. there is little to add to this list till the signing 

Existing Privileges. Q f the treat i es now fa fo rce> Jh e most important 

1856. of these were arranged by England shortly 
before the Spanish war, all privileges previously granted 
being therein re-stated and confirmed. Spain obtained 
little of general interest by her treaties after the war — only 
the provisions for religious worship quoted elsewhere* — 
and the subsequent treaties have only affected tariffs and 
minor regulations, such as lighthouse, posts and telegraphs. 4 - 
There is now reciprocal freedom of trade between 
Morocco and all other countries,^ and the subjects of all 
having treaty relations with this Empire are at 

Summary of Rights. . 

liberty to hire and build in the treaty ports or 
royal cities, where, if necessary, the Moorish authorities 
are to provide them with sites on building lease. § Travel 
is also free, within the limits of the sultan's actual authority, 

* Chapter xv., p. 328. 

f As there is no Government postal service in Morocco, native courier 
services have been established by the English, French and Spanish Govern- 
ments, and some few enterprising individuals whose revenue is principally 
derived from philatelists. The English laid the first cable, from Gibraltar, 
in defiance of the Moors, when once permission had been obtained, and the 
Spaniards have since followed suit from Tarifa. Both land near Tangier, but 
neither extends inland as yet. 

X The Commercial Privileges are summarised in chapter xix. 

§ This clause has been extensively acted upon in the past in some of the 
coast ports ; but as, owing to the absence of other accommodation, the lessees 
have refused to budge when the lease expired, and have often found ways of 
expending all the subsequent rental on repairs, the Moorish Government has 
not been tempted to experiment further in this direction, and things remain at 
a standstill. 


with certain police precautions.* Consuls maybe appointed 
to any port or city they may find most convenient for the 
affairs of their country \^ they may have places of worship, 
and may hoist their national flags at all times on their 
bouses or in their boats ; if not engaged in trade they pay 
DO duties or taxes ;J they and their employees are at 
liberty to go and come as they please. 

Subjects of friendly nations are exempt from all taxes 
or impositions, from military service on land or sea, from 
forced loans, and from all extraordinary contributions. 
Their domiciles and other premises are to be respected, 
and may not be arbitrarily visited or searched. They are 
free to exercise the rites of their own religions, and have 
their own burial places. Mohammedan and Jewish subjects 
of foreign Powers enjoy equal privileges with others. 
1 deserters from one of the contracting parties may not be 
received into the service of the other. Freedom to depart 
or dispose of their goods is assured to all foreigners, 
whether in peace or war. In the absence of a will or heirs 
the administration of the estate of foreigners who die in 
Morocco lies in the hands of the consul. 

To the foreign consular officials also is reserved the 
settlement of all disputes and claims among foreigners 

* Which practically mean paying high wages to two makhaznts or 
policemen who act as drags on the party, annoying the country people, 
demanding supplies, and preventing their employers from leaving the beaten 
track, or running the imaginary risks which lend such flavour to accounts of 
travel— in short, who tyrannise over the intruding infidels, and make what 
they can out of them. Residents generally dispense with their services, 
although, in case of theft or attack, the Moorish authorities will dispute the 
claim on them for damages, on the ground of " neglect of police precautions," 
which half a century ago were required within a mile of Tangier I 1 

t Fez lias only been occupied for the last few years, and there is 
urgent need for another consul at Marrakesh, if not at Mequinez. 

>r a detailed case of flagrant abuse of these privileges see The Times of 

:, 1 'icember 14th, 1889. 

1 For travelling in Morocco see The Land of the Moors. 


Extra-territorial without native intervention, and so are all 
jurisdiction. charges or claims brought by Moors against 

foreigners, each consular official trying those of his own 
nationality. Moors charged by foreigners are, on the other 
hand, to be tried by the native courts, foreign officials 
having the right to be present. Moorish claims must be 
made through the Moorish authorities, who have a right to 
be present during the trial. The right of appeal is reserved 
on either side. 

These stipulations regulate the most important feature 
of the rights of foreigners in Morocco, and their just 
observance raises the most intricate and difficult questions. 
As the colonies of foreigners have grown, and the number 
of conflicting national interests has further complicated 
the situation, new problems have been introduced which 
have yet to be solved. What seems a simple matter when 
the subjects of two nations only are concerned, assumes a 
very different aspect when co-defendants, witnesses and 
others are introduced who owe allegiance elsewhere, and 
sometimes half a dozen nationalities or more are impli- 
cated in one case, to the hopeless confusion of justice. 
Mixed tribunals, such as exist in Egypt, have been pro- 
posed, and may yet be established, with all their faults, 
for the present happy-go-lucky system has become 

Another feature introduced by this privilege, which still 
further complicates matters, is the formulation of intricate 
Foreign National local regulations for the government of the 
Regulations. various nationalities, such as the special Parlia- 

mentary laws which formerly existed for the benefit or 
otherwise of British subjects in Morocco, 1 and the "Queen's 
1889. Regulations " more recently issued by the Privy 
Council to supersede them. It would be out of place here 
even to summarise the twenty closely-printed two-column 

1 Hertslet's Collection, vols, v., p. 503, and x., p. 923. 


pages of the London Gazette} wherein are contained the 
involved provisions of this formidable Order in Council, or 
the subsequent additions and emendations which have 
been found necessary. But it is worth while noting that 
therein, " Whereas by treaty, grant, usage, sufferance and 
Other lawful means, Her Majesty the Queen has power 
and jurisdiction in relation to Her Majesty's subjects and 
others within the dominions of His Majesty the Sultan of 
Morocco and Fez," a Consular Court for Morocco has been 
established — subject to the Supreme Court of Gibraltar — 
presided over by the principal local consular officer, 
assisted in certain cases by assessors chosen from among 
the available British subjects ox proteges. Appeal is to the 
Gibraltar Court, and thence to the Privy Council ; but in 
criminal cases special permission for this must be obtained 
from the Council. British subjects in Morocco are required 
to annually register themselves, and pay a fee of half-a- 
crown for a certificate. A ruinous scale of fees appertains 
to this order. 

Even in the absence of these regulations, the treaties 

quoted have prevented Morocco from becoming an asylum 

for fugitive offenders, since warrants issued in 

fenders. ° 

Europe can always be executed here, the Moorish 
Government being bound to assist in the capture and 
transportation of foreigners on the demand of their consuls. 
Moreover, the consular courts have the power to deport 
foreign subjects without appeal, a power that has several 
times been exercised, especially by the Spaniards. The 
only fugitives from justice to whom Morocco is open are 
those insignificant convicts who from time to time escape 
from the Spanish preszWws, or the occasional deserters from 
the Algerian army, who are content to " turn Moor," and 
leave no traces of their miserable lot The apparent 
lawlessness of the country has indeed tempted experiments 

1 Friday, December 13, 1889. 


in the introduction of gambling establishments, and a few 
years ago a serious effort was made to establish a Moroccan 
Monaco at Tangier. After a brilliant commencement, 
1889. free-handed largesse to the local charities and 
all who would accept it, heavy debts were incurred on 
every side, and the promoter decamped. Morocco offers 
no field for this class of foreigners, and though the moral 
standard of those at present here may not be of the 
highest, it is certainly no lower than that of southern 
Europe, while it is much higher than is met with in the 

The great trouble with which new arrivals have to 
contend is the difficulty of securing quarters, since the 
The Right to Moorish authorities are so averse to extending 
hold Property. t } ie limits of foreign-owned property, that every 
obstacle is thrown in their way. In this the Moors deserve 
our sympathy, as well as the homeless new-comers, 
condemned to hotels or inconvenient accommodation. 
Their experience in the past of legal, religious and social 
complications arising out of permission granted to 
foreigners to settle here, has made them extremely chary 
of allowing new occasions, and they have frequently paid 
heavy sums to secure their removal. It was therefore 
considered a magnificent stroke when in the Madrid 
1880. Convention a clause was inserted which had 
been kept out of all formal treaties, stating that "The 
right to hold property is recognised in Morocco as belonging 
to all foreigners." But this was, as is usual in Moorish 
tactics, saddled with the provision that " The purchase of 
property must take place with the previous consent of the 
Government," a consent which — it need hardly be said — is 
only granted when most urgently demanded by some 
energetic foreign representative, and not to be obtained 
by ordinary mortals unprepared to bribe with a free hand. 
Notaries or officials signing or permitting deeds of sale 


without express authorisation are severely punished, and 
the theoretic right is nothing more than the recognition of 
Ownership in the few cases in which it has been obtained 
with the formalities of native law. A most vexatious, 
even if a necessary, provision is that all disputes concerning 
property shall be decided by the native law, which leaves 
an open door both to intimidation and corruption. And 
the active opposition of the Moorish Government goes 
further than the vetoing of sales — which includes the 
incarceration and fining of would-be sellers who are 
unprotected — for, except at Tangier, building operations 
require special permits, and if these are not obtained, such 
workmen as may be induced to serve the Nazarenes are 
promptly arrested. The only way to evade this has been 
to import foreign labour, which has been done more than 
once with success. 

Among the important innovations of the enlightened 

reign of Mulai Sulaiman II. was the delegation to a 

U. SmMitai board composed of the foreign consuls in 

Tangier, of the right of exercising precautions 

1814- to prevent the re-introduction of the plague 

which had recently devastated the Empire.* To this 

day, therefore, the Foreign Sanitary Commission con- 

* A few years before an English vessel from Alexandria brought pilgrims 
and the plague to Morocco. The consuls applied to the sultan for permission 
to put the next arrival in quarantine, and in reply he sent a dateless letter 
granting their request, but sent a dated one to the customs administrators 
to tet them land, which was attended to, as having more weight than 
the other. In consequence, out of ten thousand in Tangier, in a few months 
two thousand two hundred and thirty-four died of the plague, and famine 
. <1, but an important lesson had been learned. 1 This juggling with 
letters is a favourite method. A letter authorising the erection of a British 
post office at Tangier was approved by Sir C. Euan-Smith, and returned for 
the sultan's signature, but on being examined before delivery, a sentence was 
found to have been added by which " the concession for the site had been 
entirely cancelled." It was therefore returned, and six hours later a satis- 
> document was delivered. 2 

1 Tho.massy, p. .109. - I'.lue Book, Morocco No. i, 1S92. 


trols all entries at Moorish ports from abroad. The 
presidency falls in turn to the chief foreign officials, 
who, in this matter, exercise unquestioned authority. 
Under their direction Mogador Island was long used 
as a lazaretto for pilgrims returning from Mekka, the 
principal centre of danger, and many local sanitary 
improvements have been effected. Although such pre- 
cautions are opposed to Muslim theory and practice, 
we find Ahmad V., — as quoted verbatim by El Ufrani, — 
writing to his son, Abu Faris, to disinfect in strong 
vinegar all letters received from the plague-smitten 
province of Sus, and then to make his secretary 
read them, touching nothing from that part himself, 
and fleeing when the first case should occur in 
Marrakesh. 1 

Another important step was a convention providing for 

the erection on Cape Spartel of a lighthouse at the ex- 

iheSfiartei pense of the foreign Powers interested, to be 

convention. maintained under their direction, but to be the 

18 ' property of the Moorish Government, and to 

be neutral in case of war. 2 It is managed by a committee 

formed of the foreign representatives in Tangier, who 

1892. preside in rotation. Notes were subsequently 

interchanged between Great Britain and France agreeing 

that a semaphore should be erected and managed at 

Cape Spartel by Lloyd's Committee, under the Moorish 

flag and guarded by Moorish soldiers ; to be closed 

during war, should any one of the Powers concerned 

require it. 3 

In a land where the very officials of friendly nations 

have suffered so much, it is not to be expected that 

Treatment o/ private individuals should have fared well, 

Foreigners. even though we eliminate from our reckon- 

1 See also En-NAsiri, vol. iii., p. 90. 

2 Hertslet's Collection, vols, xii., p. 658, and xiv., p. 375. 3 Ibid., vol. xix., p. 217. 


ing all that was suffered by prisoners and slaves.* In 

these "piping times of peace," when so much is made 
of every trifling insult or personal injury, it is worth 
while to recall what our predecessors in Morocco had to 
pass through, if only that we may appreciate the vast 
improvement which has taken place. Time was — and 
that not so very long since — when Europeans were not 
treated much better than Jews are now, and when it was 
the most difficult matter to obtain redress, or to bring 
an offender to book. How difficult soever this may still 
be to accomplish, it is accomplished now as it never was a 
century or two ago. 

A typical instance of what was considered in those days 
reasonable justice is afforded by the " true account of 
the Layton affair," as given by Jackson, 1 just 
a hundred years since. It appears that Mr. 
Layton, an English merchant, having inad- 
vertently deprived a Moorish woman of two of her teeth, 
it was impossible to satisfy her and the angry populace 
without applying the ancient law of " a tooth for a tooth." 
1 the case was brought before the sultan on appeal, 
according to treaty, when so clamorous was the woman 
that the sultan was obliged to make an order in com- 
pliance with that law, the merchant being induced to 
submit in consideration of leave to load a cargo of wheat. 
In consequence of his compliance, Layton was received 
into no small favour, the sultan even desiring the appoint- 
ment of so accommodating a Nazarene as British consul. 

Another instance of serious results arising from an 

accident was the removal, shortly before this time, of all 

Tumed. the foreign consuls from Tetuan to Tangier, on 

1772 - account of a native woman having been shot by 

* I n 1635, when help was sought against them from England, the Salleteens 
med all the English in the town, but this was only natural. 2 
1 p. 263. 2 P.R.Q., State Papers, 1635, p. 608. 


a European while hunting.* Two hundred years before, 
1601. an English watchmaker residing in Marrakesh 
ventured to box the ears of a shareef who had insisted 
on his taking the muddy side of the road. For this the 
fiery foreigner was promptly seized and condemned to 
lose the offending members, his hand and tongue. But 
Captain John Smith, who tells the tale, narrates that he 
being a favourite, three hundred of the king's guard broke 
open the prison and delivered him, " although the act was 
next degree to treason." \ 

One of the strangest letters ever penned by a Moorish 

sultan arose out of an assault by a shareef, or sacred 

Curious Royai noble, on M. Sordeau, the consul for France.f 

Letter. Mulai Sulaiman was forced to respect on one 

18 °' side the political rank of the complainant, and 

on the other the religious rank of the assailant, and in his 

dilemma wrote a personal letter to M. Sordeau. 2 After 

assuring him of his kindly feelings to him as a " guest," 

the sultan continues : 

* " Those who were charged to put these orders in execution went about it 
with so much rigour that one would have thought the place had been taken by 
storm. The foreign merchants were to go and settle at Tangier, where there 
were no houses for them ; but the Emperor means to force them to build their 
own habitations. . . . The European Jews must undergo the same fate, unless 
they will take the black habit, like those of the country." {Annual Register, 
1772, p. 142.) 

t Much was made in the newspapers, some years ago, of a very similar 
incident which occurred to Signor Scovasso, then Italian Minister in Tangier. 
Passing through the since demolished gate at the head of the main street, in 
the crowd of a Ramadan afternoon, the old gentleman used his cane on the 
bare legs of an ignorant Drawi to clear a way; in a moment the hungry man's 
knife was out, and would have been used but for the timely interference of 
other natives. Of course, the telegraph flashed alarming news of the " outrage," 
and every sort of reparation was demanded by the Press. The poor fellow 
was cast into gaol, lashed till nearly dead, and an apology "was offered to 
"offended Italy." On the true state of the case being brought to the 
Minister's knowledge by my father, he at once objected to the contemplated 
further punishment of the man, whom he removed to the French hospital, 
and sent a daily allowance of food till well. 3 

l p. 871. 2 GRnBERG, p. 280. 3 See Times 0/ Morocco. 


"If you were not Christians, having feeling hearts, and 
patiently bearing injuries, after the example of your Prophet, 
whom God has in glory, Jesus the son of Mary, who, in the Book 
which He brought you in the name of God, commands you that 
if any person strike you on one cheek turn to him the other also ; 
and who (always blessed of God !) also did not defend Himself 
when the Jews sought to kill Him — from whom God took Him.* 
And in our Book it is said by the mouth of our Prophet, there is 
no people among whom there are so many disposed to good 
works as those who call themselves Christians ; and certainly 
among you there are many priests and holy men who are not 

The letter goes on to plead that the prisoner was insane, 
and begs compassion, in the name of the Most Merciful 


Hitherto the plea of sanctity on the part of criminals 
had always proved the greatest obstacle in the way of 
justice in these cases, but at length it was 
recognised as insufficient, though some time 
had yet to elapse before prompt punishment could be 
obtained for shareefs, and even now the feeling of the 
people is so strong that such questions still present great 
difficult}'. At last a shareef who had fired on a French 

1842. boat was flogged for it, though not till the 
demand was enforced by the presence of a man-of-war, 

1855 and later a shareef was put to death for 
murdering a European. The victim was this time again 
a Frenchman, M. Rey, and it was only by the united 
action of the diplomatic body that this victory was 
won, and since then the question has never been raised. 
At present, although there is always the usual pro- 
crastination and shuffling, assaults on Europeans, by 

An allusion to the statement in the Kor'an that Christ was not crucified, 
is taken from the Jews and replaced by another, bearing His likeness, 
without their knowledge. 


whomsoever committed, are invariably atoned for, the 
neighbourhood of the occurrence usually being heavily 
fined as well.* 

Consequently the lives and property of Europeans are 

as safe in Morocco, wherever the authority of the sultan 

is complete, as in any other semi-civilised land, 

Present Security. 

although to have a valid claim for damages, 
foreign travellers are supposed to be accompanied by two 

Photograph by W. Rudduck 

native policemen or makhaznis as guards. Every village 
at which a halt is made provides a guard for the night in 
its own interests, and throughout the lowlands journeys 

* The murder of the Herico family at Tangier in 1839 had led to diplomatic 
correspondence, and to some improvement in the position of foreigners. 1 
In a more recent case, in 1889, the murderer of Miss Jordan and her maid at 
Casablanca was shot in the presence of a guard from a Spanish man-of-war. 2 

1 See F.O. Docs., vol. ix. 

2 See The Times of Morocco, September 7, and October 19, 


are undertaken without fear.* Something of this state of 
things is doubtless due to the moral quality recognised by 

1858. Abd ei- Rahman II., who wrote that the Chris- 
tians, at least, kept their word, but that the Moors had 
neither word nor faith. And it is the proudest boast of 
English sojourners in Morocco that they have become 
known as " the people of one word."f 

* In 1897 the writer traversed the central plains on a Rover cycle, and 
although abundant curiosity was manifested, no more troublesome interference 
was encountered than occasional attempts to ascertain by applying a dagger 
what the Dunlops really contained. Yet the Regent thought it necessary to 
send a special request not to use them in the city, lest some fanatic might 
venture to attack such strange apparitions — which the natives took at first 
si^ht to be "flying devils!" Others, who had heard of the marvellous 
methods of locomotion in " Nazarenedand," jumped at once to the conclu- 
sion that they were railway trains, and sadly exclaimed, " Alas ! the Land 
Steamer's come I" — to them a sure indication that the foreigners were taking 
-don of the Maghrib. 

r But that they have not always borne this character is shown by a circular 
letter issued by Mohammed XVII., 1 who, however, was at that time greatly 
influenced by Spanish intrigues against England. 

" In the name of God : to all the Consuls. Peace to him who followeth 
the right way. 

" Know ye that for these thirty years we have observed the conduct of the 
English, and studied their character ; we have always found that they never 
keep their word. We never could dive into their character, because they 
have no other than that of telling lies." 

1 Given in full in the Annual Register lor 1788, p. 294. 





THE influence of the commercial instinct of the Moors 
has left its traces on all their dealings with Europe.* 
In the thirteenth century we find the trade between 
Marseilles and Ceuta regulated by statute, 1 and already 
wine was one of the imports. At the same 
time Venice and Flanders were supplied with 
sugar from Morocco, the best being from the province 
of Sus. In a list of merchandise for sale in Flanders 
at this period, 2 among the imports from Morocco 
there figure also wax, skins and cummin, and from 
Sajilmasa (now Tafilalt) dates, a list which might have 
been excerpted from any present-day market report.f The 
only noteworthy object is sugar, the cultivation, though 

* The disapproval by the Muslim theologians of the increasing commerce 
with "infidels" has been rather directed against the evil habits introduced 
thereby than against the trade, though many have desired complete isolation as 
the sole method of maintaining their standard of life. It is a mistake therefore 
present them as opposed to commerce itself. En-Nasiri discusses 
this question in vol. iv., pp. 266-270 Ali Bey heard a sermon on the subject 
in the chief mosque of Tangier. 3 

t In the tenth century Ibn Haukal 4 gives as the produce of Morocco black 
and white slaves, saddle-mules, coarse cloth, coral, ambergris, gold, honey, 
silk and goat-skins. 

1 In 1238. Mas Latrie's Traitcs, pt. ii.. p. 89. > Ibid., p. 99. 

J Sp. Ed., vol. i., p. 62. -i 7 runs., OisiiLKY, i8co, p. 16. 



- not the consumption, of which has long since ceased in 
Morocco. At one time the value of Moorish sugar was 
such that it was exchanged, weight for weight, against 
Italian marble. An interesting parallel with the condition 
of things to-day is the existence of a petition from the 
magistrates of Barcelona to the ameer Yusef IV., 1 
1302. requesting permission to export wheat "at 
customary prices," which shows that even then they 
sought no innovation. It is also noteworthy how European 
traders of those days made their way up country, 2 quite 
as freely, it appears, as at the present time. 

English merchants seem to have been considerably 
behind those of the Mediterranean in their Morocco 

ventures,* although they have since so fully 
English made up for lost time. The title of a quaint 

report included in the Hakluyt collection, 3 runs : 
" The Originall of the first Voyage for Traffique into the 
Kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie in the yeere 1 55 1, with 
a tall ship called the Lion, of London ... of about an 
hundred and fifty tunnes." This " gallant merchant ship," 

* Although the story of the famous Whittington — whose birth occurred 
about 1358, and whose successful venture with his cat must have taken place 
about 1375 — as it is popularly told, makes the people with whom the ship 
traded Moors, this cannot be accepted as showing commercial relations with 
Morocco. The actual scene of the occurrences described appears to have lain 
in Algeria, if not on the Guinea coast, where independent history tells of the 
wreck of a Portuguese with a cat. A similar story had already been told by 
Wassaf, the Persian, who referred it to 1219. It is, moreover, known that the 
first cat sent to South America fetched six hundred "pieces of eight." It is 
doubtful whether pussy was ever unknown in Morocco, where occasional 
plagues of rats still devastate the crops. A History of Richard Whiltington, 
published in Durham, says the venture was to " Barbary, a rich country in- 
habited by the Moors, not before known to the English," and the author of 
the Memoirs of George Barnwell (181 1) says the events concerned Algiers 
and its Dey. The use of the much-abused word " Moors " is no indication, as 
it might mean any African nation. See also Sir Walter Besant's Life of 

1 Mas Latrie's Traitcs, p. 29. 2 See Godard, p. 421. 

3 1810 Ed., vol. ii., p. 467. 


pre are told, brought to Saffi and Agadtr linen, woollens, 

cloth, coral, amber, jet, etc.; and returning took sugar, 
dates, almonds, and " malassos, or sugar syrrope." From 
Italian sources we learn that at the same time " Mequinez 
honey" was exported to Egypt. 1 Was this treacle?* 

The promise of this nascent trade — the honour of com- 
mencing which was however disputed by others- — appears 
t<> have aroused much interest among the courtiers of 
"Good Queen Bess." We find her establishing a corres- 
pondence with the ameer, portions of which are still extant 
1577. in the Public Record Office, 3 and sending to 
him as ambassador Mr. Edmund Hogan, who appears 
to have concerned himself chiefly with procuring "salt- 
peter." 4 There were then already settled in Marrakesh 
several English, French, Flemish, Portuguese and other 
merchants, many more, indeed, than there are to-day. 
Among the notable Morocco speculators of that date were 
the Earls of Warwick and Leicester, who obtained letters 
patent from their royal mistress for trade with this country 
under " certaine priuiledges." A special charter was also 
1585. granted to an " Exeter Company of Barbary 

What the result of these ventures was we do not know, 

but in competition with other fields of greater promise the 

Barbary trade appears to have lost interest for 

nearly a century ,f till about the time that the 

British cast their eyes and hands on Tangier. 

Then we read in the Tangier Colonial Correspondence 5 of 

The Moorish equivalent for treacle is "sugar-honey." 
f In 1635 the trade of " Barbary merchants" with Morocco was restricted 
i') certain ports, 6 and in 1639-40 an Order in Council was issued directing all 
their vessels to go first to Saffi. 7 

SO, Pratt lea della threat ura. 
2 "Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inwenter of this trade." {J bid., I.e.) 
'■ .Modern Royal Letters, Second Series, No. 34, Emperor of Morocco. See page 337. 
; Hakluyt, vol. ii., pp. 541, 602. » Record Office, No. 48, p. 120. 

*> P. R.O., State Papers, vol. 1635, p. 533. " Ibid., vol. 1639-40, p. 379. 

2 D 


"The Barbarie Discovery," no less than a castle and several 
islands (presumably at Mogador) " near Morocco and the 
Garden of Barbarie, a good harbour, where for English 
manufactures may be had wheat, barley, horses, camells, 
saltpeter, beeswax, goat-skins, dates, ambergris, etc., which 
would save long voyages to India, supply Tangier and the 
Caribe Islands, secure our trade to the southward, etc." 
But this Dorado was not for us, who were so soon after to 
abandon even mismanaged Tangier. 

We did not, however, abandon our trade altogether, for 
two hundred English vessels are stated to have visited 
Salli during one year in Mulai Ismail's reign, 1 as against 
twelve French vessels in five months, and in the year that 
1684. Tangier was given up two Englishmen, Nash 
and Parker, who had been enslaved by the pirates, on 
obtaining freedom set up in business at Tetuan. Braith- 
waite, writing forty years later, declares 2 that they " were 
the first English merchants in the country, and made 
fortunes before leaving." An explanation of the success 
of such men as these is afforded by a foreign writer in the 
suggestion that while the Spanish and Portuguese were 
prohibited by their ecclesiastics from amicable intercourse 
with infidels, the English heretics traded with them freely. 

Not many years before this, Roland Frejus had landed 

at Alhucemas and made his way to Mulai Rasheed II. at 

1666. Taza — where he was much pleased with the 

Early dignified bearing and style of the sultan — but 

Concessionnaires. ... . . . , . . . c . 

in his object to obtain concessions lor a 
" Compagnie d'Abouzeme " to trade on that coast, he 
was unsuccessful. 3 He was described by Mouette as- a 
false ambassador, whose letters were too cringing to 
effect their purpose, 4 and, indeed, he seems but to have 
been a private adventurer. This was only one of 

1 Thomassy, p. 216. 2 p. 85. 

3 See his own account, pub. 1670. 4 Histoirc, p. 96. 



fte many attempts to secure such concessions which 
have been made from the first, some with a show ,,f 
success, though few achieved anything brilliant. Amon • 
"ther ventures worthy of note may be mentioned 
that of the Danes, who obtained through 
'n S3 Ptai " LUtZ0W for 5O.00O piastres a year 

Q H- a e "°" CeSsion of the exclusive commerce of 
Salh and Safifi, but who, unable nevertheless to compete 
with the merchants of Mogador and Laraiche, became 
bankrupt.*' The members of the embassy were arrested 
in Marrakesh on the ground that some Danes had 
without permission established a fortified post at Agadfr 
A s.m.lar attempt was made at Arkshtsh a decade later 
by an unfortunate Scotchman, George Glass 
"-ho was arrested by the governor of the Canaries, and his 
people at the newly-opened trading station were murdered 
™. by the Moors. At one time Spain obtained 
cave to export wheat from Casablanca at 8 okeas the 
fenega, mstead of the .0 paid at Mogador, as she took 
ormous quantities. An ordinary annual export was 
500.00O fanegas at 7 to 8 f c , each, fo.b. = f. Ks " 
urnois." 2 %-oj,/i4 

St. Olon informs us that in order to induce 

reign merchants to settle in Morocco, all sorts of favours 

-re held out to new-comers, till they were sufficie v 

;lvcd m the trade to be unable to leave without abat 

domng the.r assets.. The French, he says, had the 

antage of bringing their own manufactures-chiefiv 

-■ Paper, Fez" caps, and piece goods of low value- 

• "ever cash, always taking back more native produce 

'to 'Co' IZTv'v ,' C r U J r ° Pham —""i-.cs an offer of the 
'n dZs' a ^ r ? ghSh ' hc duli - re «-"e a, Tangier for 35,000 

Raw's account of the missio „ , ■ amumti p 3l6 

4 F.O. Does. 


than their goods were worth. 1 Between them the Jews 
and the Christians did all the trade, Cadiz being the port 
of trans-shipment, a position which was later usurped by 
Gibraltar, and now no longer exists, in these days of direct 
steam services. 

The merchants who were in early days attracted by 

the doubtful chances of great profit in this trade 

seldom bore high characters, and the French 

Character of ° 

Merchants. Consulate at Salli had to be suppressed — and 

1718 - finally removed to Saffi* — because the French 
merchants had ruined their credit there by bad behaviour/ 
Their interested intermeddling in the traffic in Christian 
slaves is dealt with elsewhere,-)- and the influence of 
their surroundings seems to have had full effect. \ Later 
on the Moorish government ventured to correct their prac- 
tices. Mulai Sulaiman II. went so far as to arrest an English 
merchant of Mogador, who was also the Dutch agent, for 
importing stuffs of an inferior quality, and sent him bound 
overland to Tangier, where he was delivered up to his 
consul-general with notice to quit the country within six 
months. 3 Similar rigour in these days of cut-down 
prices and demand for cheapness would not leave many 
merchants to trade, and it is not surprising that even at 
that time the sultan found the foreign trade at such low 

* Apparently only opened to trade with the English in 1790. 4 

t See chapter xiv., p. 280. 

% A well-known English lady resident recently gave it as her own ex- 
perience that during her first year in Morocco she had been terribly shocked 
by the lies she heard ; by the end of the second she had grown accustomed 
to them, and during the third year she almost began to tell them herself. 
In this connection it is worthy of note that most English people with a 
limited experience of foreign countries, especially when they only know one, 
believe it has been their misfortune to have settled in the most dishonest 
country in the world. A wider acquaintance with non-Protestant peoples 
would have shown that a difference of standard accounts for this fact, and 
that few others expect to be implicitly believed. 

1 p. 143. 2 GODARD, p. 551. 3 THOMASSY, p. 407. 

4 F.O. Docs.. Morocco, vol. xvii., No. 16. 


ebb after the battle of Trafalgar, that he threatened to 

close his ports if no more vessels came.* 1 

Yet this was the period when most concessions wen- 
made to foreign merchants, as the need of encouraging trade 
was so strongly felt. The Europeans who had 

been attracted to the new port of Mo^ador by 

1770. l to J 

offers of peculiar facilities were permitted to 

form a tribunal of commerce, the sentences of which were 

enforced by the government. By this arrangement the 

merchants practically ruled the town, and even governors 

were removed or punished on their demand. 2 This 

wonderful concession was due chiefly to the influence of 

the Genoese representative, Giuseppe Chiappe, to whom 

the sultan almost owed his throne, and it was power well 

1788. exercised. Some years later the consular body 
met to discuss and elaborate a scheme for the reorganisa- 
tion of the customs system, which shared the usual fate of 
such documents in Morocco. 3 Yet in the same year the 
Only two English merchants then in the country were im- 
prisoned by a prince to extort money, even while an English 
embassy was at Court. 4 Early in the present century 

1825. Consul Douglas wrote that trade with Morocco 
was entirely in foreign vessels, even if some were British 
owned, and that not a British seaman was to be seen in 
fangier. 5 

* In 1807 Mulai Sulaiman wrote: — "To all the merchants at Mogador, 
Muslims, Christians, and Jews, greeting. I have found that this town does not 
contain any of the merchandise needed in this country. The reason is that 
y<>u do not import into the country any of those goods which pay duty, which 
is of no more benefit to me than the ballast you discharge. I wish you 
to bring goods useful for the country and the Court. As for myself, God 
mted that I should need nothing. I have instructed Ben Abd es-Sadok 
that every merchant who does not import useful things, or who only brings 
lallast, shall be at once sent away with his vessel empty. He will give 
you time to send this news to your friends. Peace be with you." ti 
dard, p. 577. - Chaillet? MSS. Report in R.G.S. Library. 

I' K Office, F.O. Docs., Morocco, No. 16, gives fall text. 4 Jardine, p. 40. 

». Docs., No. 34. tt Thomassy, p. 379. 


Things have greatly altered since then. Under the 
Present existing treaties absolute freedom of trade is 

commercial Rights, assured, and all monopolies or prohibitions on 
imported goods are abolished, " except tobacco, pipes of 
all kinds used for smoking,* opium, sulphur, powder, salt- 
petre, lead, arms of all kinds, and ammunition of war," and 
the only monopolies of exports are " leeches, bark, tobacco 
and other herbs used for smoking in pipes," but the export 
of any article may be prohibited, six months being allowed 
to dispose of existing supplies.-j- No imports may be pro- 

" No tax, toll, duty or charge whatsoever, beside export 
duty," may be imposed in the dominions of Morocco ; 
export duties may not exceed a tariff mutually agreed 
upon from time to time, and import duties may not exceed 
io % ad valorem. Goods transported by sea are not liable 
to a second duty, but a certificate that duty has been paid 
must be produced. Anchorage, pilotage and lighterage 
dues are fixed, the Moorish Government providing the 
lighters. Smuggling is punishable by fine or imprisonment, 
the amount of the former not exceeding treble the duty 
payable, or treble the value of prohibited goods, and the 
term of the latter not to exceed a year, the accused being 
tried by a British official or court. No foreigner is liable 
for debts contracted by another, unless he has made him- 
self responsible ; he may not be forced either to sell or 
buy. Debts contracted by Moors in Europe must be 
supported by documents signed before a British consular 
official or notary, which have full force in Moorish tribunals. 
No compulsion of any kind may be exercised with 
foreign vessels in Moorish waters, and wrecks are to be 
" assisted in accord with the rules of friendship," the 

* But this monopoly having been abolished, and prohibition of narcotics 
substituted, the permission to import personal supplies has been abused till 
they are cheaper than ever. 

t Actually, wheat, barley, bones, etc., are prohibited. 



captain and crew being free to proceed to any place at any 
time they wish, special care being taken in the district of 
Wad Nun "to obtain and save them from those parts of 
the country." In case of war six months is allowed for 
subjects of the belligerent Power to depart. 

The reign of Mulai l\bd er-Rahman II. is marked by 

most noteworthy treatment of the foreign merchants. 

The sultan himself had been at one time 

customs administrator at Mogador, and had 

1822-1859. t hus come into contact with Europeans, and 




learned their ways. The remarkable system which he 
employed was to allow the merchants to run up large 
debts for customs dues, and even to borrow cash from 
the customs administrators on government account, till 
they were so bound to him that he could generally have 
his own way with them. The same plan was employed 
with the leading Jewish merchants, to keep one of whom 
:nt ten thousand dollars were once paid out in cash. 1 
All so situated had periodically to repair to the 
Court with valuable presents, worth thousands of dollars, 

1 Richardson, vol. i., p. 147. 


to obtain extensions of credit. It was estimated on 
one occasion that fifteen merchants thus presented 
European goods to the value of some fifteen thousand 
dollars, which the sultan afterwards sold. No interest 
was charged, and the debtors were never pressed for 
payment, though they were not allowed to leave the 
country while they remained in debt * and at their death 
their belongings were seized by way of settlement. " This 
ledger-management of a nation," says a contemporary 
writer, "is an effort of genius worthy of Mehemet Ali." 1 
At the same time debts incurred by natives were dis- 
charged by the sultan, who more than recouped himself 
from them and their families. But so many failures had 
occurred, and so many irresponsible Moors had obtained 
credit by means of a display of fine clothes in Gibraltar, 
through which most of the trade was then conducted, that 
1858. this responsibility was renounced 2 
Then followed the epoch of greatest prosperity at 
Mogador, at that time the chief port, where certain leading 
shippers gained for themselves the description 
shipping Q £ u h unc i rec i_tonners " from the minimum that 

A rrangements. 

they would ship at once ; a period of specula- 
tion since which trade has greatly declined on account of 
the competition of countries further removed, but more 
easily reached. In order to secure for themselves the 
advantages of steam service, since the Morocco ports lie 
out of the routes of through lines, the existing contracts 
were entered into with English and French companies. 
By these contracts the merchants undertake to ship all 
their goods at a certain price by those companies, in 
return for which the companies agree to maintain a regular 
service, and to pay certain annual sums to local charities, 
besides granting to shippers periodical free passes for 

* Cf. the case of a British vice-consul at Mogador in 1844. 
1 Urquhart, vol. i., p. 335. 2 Richardson, vol. i., p. 160. 


themselves and their families. At the end of each period 
fbr which a contract has been signed, there ensues a 
Struggle to improve the terms by means of invitations 
to ether lines to compete, by the employment of outside 
Is, or by the formation of a local company to create 
.in opposition.* 

The position of the merchants is no longer what it once 
was, although the total value of the trade has steadily 
increased, and Mogador retains traditions of 
its own ; relations between Europeans and 
natives — whether Moors or Jews — are better there than 
anywhere else on the coast. Tangier is perhaps the worst 
in this respect, for it has far too mixed and numerous 
a Kuropean population for them to maintain their position 
as can the little groups of merchants on the coast. Trade 
is no longer encouraged since the Europeans have so 
multiplied, and are so active in cutting down prices and 
pushing their goods that they are no longer courted, and 
the Jews have assumed such a position of importance in 
the foreign trade that foreigners begin to find things most 
unsatisfactory. The system of extended credits afforded 
by European houses is of itself productive of much harm, 
as every young clerk who can get a little credit obtains 
goods and sets up as a merchant, too often to fail. Many 
dispose, at cost price or less, of what they obtain to secure 
cash to invest in usury, a system which, more than any 
other, undermines healthy trade and precludes honest 
competition. Nearly all the foreign merchants now in the 
country came as clerks to their predecessors, since but few 
strangers succeed under the peculiar conditions existing. 

No one with an eye to business who knows the country 

* On the last occasion of a contested renewal, the "Salvador Steamship 
Company," formed for the purpose at Mogador, was able to sell out to the 
ting shipowners, Messrs. Forwood Brothers of Liverpool, returning 
the price of its shares with a bonus. 


can fail to see what opportunities it might be made to 
offer to the speculator or the man of solid business, 
if once opened up. But the mistake too often made is 
to suppose that in its present condition there is any real 
chance for honest dealing and for sound investments, 
unless supported by exceptional knowledge and abundant 

Without a thorough reform of the government — such 
as is not to be hoped for within measurable distance, 

or without a foreign occupation, for which it 
Hunting would be neither right nor politic to hope — no 

development by means of special grants and 
favours is to be expected. In former years monopolies 
were freely granted and as freely resumed, but a British 

* A few of the many difficulties which present themselves to new-comers, 
to say nothing of those which develop with time and experiment, are 
accurately set forth in the following paragraphs by an old resident at 
Mogador : — 

" In the first rank is the difficulty of obtaining house and store accommodation. 
In Mogador no European is allowed — though, in a few instances, the rule has 
been evaded — to live in the largest quarter of the town, the Madina, which is 
jealously reserved for the habitations of Mohammedans. In the Mellah, or 
original Jews' town, the drainage, accentuated by terrible overcrowding, is so 
bad that I cannot imagine any European wishing to live there. In the old 
Kasbah and the new, which form the quarter appointed for the residence of 
Moorish and foreign officials, principal merchants and so forth, house and 
warehouse room is so scarce that I am not aware of more than one commodious 
house having been vacant during the whole year, and for that a very high rent, 
judged by local standards, was paid. Most of the house property in this 
quarter belongs to the Moorish Government, which, with a liberality for which 
they are seldom given credit, allow a tenant to sublet Government property at 
rates enormously in advance of the original rent. The original rent of a 
medium sized ' Government*' house, strongly built, and containing perhaps 
ten lofty and fairly spacious rooms, with stores on the ground-floor, runs from 
^30 to ^50 per annum. To live outside the town walls is unsafe and 
impracticable. It is hoped that His Majesty the Sultan may ere long decide 
to build an extension of the new Kasbah. 

" Supposing the newly-arrived settler to have overcome the house difficulty, 
and not to be deterred by the laborious task of mastering sufficient Arabic and 
Shillhah to treat direct with his Arab and Berber customers, he is met by an 
alarming confusion of weights, measures, and coinage. On dutying his goods 

com i:ssion hunt/, vg 411 

1856. treaty put an end to .-ill that, except in the case 
of absolutely prohibited imports or exports, permission 
to traffic in some of which — as in narcotics or grain — lias 
heen occasionally granted to the highest bidder. The 
habit of taking presents in exchange for empty promises 
will always be one of the strong points of the wazeers and 
other office-holders. Like bones strewed around the den 
of some monster, a record of those who have failed in the 
hunt for monopolies or concessions would be the salvation 
of man\-, for, notwithstanding defeat, they still come. In 
all these chaotic States one knows the concession-monger, 
for whether Asia or Africa claims him, his style is the 
same, and too often his fate. Arriving with brave show 
of wealth, he is not at first glance to be distinguished from 

at the custom-house he finds that the 'quintal' in use there is a hybrid standard 
of comparatively recent invention — so far at least as Southern Morocco is 
concerned — being equal indeed to the English cwt., but divided into ioo lbs., 
instead of 112. As the ordinary small quintal of commerce equals 119 lbs. 
ftvoirdupois, and the 100 lb. quintal is strictly confined to the custom-house 
calculations, he is not surprised to learn that the duty itself is reckoned on a 
scale of 40 purely mythical ' silver ounces ' to the dollar, whereas in the 
market — generally speaking — that much depreciated coin is exchanged for 
125 very solid and very debased bronze ounces. On grain the duty is charged 
in Spanish vellon, and its bulk is estimated by fanega. Again, should he desire 
to sell tea, of which the importation, exclusively in English hands, is a 
considerable item, he must fix his price on a totally different scale of non- 
existent silver ounces, at the rate of 32^ to the dollar. 

" To turn from sales to purchases, he finds that of such produce as can be 
bought in town, almonds are sold by quintal of 119 lbs. avoirdupois, oil and 
beeswax per quintal of half as much again, wool, if in small quantities, by a 
1 pound ' in weight equal to nearly zdbs. avoirdupois, and sandarac by camel 
load, supposed to weigh 310 small Moorish pounds. 

"On extending his operations to the country markets, where much of the 
produce buying is done nowadays, he discovers that one tribe sells oil by 
measure, another by weight, the measures differing according to locality as 
much as the weights ; that in one district the lb. weighs 32 dollars, in another 
30 dollars, in another 36 dollars, and so on. In grain measure the same 
absence of uniformity exists. In Mogador the measure holds, at present, 
some 23 lbs. of new beans : in Saffi grain is sold by a khararbba of about 
'hr^e times that quantity ; and various markets much nearer Mogador have 
standards differing still more widely." 


the tourist, but his generosity soon gains him parasites, 
and presently a patronising tone becomes apparent, which 
reveals the man. His little ring of interested flatterers 
inflame his hopes, confirming him in self-conceit, till 
presently he starts for Court with a posse of hangers-on 
and plenty of presents. There arrived, his woes begin, 
for he soon perceives that there is not a man in the 
official class who cares a jot about his country or its 
welfare, and that all each can do is to pass him on 
" for a consideration " to the next above. Feasts he will 
have, if free with his gifts, or if the fame of his wealth 
has out-run him. Genial, polished and picturesque Moors 
will wait upon him and bid him welcome, dandies and 
patriarchs vying with one another to prove their attach- 
ment, one eager, the other supremely sedate, promising 
everything. But hope long deferred, and marked coolness 
when the fires of affection cease to be fed by gifts, over- 
come the stoutest, and most return vowing that there 
never could be a land with people more degraded than 
those of Morocco. 

Closely akin to the would-be concessionnaires are the 

adventurers who have from time to time attempted in vain 

to settle on the coast of Sus or beyond, in spite 

Attempted of the Shareefian Government and all its 


threats.* As all but one have failed, their 
stories would be here out of place, and only that one need 
be touched upon. It was the venture of the North- West 
1880. Africa Company, which bought from certain 
local chiefs a piece of reef at Tarfai'a, which they called 
Cape Juby, and a site on the adjoining mainland which 
they called Port Victoria. Notwithstanding the tenuity 
of the Shareefian authority in those parts, by which alone 
this was rendered oossible, the settlement was looked 
upon by the Moors as a menace which, if permitted, might 

* For details of these see The Land of the Moors, chapter xx. 


be imitated elsewhere. Affairs being further complicated 
1888. by a massacre of several of the European and 

other settlers by some of the neighbouring natives, 
negotiations with the British Government for its abandon- 
ment dragged on for some years, till the trade having 
proved disappointing, the adventurers agreed to sell out. 
By the intervention of the British Minister, the price of 
1895. ,£50,000 was obtained, in return for which the 
place was not only abandoned, but the sovereignty of the 
sultan was acknowledged to the Draa and Cape Bojador, 
the Moors agreeing never to part with any portion of that 
district without the concurrence of England. Tarfai'a was 
to be thrown open as a port at the regular customs tariff, 
but stores and boats were not to be provided by the 
Government till it so desired. Merchants wishing to 
settle there are to have land allotted to them on free 
building lease for twenty years, but there is no provision 
for renewal. 1 

Very few Europeans are as yet established in the 

interior of Morocco, and they only for a few years past ; 

the majority reside in the open sea-ports of 

HO/ Tetuan, Tangier, Laraiche, Rabat, Casablanca, 

Europeans. ' & ' ' ' 

Mazagan, Safih* and Mogador, to give them 
in their geographical order from east to west. The order 
in importance of trade is Tangier, mainly importation ; 
Mogador, the mart of Siis, exporting principally oil 
and gums ; Dar el Bai'da (Casablanca), w r ith a general 
wool and grain trade ; Saffi, the principal wool port ; 
Mazagan, exporting chiefly grains ; Rabat, most noted 
for its native manufactures; Laraiche, where goods are 
often landed for Fez, whence also oranges and small seeds 
are furnished ; and Tetuan, which does little more than a 
local trade. Up country, Europeans are almost exclusively 
represented by native agents or brokers — of whom the 

1 The memorandum is given in Hertslet's Collection. 


. larger proportion are Jews — enjoying foreign protection 

from native abuses. There is very little trade with the 

Spanish possessions, although it has been permitted with 

1866. Melilla by a special convention. 

From what has been recorded in an earlier chapter on 

the state of this country, it will astonish no one to hear 

that notwithstanding all their prejudices and 

system* 6011011 their bi g° tr y> the Moors are ready enough to 
avail themselves of the protection which is 
accorded by treaty to all foreign employees and business 
agents. To obtain it they pay highly for appointments 
which carry protection with them, so that instead of the 
foreigner paying his agents and native employees who 
are not his actual servants, there is a strong temptation 
before him to take money from them, and to get the work 
done as he can, the titular factor or place-man often 
defraying the cost of a substitute. In several notorious 
cases high foreign diplomatic officials have appointed 
secretaries who could not write, interpreters who only 
spoke their native tongue, and clerks who knew nothing 
of figures, but all of whom had the qualification of wealth, 
with a portion of which they were willing to part to secure 
the remainder.* 

It is easy for an outsider to condemn this system, but 
it is too much to expect a hard-working man, who has to 
choose between two applicants equally com- 
petent — one of whom requires pay while the 
other offers a premium — to select the former merely 
because he has no ulterior end to serve.")* And it is harder 
still to find a reason for so doing when the would-be 
protege has been the victim of gross injustice, and perhaps 

* Details of the flagrant case of a U.S. consul will be found in The Times 
of Morocco of 1889, especially December 14. 

f Abundant instances of the use and abuse of this system are to be found 
in the pages of The Times of Morocco. 



dare not return to his home till 
shielded by a foreign flag. The 
well-proven stories of woe which 
such men too often bring would 
alone be sufficient to justify any 
possible intervention from the 
philanthropist. Perhaps I should 
;o further, and say — as I can 
with extra weight as having 
j myself refused to grant any 

protections whatever, for 
money or not, 
except to one 
faithful servant 
whose life 
would hardly 
be safe without 
it — that there 
are few ways in 
which Euro- 
peans can bet- 
ter serve the 
Moors than 
by distributing 
right and left, 
to the utmost 
of their treaty 
rights, on the 
best terms they 
can m a k e : 
always, how- 
ever, provided 
that foreign 
officials as such 
be excepted, 
and that a 



foreigner who, having sold " protection," fails to protect, 
shall be liable to trial for obtaining money on false 
pretences, or at least for breach of contract. 

For consular and diplomatic officials to take money 

for protections should be made a high misdemeanour, 

tantamount to taking a bribe. This would 

a Remedy Q f- course me an raising" many salaries, since 

for A Ouse. ° J 

in many cases the inducement to accept the 
duty of a vice-consulship for no more than an office 
allowance is the power of affording remunerative protec- 
tion which the office confers, which is so great that these 
appointments are keenly sought after. Were such regula- 
tions introduced and enforced by a convention of the 
Powers, with or without the consent of Morocco, almost 
all the abuses of this protection system would disappear, 
and the Moorish Government would be brought face to 
face with a growing problem, the increase of which would 
compel it to institute much-needed reforms. So long as 
any of the European nations condemn the system, because 
it, like every other good thing, is abused, and hold out 
hopes to the sultan's advisers that it may be either re- 
formed or abolished in course of time, so long will its 
raison d'etre — wholesale misgovernment — continue. Let 
the European nations protect every Moor and Jew they 
can, upholding them through thick and thin till the 
Moorish Government yields and protects them itself. Let 
the Moors be clearly given to understand that the only 
solution of the protection question is the removal of 
the demand for it, and that so long as it drives its 
subjects to seek protection, this shall be afforded them.* 

As no European could make a living by wholesale 
trade in Morocco, were the right of protection withdrawn, 

* For opinions on the protection system as it exists, expressed by various 
foreign representatives, see The Times of Morocco, June 9, 16, and 23, July 7, 
and December 8, 15, and 29, 1888. 


«ind few could get servants or keep them, such 
a proposal as the abolition of this valuable 
right cannot be entertained for a moment. 
By its means alone have our merchants been able to 
do business with the Moors, and to live in peace in this 
country; nothing has clone more to raise European 
prestige from the abyss of tribute and slavery days to 
its present position, than this protection of natives. 
Beginning when piracy flourished, and when Christian 
slaves were sold by auction in Moorish streets, granted 
only to encourage a trade which could not exist without 
it, this right is now the pivot of foreign influence in 
Morocco. Abandon it, suffer it to be abused both in 
deed and word, or simply fail to enforce it, and the fight 
for the existence of the European settlers will daily 
grow more bitter, as trade decreases and prospects 
darken. Regulate it, enforce it, maintain it at every 
hazard, and in it Europe has a lever which can do more 
than anything else towards the opening up of the country. 
As matters stand, apart from official protection, granted 
to all employed in official service by foreign officials — 
which should be open to no increase — there are 
two sorts in the hands of laymen. Full pro- 
tection — that is, practically, transfer to the 
jurisdiction of a foreign government — is granted only to 
two brokers, or semsars, of each wholesale or foreign 
merchant in each business centre. Partial protection — 
which secures only that the holder, or mukhalat, may not 
he arrested, or his goods seized, without notifying the 
nearest consular agent of the protecting Power, who has 
a right to assist at the trial — is granted to agricultural 
partners, servants, and others entrusted with the interests 
of any Europeans anywhere. Each of these has its 
market value, which is regulated by the local influence 
and character of the protector. Those who are known 

2 E 


to stand by their men, and to have the ear of their own 
officials, command long prices ; but unfortunately, even 
among such, there are those who are not above taking 
money also from a hostile kaid or other official, as a 
bribe to abandon their proteges — a despicable Moorish 
custom known as "selling" the victim. Though this is 
more often perpetrated by the penniless fortune-hunters 
who live on the sale of protections alone, it lies at the 
door of not a few foreign officials, and wherever it could 
be proved it ought to meet with heavy punishment. 

From time to time efforts have been made to regulate 
the protection system, either by a single Power, or as at 
1880. the Madrid Convention, by the agreement of all 
Regulation concerned, but hitherto these have only defined 

the rights that existed, always ignoring the 
disgraceful traffic referred to.* The time has surely come 
for united consideration of this most important phase, and 
its recognition as an unavoidable practice, so long as the 
inducement remains. This is what wants regulation now, 
and the sooner the better. If it is complained that the 
Moors are by protection relieved of their taxes, this only 
refers to part of what they are supposed to contribute 
towards governmental protection which they do not receive. 
They cannot escape from justice by this means without 
the intentional connivance of European officials, since no 
one awaiting trial can be protected;! nor can anyone in 
Moorish official employ. On the other hand the great 
expense of maintaining a more highly paid consular staff 

* In consequence of the acknowledged failure of this convention to meet 
the requirements of the system, Spain proposed another conference in 1887, 
but on a change of ministry the project was abandoned. In the following 
year Sir W. Kirby Green proposed mixed native tribunals as an alternative for 
the protection of any natives but those officially employed, and this idea has 
been supported by many. It is excellent in theory, but offers serious dangers 
in practice. 

t See chapter xi., p. 228, note. 


would be more than met by fees and charges arising out 
of the work to be done, while commerce and foreign 
interests in Morocco generally would be greatly advanced. 
Altogether the possibilities latent in this protection system 
have yet to be put to the test. 

Foreign representatives may select their own employees, 
the protection of whom is limited to an interpreter, 
a guard (makhazni), two servants, and if necessary a 
native secretary (taleb). Native consular agents 
are allowed a protected guard only, but they 
and their families are protected. Such pro- 
tection extends only to the wife and minor branches 
of the family under the protege's roof, and the right 
is not hereditary except in the case of one family — the 
Benchimols — as stipulated by France in the Treaty of 
1863, and a few others who have since been included by 
other nations under the " most favoured nation " clause, 
but who must not exceed twelve in number for each 
nation. This privilege is reserved as a reward for special 
political services. 

Native factors, brokers and other business agents of 
foreign merchants importing or exporting wholesale in 
their own name or on commission are also fully protected, 
and these form the most numerous class, two such semsars 
being allowed in each town to each merchant. Proteges 
are furnished with certificates in the language of the 
employer and in Arabic, which state the nature of the 
services rendered. These certificates are issued only by 
the legations in Tangier, and are renewable yearly.* 

Natives so protected are, like foreigners, exempt from 
conscription and all taxes and imposts whatever, except — 
if cultivators or owners of cultivated land — an agricultural 
tax, and — if owners of beasts of burden — a gate-tax, the 
"nature, method, date," etc. of the former, and the amount 

* For specimens see The Times of Morocco, December 14, 1889. 


of the latter being arranged with the Government by the 
Diplomatic Body.* An annual statement of property, 
together with the proportionate tax, is presented to the 
consul of the nation to which the subject or protege 
belongs ; and if a false statement be made, double the 
deficiency of tax caused thereby is payable on the first 
occasion, and four times on the second. 

The servants, farmers, or other native employees of 
foreigners or proteges are not protected, but notice must 
be given by the native authorities through their 
oyees. mas t er > s consu i G f any charge brought against 
them, though they may be arrested for murder, wounding, 
or violation of domicile, when the consul must immediately 
be informed. f Suits commenced by or against a native 
before his receiving or losing protection are not interfered 
with thereby, but end in the court in which they were 

When protection is granted to any Moorish subject 
the local native authorities have to be notified by the 
consular official granting it, who must also present an 
annual list of proteges in his district. A list is likewise 
sent every year by each Minister to the Commissioner 
for Foreign Affairs at Tangier, of all proteges under his 
jurisdiction. \ Unofficial or officious protection is illegal. 
Moorish subjects who have obtained foreign naturalisation 
on returning to Morocco may only remain here the length 

* See Hertslet's Collection, 1881. 

t In 1892 Sir C. Euan-Smith presented a draft scheme to the sultan, the 
principle of which was that the protection to be afforded to Moorish subjects 
employed by British subjects in their private or business affairs should consist 
in their trial only by the governor of the town in which the employer resided, 
in conjunction with the nearest British official, the employer having the right i 
to be present ; such protege to be exempt from no lawful taxes, or from 
furnishing a substitute for military service. 

% The number of Moorish subjects enjoying British protection was 
reported by Sir C. Euan-Smith as under one hundred. ("Corresp.," Despatch 
No. 34.) 


of time which has been required to obtain that naturalisatii >n, 
unless willing to abandon it and return to their former 

Such is a brief statement of the system of protection 
a- it exists, or rather as it is supposed to exist, in 
Morocco. Both the system and its abuses can 
be abolished in one way, and one way only; that 
is by the reformation of the Moorish Government. Till 
this is effected Moorish officials may continue to complain, 
but to no purpose: they must themselves remove the cause. 
Let His Shareefian Majesty awake to the actual state of 
things, and determine to reform his administration in all 
its branches, and the need for foreign protection will cease. 
But this is more easily said than done. It will be 
answered that the sultan has not power to do so ; that 
he would endanger his throne, if not his life, by any step 
in favour of reform ; that he is surrounded by counsellors 
who are obstructionists, and who would oppose any 
measure of the sort ; that the religion of the country 
bolds it in thrall; and that last, but not least, the people 
do not wish reform, and will not have it. 

No doubt there is some truth at the bottom of these 
statements, but there is also much fallacy. Mulai Abd 
el Aziz may not have the power to make 
y ' sweeping reforms, but he has the power to 
imitate the nations he sees prospering elsewhere, by 
surrounding himself with enlightened advisers ; by em- 
ploying the talent and skill of other nationalities as he 
has done in some measure in the case of his arm)- ; 
by encouraging his people to work and trade, that they 
may afford to pay taxes wherewith to remunerate his 
soldiers and kaids, that these may no longer require to 
Let him do his best by adopting such an enlightened 
y, exercising it where he can, and a change for the 
better will soon come over this dark land. That the 


people do not desire reform can only be said of those 
who do not know what reform is. What they want is not 
protection from their rulers by foreigners, but by their own 
rulers. When this is obtained there will be no need for 
foreign protection, and then, but not till then, will the 
protection system die a natural death. 


FOR this concluding chapter there remains a task more 
difficult than the description either of the rise or fall 
of that decrepit Power which now, by courtesy alone, 
retains the name of "the Moorish Empire." Some may 
expect a fore-cast of the future, an attempt to 

award the coveted prize, but such is not the 

present writer's intention, which has been to — 

" Write the deeds, and with unfeverish hand 
Weigh in nice scales the motives of the great." 

The historian records experiences of the past to guide 
in present action, and provides foundations on which others, 
more ambitious, may build prophecy. His study is that of 
natural forces, racial tendencies, and outside influences, as 
exhibited in scenes gone by. His contribution to the 
fore-cast of the future is a close acquaintance with the 
hidden structure of the fabrics we call nations, for the 
principles of history are, after all, those of histology. The 
sciences are one, with varied application. 

To trace the threads of the existing Moorish fabric back 

Into the staple of the past ; to notice the converging 

nai gossamers which, in due time united, formed the 

weft and warp* of the nation ; to observe the 

•'The warp consists of the threads of yarn which extend generally, but 
\ ays, in parallel lines, from end to end, the whole length of the web. 
The weft yarn crosses and intersects the warp at right angles, and fills up the 
breadth of the web." 



strengthening strands of racial tendencies, extended 
on the loom of the Moroccan hills and plains ; to mark 
the interlacing of those strands, as to and fro the shuttle 
plied — of outside influences, foreign interests, and the 
desire for mutual protection ; — to remark with admiration 
how each tender filament — so fine as sometimes to be 
imperceptible without the aid of science — went to form 
the pattern which the great Creator had designed : all this 
was full of interest ; the very labour of the task repaid 

But standing at the point which the shuttle has reached, 
regarding the finished work of to-day, the view is not 

pleasing. No satisfactory product is here, with 
A f T ™ v ™ ty forces making for prosperity and happiness, 

with hope in future possibilities. The warp 
is still disorganised and disarranged, although a thousand 
years have passed since its first threads were stretched 
upon the beams of central government. Full many broken 
threads remain, and tangled patches unattached to the 
imperial framework, which is in itself deficient in rigidity, 
because no part of it is sound. Progress in the weaving 
is regarded with suspicion, and the introduction of the 
foreign weft meets ever with opposition. The result is 
failure, misery, oppression, and a ghastly travesty of 

In the adjoining countries the weft has usurped the place 
of the warp. The stronger thread is now that which the 

shuttle brings from abroad, and whether the 
Adjoining native ground-work suffer or gain, whether the 

Countries. ° ° 

people will or no, the effect is changed. No 
longer does their future depend upon native movements, 
but upon foreign interests. No national problems have in 
them survived the independent rulers of the Middle Ages. 
The separate existences of Tlemcen, Algeria, Tunis, 
Tripoli and Egypt are now memories only, and the 


inies of the Barbary States are, with one exception, 
directed entirely from Europe. 

In Morocco, notwithstanding actual independence, the 

present state of affairs lias induced a condition practically 

analogous. The fate of the Moorish Empire 

(\v\k'\\^U on the fate of Europe as truly as if 

it were reduced already to a provincial level. 

It is true that foreign influences have not penetrated 

deeply here, and that the strands of western thought 

and interference in the land of the Moors have been 

uncertain and intermittent, but the factors which control 

its future are to be sought outside this country, not in it. 

So long as Morocco is left alone its people will murmur 

and seethe, but they will neither destroy themselves nor 

willingly submit to others. 

For interference from those eager to interfere they 
may afford excuse, but not a reasonable ground. If the 
dissolution of this travesty of empire is 
awaited — the dissolution which might con- 
fidently be expected in a western state in such 
plight — it will be awaited in vain. The pages of their 
history have shown how many periods the Moors have 
passed through in which absolute anarchy replaced govern- 
ment, until not even the semblance of empire remained ; but 
in the fulness of time the national genius re-asserted itself, 
and a new order was established, firm as before. To judge 
from the reports which periodically flood the press of 
Europe, it might be supposed on each occasion that the 
Empire's doom had been sealed by its own corruption, 
and that, like a ripe fruit, it was about to fall into the 
hand of the neighbour most alert to receive it. 

No greater mistake could be made. According to 
native ideas Morocco is, but for the absence of a really 
blood-thirsty sultan who should make his subjects 
and all the world tremble, in a really prosperous 


Mooris/i and fortunate condition. Its only plague- 

satis/action. S p t j s tj le presence of the ever multiplying 

Nazarenes. What appears to uninitiated Europeans the 
disorder of despair is here the natural state of things, which 
has always prevailed. The Moors look on the memories 
of bygone inter-tribal feuds and their results as calmly and 
complacently as our historians regard the "War of the 
Spanish Succession," or the Napoleonic struggles. The 
recital of the deeds which in these pages have excited the 
indignation and horror of western readers, would excite in 
the Moors no surprise or disgust. Only a dreamer could 
imagine a Utopian Morocco without constant rebellion, as 
only a dreamer could imagine a Utopian Europe, un- 
disturbed by international rivalries leading to war. 

The present Government is better than the Moors 
have had for long past, and they have no higher ideal, 
since it is a purely native government, the 
outcome of the native character. Absolutely 
devoid of education — for the smattering of knowledge 
which the most learned acquire is not education, — their 
sole ambition is the easy gratification of natural passions, 
and their sole distraction is fighting. As soon as a good 
season brings in wealth to a tribe, the men buy horses and 
guns, and seek an early opportunity to use them. Only 
the prohibition of arms of all sorts, which would require a 
much more highly organised police than at present exists, 
together with efficient protection for property, could bring 
about an improved ideal and an improved condition. 
These granted, the people could be encouraged to build 
permanent villages, and would become amenable to 
elevating influences. It is easy enough for us to see that 
law and order should be thus introduced, that justice 
should be secured to the poorest, that the revenue should 
be collected by impartial and effectual machinery. But 
how is this to be brought about ? 




The rough and knotted homespun of the Moors 

;;-- a certain picturesque^ which is eve 
— .v C , f . ng tQ some __ when Rot ]]e 

H>e sk.n.-and capable though it be of improvement 


Native ways it is certainly better adapted to the con- 
Pre/errcd. ditions of life in Morocco than anything we 

could supply. Nothing we may have to offer them 
from Manchester or Lyons, Barcelona or Breslau, how- 
soever fine and gay, would give them equal pleasure 
for their daily wear, notwithstanding their appreciation 
of our sweets and arms as luxuries. Any effort to 
impose our chilly cottons on a wool-clad people must 
end in failure, and can only aggravate the trouble. 
It is not in London or Paris, Madrid or Berlin, that the 
cure for the diseases of the Moorish Empire may be found. 
Yet there are several European Powers both able and 
willing to extinguish the Moorish Empire, if their neigh- 
bours will but permit them to do so, and they are only too 
anxious for a chance to supplant its slow, unsatisfactory 
flnger-and-thumb work by machinery of western invention. 
France especially would dearly love to see 
Ambmon of accomplished that dream of an African empire 

rrance. x x 

in which some of her politicians indulge, in 
spite of the financial burden which the glory of Algeria 
has been to her. This is a dream which, though not shared 
by everyone, has to be reckoned with in all negotiations 
which concern French influence in northern Africa. The 
creation of this dream is to stretch from ocean to ocean, 
a rival and a counterpoise to British India, and it is the 
obstacle presented to it by the British occupation of 
Egypt which has been the cause of so much soreness. 
The wise decision which has been reached in defining the 
British and French spheres of influence strengthens the 
position of France with regard to Morocco, and from her 
point of view she has a very good case for stepping in 
when the time comes, as she will if her hands are then 
free, and those of others tied. 

Englishmen, knowing and caring little about Morocco, 
are quite incapable of understanding the grip on this land 


that France has secured. Separated from it 
r "" ufm merely by an unprotected frontier, well-defined 
only on paper — so that a "much-needed rectification" can 
be demanded at any moment — her Algerian province 
affords a base already furnished at two points with rail 
from the ports of O'ran and Algiers. From Lalla 
Maghnia and Oojda, the frontier towns, there runs a valley- 
route which places Fez at her mercy, with Taza mid-way 
to fortify for keeping the mountaineers in check. At any 
convenient time the forays in which tribes on both sides 
constantly indulge can be fomented or exaggerated, as 
in the case of Tunis, to afford excuse for a similar occupa- 
tion. Fez captured, and the ports bombarded or awed by 
gun-boats, Mequinez would speedily fall, and a battalion 
landed at Mazagan would make short work of Marrakesh. 
All this could be accomplished with a minimum of loss, 
as only lowlands lie between those points, and the moun- 
taineers have no army. But the "pacification 
of the Berbers " would be a lingering task, in- 
volving sacrifice of life and money out of all proportion to 
possible advantageous results. It was so in Algeria, and it 
would be much more so in Morocco, where the Berbers are 
more independent, and have never been subdued by the 
Turks as in the sister country. Against a European army 
that of the sultan is not to be feared, as only those troops 
drilled by European officers would give much trouble, and 
the organisation would soon be demoralised. The tribal 
skirmishers, of whom the half would fall before the others 
yielded to the Xazarenes, would be the real difficulty. 
It is probable that meanwhile Tangier and the surrounding 
district would be occupied by other Powers, if not by 
England alone, as a guarantee for the security of foreign 
interests, and to preserve the highway of the Straits. 

The " military mission " which the French maintain at 
the sultan's expense, which follows and supports him where 


no other Europeans can go, spies out the land 

and trains the leaders for a future invasion. 
Their Algerian Mohammedan agents pass and re-pass 
where foreigners find it impossible to venture, and be- 
sides collecting topographical and other information, they 
let slip no opportunity of recommending the advantages 
and privileges of French rule. The immunity which they 
— as subjects of a friendly Power — enjoy from the tyrannical 
exactions of the Moorish officials, is in itself the strongest 
possible recommendation. In this way France is steadily 
working, and who can forbid her? In case it should 
become advisable to set up a dummy " protected " sultan, 
they have an able and influential man at hand in the 
representative of the Idreesi shareefs, Mulai Ali, the young 
Shareef of Wazzan.* 

The English having refused protection for his father, he 
already enjoys that of the French, who have educated him 

and his younger brother, Mulai Ahmad, and 
T shal^f. Zdn * iave mac ^ e tnem officers in their Algerian army. 

Mulai Ali has inherited qualities from his 
English mother such as no pure Moor possesses, and his 
heart and mind are filled with ideas of justice and progress. 
Nor is his character one of which it would be easy to make 
a tool, and while no such change is at present to be con- 
templated, it is satisfactory to know what might be — the 
Moors, as has already been pointed out, no longer con- 
trolling the destinies of their own country. 

In her unquestioned ambition the strong point of France 
is that she has no rival to fear, and that she can, therefore, 

afford to wait till the opportune moment arrives 
English when, the hands of those who misfit protest 

Indifference. L 

being tied, she may strike a successful blow. 
So as matters stand it is only a question of time for 
Morocco to be added to Algeria. But while we, as a 

* See Genealogical Table of the Morocco Shareefs. 


nation, are unable to appreciate the French determination 
to possess Morocco, and content ourselves by believing " it 
cannot be," they fail to comprehend our calm indifference* 
and by their manifestations of suspicion they betray their 
own methods. j" Protestant missionaries in Algeria, of 
whatever nationality, are looked upon as emissaries of 
the British Government, and nothing will persuade the 
French that British powder and Manchester samples are 
not to be found among their books for distribution at their 
meetings and sewing classes. In consequence the mis- 
sionaries are continually harassed and maligned, and 
periodically told they will have to go, while tourists out of 
the regular beat are watched with equal suspicion.* 

What designs on Algeria they imagine that we entertain 

it is impossible to conceive, and as for Morocco, neither 

Germany nor England would accept it as a 

ihe interests -^ however sturdily they may compete for 

of England. . 

its commerce, although it is certain that they 
would object to its acquisition by France. If any par- 
tition did come about, all that England would require 

* "England, which ceases not to tremble for Gibraltar, does not fear to 
play the part of anti-civiliser, and carefully maintains the shareefian govern- 
ment in its ideas.'*' 1 

f "Thus it is gravely noted that on the 3rd December last two British 
cruisers were observed off Isser taking soundings and indulging in gun practice 
so near the shore that the inhabitants were attracted by the spectacle. Again, 
it is alleged that in the South, and in Kabylia particularly, British officers 
systematically intrude themselves under pretext of touring, but in reality, by 
mixing themselves among the natives, to imbue them with an anti-French 
spirit. At El Kantara a party of tourists are said to have had themselves 
ostentatiously photographed, with the British flag unfurled above them ! The 
Algerian Press has also resumed the outcry against the ' machinations ' of 
British missionaries, who may probably have to suffer further annoyance 
before the scare subsides." 2 

X I myself was twice arrested on suspicion, once in Tlemgen, once in Lai la 
Maghnia, when travelling in Moorish dress, and it was with some little diffi- 
culty that I persuaded " les juges cT instruction" as to my peaceful interests. 

1 Ekckmann, p. 299. 2 Al-mog]ireb Al-aksa, March 25th, 1899. 


Ists in the neck of land which abuts on the Straits 
of Gibraltar, and but for this sine qua Hon France might 
have it all, as far as England cares. Germany would 
like a foot-hold, it is true, and has vainly endeavoured 
cure the proverbial "coaling station," but that is only 
to obtain a fulcrum for settling with France. 

Spain, of course, means to have Morocco, as of birth- 
right, in retaliation for the Moorish rule in the Peninsula. 
She talks about it, writes about it, dreams 
about it : but Spain is not to be reckoned 
with unless as an ally of France, which would, 
by polite concession, secure at least her neutrality, entering 
only " Con permiso de Usted? * The day has also passed 
when Portugal could have a voice in the question, and 
Italy, notwithstanding a brave show, can play no more 
important part than that of make-weight. Austria, 
Scandinavia and Russia, although represented "at the 
Moorish Court," are not to be considered any more than 
the Monroe-disregarding United States. Thus with much 
vain babbling the balance of power is maintained, as in a 
parallelogram of forces. France alone is successfully 
spinning the yarn for the future weft, and tying political 
meshes wherewith to secure the spoil. 

All this is well understood by the Moors, who are not 
so ill-informed as some fondly imagine. The training of 
ages in fomenting local feuds for the advantage 
of the central government — administration by 
dissension — has enabled them to play off Power 
against Power with complete success. Individual envoys 
come and go, with grand ideas of progress and reform, 
and many make great efforts to attain these ends, but 
all are disappointed, chiefly through the covert opposition 
of those who have failed before them. It must neverthe- 
less be acknowledged that so strongly has the folly of this 

* By permission of Your Grace. 
2 F 


' been felt, especially in recent years, that serious attempts 
have been made to pull together. But what can single 
men, with the best of intentions, avail against the 
prejudices and greed of public opinion at home, the 
loud-mouthed, irresponsible yelping of a Press which 
plays on the nation's weak points ? 

We have seen how hopeless is even the strongest 

opinion in favour of disinterested philanthropic action, 

when opposed by the grasping heathenism 

ihe Failure mis-called patriotism : we have seen how per- 

of Europe. L r 

secutions and atrocities have been committed 
with impunity by one of the Powers, because each 
desired personal gain from proposed united action ; we 
have seen how the requirements of natural growth and 
expansion have been foiled and obstructed by selfishness 
on the part of those who help themselves unhesitatingly ; 
and we have seen from our carping, suspicious reception 
of the noblest proposal ever made by a great ruler to 
his fellow rulers, that with our mighty armaments, our 
vested interests in war, and the supply of war material, 
we of Europe are, as nations, just as truly heirs of 
IshmaeTs curse as are the wandering Arabs ; we have 
learned that as nations our much-boasted civilisation has 
raised us little above the diplomatic status of the Berber 
tribes of the Atlas. 

Not till Europe — thinking, feeling, philanthropic, Chris- 
tian Europe — is aroused to the point of establishing 
international organisations for the preservation 

Possible Political q{ q ^ ^ arbitrament of disputes, 

Regeneration. L *■ 

supported by an overwhelming public opinion ; 
not till then can the Moorish Empire, or any other un- 
fortunate .country, hope for effective reform from without. 
Nothing less than a general renunciation of all right to 
individual interference on any pretext in the affairs of 
Morocco, and a common agreement collectively to require 



the reforms so much needed, will ever accomplish the 
political regeneration of the Moorish Empire. In face of 
such a united demand, with offers of support if needed, no 
refusal could be expected, and provided that too much were 
not asked at once, and capable advisers were found, these 
reforms might be as peacefully carried out as under the 
English in Egypt. But will Europe make this possible? 

. by Dr. Rudduck Governor 


And is there, it will also be asked, no good thing in 
Morocco ? Can there be no re-creation of the forces which 

have in the past affected its course? There is 
iions a possibility of good in Morocco; there is a 

hope among the Moors themselves, but not 
from the old-time forces. Observe what those forces were, 
how they worked, and what they achieved, and no one will 
desire their revival. No combined action or revolution 
can be expected in the Moorish Empire without a religious 
leader. Each successive dynasty which has restored the 


Empire has arisen from a movement having more or less 
the character of a religious reformation, and it will ever 
be so in the future. Purely political problems cannot stir 
a nation which has no political life, no popular rights, no 
share in the government, no love of progress. Another 
Moorish mahdi is the only possible leader, and we have in 
our own days, in the eastern Sudan, an illustration of 
what such an apparition means, what the appearance of a 
successful mahdi has always meant. No friend of the 
Moors could wish for such a revolution. 

One fact, far too little recognised in the consideration of 

Mohammedan nations, is that Islam is not only unpro- 

gressive, but that all apparent progress under 

Mohammedan ^ g j g fe- made J n -^ q{ ft nQt i 

Empires Parasitic. J ° L J 

its help. Under Arab leadership or tuition no 
corporate nation was ever nurtured. Mohammedan em- 
pires have flourished and flickered, but not Mohammedan 
nations. The dynasties of Islam which have secured the 
greatest renown have done so only while they preyed upon 
the vitals of a subject people. When the tree died down 
so did the parasitic growth, and then sometimes, as in 
Spain, the bursting forth of new shoots from the victimised 
trunk meant the death of the parasite. There would be 
no magnificent traces to-day of Moorish rule in the 
Peninsula had the invaders not found a people there to 
subdue. For this reason there has never been an Empire 
of Arabia, and the greatest deeds of the Arabs have been 
done when they were furthest from home. Islam has 
never sought the welfare of the people. 

Nor are purely moral reformations known to Islam, for 
its great religious movements have been based upon the 

letter of the law, its ceremonial observances, 

spir ' and except as a result of contact with deeper 

beliefs, as in the East with those of India and Persia, 

spiritual life has been unknown to its members. Yet 


spiritual forces are at work in Morocco among the Moors, 
those self-same spiritual forces which, as a righteous 
leaven, raised our nation from a state of barbarism, and 
continue to raise it — by inspiring good men and true, 
disinterested patriots, to serve their day and generation, 
and succeeding daws and generations, rather than them- 
selves or their political surroundings, — the forces which 
have taught some few, at least, to live for others. 

It is the popular custom of travellers to disparage 
missionaries, a task as easy as to disparage the tiny worm 

which bores and buries itself, and in a lifetime 
/ ' , '":' / ; . severs less of the tree-trunk than a day's growth 

adds, but it is a work that tells, and at last the 
tree falls. Let their work be difficult, their faith a mockery 
to those who share it not, their object hopeless, their 
achievements insignificant, or, it may be, illusory ; their 
faults apparent, their methods absurd : the missionaries, 
of whatever creed, are the noble few who live for the 
future, and no seed that they sow is lost. Every pure and 
earnest life lived, whether by a missionary or by any other, 
is a strand of the weft which will strengthen the warp and 
tell on the nation. Every foreigner who visits or resides 
in Morocco has a responsibility towards the Moors — a 
mission from God, if he fears his GOD — a life to live and 
a truth to proclaim in dealing with the natives, and on 
every one such, man or woman, hangs to some extent the 
fate of the Moorish Empire. 

Part III. 




I. Works Reviewed 
II. The Place of Morocco in Fiction 

III. Journalism in Morocco 

IV. Works Recommended 
Appendix :— Classical Authorities on Morocco 



T N introducing this division of my subject there devolves 
upon nw a sorrowful task. 

It //tid been my intention to dedicate this volume to tf/c 
friend whose generous encouragement \ invaluable counsel, 
and genial assistance — not to speak of his own labours in 
the same field— have been so largely instrumental in 
enabling me to undertake so great a task : the late 


But death has deprived me of all that such friendship 
meant, and nou I have to couple with his name that of his 
collaborator in the Bibliography, whose verdict on my work 
I was anticipating with the greatest interest : the late 


To tJ/e memory of these two students of North Africa 
I therefore dedicate these notes upon Moroccai/ Literature. 

At the same time I would take occasion to acknowledge 
my indebtedness to those who have so kindly placed their 
libraries at my disposal. Foremost among such was Dr. 
Brown, whose unique collection of some four hundred and 
fifty volumes dealing with Morocco passed at his death to 
the Royal Geographical Society, which has since permitted 
me free access to them. I have also to thank Colonel 
F. A. Mathews* and Mr. Herbert White, of Tangier, for 
the use of their collections; and a debt of gratitude is due 
to many friends on the Morocco coast for trusting me with 
volumes often difficult to obtain in those parts. 

In the task of finally revising the whole of this work 

I have received invaluable assistance, but my gifted and 

generous friend prefers to be nameless. 

B. M. 


Liverpool, March, 1899. 

* Since the above was in the press this other friend has passed away, and 
all who knew him mourn. 


Part III. 


SEVERAL years have passed since anything of real 
value or of genuine research, about Morocco, has been 
published in our lan^ua^e, and the English 

ty of Modem * & **& • & 

Works student who would without the aid of foreign 
of importance. wor k s glean a more than superficial knowledge 
of the Moors and their land, must go back to the days 
of Jackson, early in this century, or those of Pellow and 
his compeers, enslaved by pirates early in the last. 
The number of publications on Morocco which then 
saw the light is still more remarkable in view of 
the restricted activity of the Press in those days, as 
compared with the present time. No sooner did a 
brochure in modest guise appear from some curious sign 
in the Strand, and become the talk of the coffee-houses — 
its title a good first chapter, and its contents the narrative 
of real or fictitious sufferings at the hands of the Moors 
(whom the very victims confounded with Turks and 
Saracens or Syrians) — than a translation appeared at the 
Hague, or Paris, or Amsterdam. Those were days when 
all Europe feared the Moor, when England and Holland 
and France and Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Sweden and 
Venice, Tuscany, Austria, the two Sardinias and Genoa, 
all made their peace with that dread unknown by the 
payment of tribute. Now it is the Moor who stands in 
awe of Europe, only retaining his country because each 



foreign Power prevents the other from filching it from 
him. Then, it was anxiety to shield themselves from his 
attacks that made Europeans read about him ; now, it 
is a hankering to get a foothold in this Naboth's 

To the piratical period, strange to say, we are indebted 

for some of the most valuable works upon this country. 

Among the captives carried to Europe towards 

Literature of the ^ dose of the fifteenth cent ury Was a Moorish 

Hover Period. J 

lad, who in Rome became a Christian, and was 
there baptised by the name of Johannes Leo Africanus. 
As a man it was his lot to revisit his native country, and 
to compile the most complete description of it that has 
ever appeared. A couple of hundred years later, a youth 
who had had the advantages of education at the " Latin 
School " at Penrhyn, was carried captive by the rovers of 
Salli, and having accepted Islam, became an officer in the 
Moorish army, married a Moorish wife, and resided in 
Morocco for twenty-three years. This narrative of 
Thomas Pellow gives a more complete idea of Moorish 
life and character than any one of the two hundred 
volumes on the subject which the present writer has 
studied and here reviews, although allowance must be 
made for heightened colouring, especially where cruelties 
inflicted on the Europeans are described. How much 
soever of what is told of the brutality of the sultans of 
that epoch may be apocryphal — and much is confirmed 
by independent authors— it is fortunate that a mighty 
change has come over Morocco since then, and that for 
the better. The difference in this respect between 
the Ismail of Pellow's days and the Abd el Aziz of 
to-day is as great as between our Mary the First and 

French and Spanish writers realise more fully than 
those of other nations all that lies behind the word 


Morocco, and during the present century they 

111 • 1 -N ! 

have produced the most important works. Not 
that those countries by any means lack their 
share of superficial writers, but the interests presented 
to them by Morocco are more real, and its problems more 
important than they seem to Englishmen, and so receive 
more serious consideration. To them the Moors are 
neighbours, despised indeed, but not strangers; to us 
they are strangers altogether, their country a far-off land. 
The age in which the Danes and Dutchmen took a lively 
interest in matters Moorish is long past, but it is signalised 
bv much of real worth. The volume by the Danish consul 
Host was considered by such an authority as Dr. Robert 
Brown to be the most exhaustive and accurate description 
of Morocco in existence. Host's successor, the botanist 
Schusboe, left a hardly less important contribution on his 
special subject. It is nevertheless instructive to notice 
how few of the consuls and ministers who have repre- 
sented England in this country have bequeathed their 
observations to posterity. The death of Sir John Drum- 
mond Hay, without completing the volume of reminiscences 
on which he was understood to be engaged for the last few 
years of his life, has been a distinct loss to the literature 
of Morocco. 

It is another noteworthy fact that three of the most 
important general works on Morocco wore by contempo- 
raries, Jackson, Chenier and Host. To these 
names might be added those of the travellers, 
Lempriere, " Ali Bey" and James, and of the scientists, 
1 )ombay, Schusboe and Buffa, all of whom wrote upon 
the border of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 
Morocco must have been an interesting place of residence 
in those days. From that time nothing serious was 
contributed till Renou compiled, at second hand, his 
ographical description of the Empire, the work of 


Graberg having been altogether over -rated. Godard's 

inaccurate volumes may stand with these, and though 

Urquhart, Richardson and Rohlfs had travelled in the 

country, neither gave it careful study. Modern reliable 

works commence with the journey of Hooker and Ball, 

the archaeological researches of Tissot, the studies of De 

Cuevas and the explorations of De Foucauld and Thomson. 

But recent years have seen a distinct revival of interest 

in the study of Morocco, and besides Rohlfs and Hooker, 

a number of those who have done good work are 

L J m y . . still living, from whom more may be expected. 

Authorities. & ' J 

Among these may be mentioned Messrs. 
Martiniere, Walter B. Harris, De Cuevas, and Johnston, 
resident still in the country, and others who have passed 
from its scenes, it would appear for ever. Such are Messrs. 
De Foucauld, Payton, Cowan, Trotter, Colville, Spence- 
Watson, Ovilo, and probably Erckmann and Lenz. 
The charm of things Moorish may work on them yet, 
for having eaten once of the lotus, who can say its subtle 
spell shall never reassert itself? 

The following list is intended to serve two ends. In 
the first place it affords particulars of every work on 
Morocco which has been digested in the 
compilation of this volume and its two com- 
panions. This will enable those who follow up the subject 
to ascertain at once where they may break fresh ground. 
Comparison with the Bibliography of Morocco will re- 
veal how great a mass of material still remains to be 
investigated. But all the most important available sources 
have here been laid under contribution, and the affairs of 
Morocco will have to assume a very different position in 
the eyes of the world to warrant further extensive re- 

The second purpose of this list is to afford an estimate 
of the relative values of the authorities consulted, measured 


from one standpoint throughout, and to enable future 
students, not only to find what they seek, but also to 
gauge the weight of their respective authors, a point of no 
small importance. In order to save space, only the 
briefest possible titles are here given, since no student of 
Morocco can be without its Bibliography as reference for 
further details. 

It may be well to place on record the fact that none of 

the works included in this list contain any statements, 

both reliable and of importance, which have not 

|*ju* found a place in one or other of the author's 

Hmtenal. i 

volumes on Morocco. The need for this 
assertion is impressed upon him by the astonishing 
number of inaccurate, if not altogether ungrounded, state- 
ments, too often among the most interesting, which he has 
perforce eliminated from his notes. So, although multi- 
tudinous errors must needs exist in his own production, 
notwithstanding the most careful study and revision, it is 
hoped that his critics will refrain from attempting to 
complete his story by additions from sources already 

Frontispiece to his Travels in Morocco 

(See page 452) 


bibliography A BibliogrcipJiy of Morocco . . . to the end 

of Morocco. of iSoi, by Lieut.-Col. Sir Lambert Playfair, 

K.C.M.G., and Dr. Robert Brown, M.A., F.L.S. 

Supplementary papers of the Royal Geographical Society, 

vol. iii., part 3, and published separately by Murray. f) 

In defiance of alphabetical order, this work must head 
the list, as an invaluable contribution to Moroccan litera- 
ture, replete, minute, and accurate beyond the ordinary 
run of bibliographies ; enriched with summaries and 
criticisms, mostly from the facile pen of Dr. Brown, an 
indefatigable student of this country. Without it the 
writer's works on Morocco would have been deprived of 
much of their most important material, which would have 
been overlooked but for the Bibliography. On this work 
the following brief reviews can in no way encroach, for the 
proportion which remains untouched is appalling, but the 
writer has selected from it everything that promised 
valuable information, and the opinions here expressed deal 
with all the volumes that he has been able to examine. 

* Pseudonyms are distinguished from real names by inclosure in inverted 

Brackets indicate anonymous works, the authorship of which has been 

1 tained from other sources. 
The editions specified are those referred to in the reviewer's own works. 
+ I bequeath the copy of this work presented to me by Sir Lambert 
Playfair, with my emendations and additions, to the Royal Geographical 
Society, requesting that it may be kept with Dr. Brown's collection. — B.M, 
2 G 449 


"The next author on the empire of Mulai el Hasan, who 
thinks it necessary to justify the existence of his work," write 
the compilers of this Bibliography, " will require to face the fact 
that, exclusive of manuscript records, of which a prodigious 
quantity are stored in the archives of every country having 
relations with Morocco, there are enumerated in the Bibliography 
to which these lines form the introduction, the titles of over 2000 
contributions to its history, geography, and politics, for the most 
part printed, which we have thought worthy of being recorded." 

leo africanus. Delia Descrizione deW Ajfrica, by Giovanni 

Roma, 1526. Leo (El Hasan bin Mohammed el Wazzazi), 

edited by G. B. Ramusio (Secretary of the Venetian 

Council of Ten), 1550, and many intermediate dates to 

1837, references being to this last. 

Here we have the book on Moroccan geography and 
ethnography. Though written so long ago, it was written 
well, and is so accurate that the present writer has been 
able to follow Leo step by step, and has been astounded 
at the confirmation received from natives of remote and 
almost inaccessible districts on points of trival detail as to 
local products and customs, which has deepened admira- 
tion for so competent and painstaking a writer. From 
this source the majority of writers on Morocco have, at 
first or tenth hand, drawn their information about many- 
parts. As a rule they have done so entirely without 
acknowledgment, and by degrees have introduced strange 
errors, often describing things which had long ceased to 
exist. Of this Marmol, Graberg, Calderon and Richardson 
may be cited as flagrant examples. 

The Hakiuyt The History and Description of Africa, trail s- 

Edition. lated by John Pory in 1600, and edited by 

London, 1896. 

Dr. Robert Brown. London, Hakiuyt Society. 

The large number of editions and translations of Leo's 

great work sufficiently testifiy to the esteem in which it has 


always been held. No less than fourteen of the principal 
editions are separately dealt with in the Bibliography, and 
a goodly proportion of these arc to be found in Dr. Brown's 
collection. The notes by Dr. Brown in the Hakluyt edition 
— the only fault of which is that it was not a revised 
translation, instead of a reprint* — are a perfect store-house 
of information about Morocco, constructed with masterly 
skill. The original Arabic ATS. has long been lost, the 
last trace being in 1600. Its author was a Moor of 
Granada, who had studied and served in Fez, besides 
travelling much in North Africa. Having been captured 
by European corsairs, he found his way to Rome, where 
he was converted to Christianity, and was baptised by 
Leo X., whose name he received. 

Abd el Wahhid See El Marrdkeshi. 

Adams (Robert). See Cock, and Fiction, p. 531. 

Addison West Bai'bary. 

, ,6 7 ,. A little volume by the father of the celebrated 

essayist, "Chaplain to His Majesty in Ordinary " 
at Tangier during the English occupation. The greater 
portion is devoted to " a brief narration of the late 
revolution in the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco," 
into which it enters somewhat minutely. The most 
interesting part relates to the British garrison, and it is 
a pity that the author did not write after the evacuation, 
which would have enabled him to complete an excellent 
picture. The second portion describes the Moorish Empire, 
its agricultural methods, its inhabitants and their customs, 
well worth reading by those unacquainted with Moham- 

Especially as Pory's careless transliteration of Ramusio's Italian render- 
ing of native names is preserved, which is often misleading and unnecessarily 
confusing. The editor's death, too. left many points unrevised and un- 
elaborated. A French edition by Schefer appeared last year. 


medan institutions. An index of the Moorish words 
employed, with their equivalents in Arabic type, is a 
feature of interest in a work of its date. Tangier is 
spelled " Tanger," as in French, German and Spanish, 
a more correct form than in English, the Arabic original 
being Tanjah. 

Bref om Maroco. 

Agrell J 

< 01of )- A carefully written series of letters, extending 

Stockholm, 1756. . re* * r, 

over the eventful years from SeptemDer, 1789, 
to October, 1791, when the blood-thirsty El Yazeed courted 
the extinction of the Moorish Empire. The author was 
Swedish Secretary in Tangier, and made good use of his 
opportunities, leaving us a valuable contemporary picture 
of the period. A German translation has also been 

Alby (Ernest). See Fiction, p. 530. 


London, 1816. 

Travels in Morocco (Translation, 2 vols.). 

The true name of this venturesome traveller 
was General Domingo Badia y Leblich. 1 Sufficiently 
acquainted with the language and the customs of the 
Moors to deceive all, even the learned and the sultan 
Sulai'man himself; passing as a Muslim by birth, he is 
yet said to have been betrayed eventually, either by his 
corns, 2 or by the use of his left hand in washing. 3 In 
reality he was a Spaniard, sent amply provided with 
funds, as a spy on political errands. Being also a 
scientist, he was able to collect much valuable information 
in Morocco, which renders his first volume a standard 
work. With due allowance for conceit, his observations 
may be accepted with faith. His second volume deals 
chiefly with other countries that he visited. 

1 GODARD, p. 578. 2 URQUHART, Vol. i., p. 502. 3 ROHLFS. 


"St. Amant." Voyage de M. le Baron St. Amant % "par un 

l6 9«- officier de Marine." 

A brief description of St. Ainant's embassy to Mulai 
Ismail, when camped in Sus. It contains no information 
of value. 

Amicis Morocco: its People and Places (translated 

!ode) - from the Italian by C. Rollin-Tilton). 

.-. 1882. J J 

A full and entertaining account by a well- 
known author and newspaper correspondent of the visit 
of an embassy from Rome to Fez in 1878. It is 
profusely illustrated with wood-cuts, many of them so 
untrue to their originals that, whatever their artistic 
merit, doubt is thrown on those which cannot be com- 
pared with nature.* Lively and amusing in style, this 
volume, like too many others on Morocco, is by a writer 
ignorant of his subject till the moment at which his 
description begins. Many of the scenes are therefore 
overdrawn, and rare occurrences described as those of 
every-day life. Everything is treated with Italian "artistico- 
poetico" feeling, due admiration being expressed for 
Moorish costumes and customs, admirably adapted to 
the circumstances of their climate and mode of life. 
Taken as a whole, a fair idea of a tour in Morocco is 
here presented, but few of the statements made can be 
considered as authoritative, and the spelling of Moorish 
names, if comprehensible to an Italian, is not so to an 
Englishman, as the translator should have remembered. 

Andrews Southern Morocco. 

( \v h e ^ 

,88 A refutation, in pamphlet form, of a charge 

of attempted smuggling brought against an 

English company, formed to open a port in Sus, the plans 

* The blocks have been extensively used to illustrate subsequent works 
and periodicals, as on pp. 223 and 415. 


of which ended in failure through the opposition of the 
Moorish Government. An insight is afforded into Moorish 
and British diplomatic tactics. A useful map is appended. 

Antoninus. See Appendix /., p. 557. 

" Armand " Voyages d'Afrique. 

Paris, 1632. Although appearing under this name, it would 

seem that the compilation was that of another 
hand, and the second half is merely a digest of some parts 
of Leo. The first half gives an account of Razelli's expe- 
dition to Salli in 1629, and the signing of the treaty at 
Sam" in the following year. Its contribution to our know- 
ledge of Morocco or its history is very slight indeed. 

DAngers Histoire de la Mission des Peres Capucins . . . 

(lePere Francis). £ Maroc, 1624-1636. (Reprinted in Rome, 1888.) 

Niort, 1644. 

An account of Razelli's various missions to 
Morocco, and of the sufferings of the Capuchins who 
accompanied him and were held in slavery with most 
of his suite. Of historical interest only, but evidently 

Augustin Erinnerungen aus Marokko. 

mm e i8 3 V 8° n " Merely the classified observations collected 

on my journey," says the author — who ac- 
companied the Austrian Mission to the Court in 1830, 
after the piratical outbreak of 1829 — so great depth will 
not be looked for. " The sultan offered us his greeting," 
we read, " with the assurance that we were dearer to him 
than the light of his eyes, and that he could not have 
awaited us longer." The illustrations are most fanciful. 

Baeumen Nack Marokko. 

/•XZ!' "Reminiscences of Travel and Fight," by 

a German who accompanied the Spanish army 


in the war of [859 60, valuable to specialists in military 
matters, but otherwise of no importance. 

ibn Batuta Rahldt Mohammed ibn Batuta el Maghribi — 

(Mohammed), Travels of M r oh \a in med \ sou of Baffin, the Moor. 
(English translation by the Rev. S. Lee, D.D.) 

After a quarter of a century spent in travel- 
ling almost all over Asia,* Ibn Batuta returned to Tangier 
and spent three more years exploring his own country 
and Timbuctoo. But as the results of all this are com- 
pressed into one volume, Morocco receives slight notice, 
and we are indebted to the son of Batuta for very few 

Beauclerk ^ J OUT 1 ley to Moi'OCCO itl 1 8 26. 

'^ 82 ' 8 An entertaining narrative, replete with local 

colour and detail, and not deficient in humour, 
most quaintly illustrated from the pencil of the author, 
who accompanied an English doctor on a visit to the 
Court at Marrakesh. To those who already know the 
country it can hardly fail to afford much interest, although 
there is no pretence at accuracy or completeness. It well 
deserved the translations into German and Polish which 
subsequently appeared. 

Bonein E-l Imperio de Marruecos y su Constitutioji. 

A well arranged and carefully written volume, 
full of detail, but also of errors, slight, perhaps, 
but sufficient to detract much from its value as a 
work of reference. It was written by a Spanish 
officer who served for some years in Morocco, with 
which his acquaintance, though comprehensive, was 

* A useful resume of Ibn Batata's travels is to be found in the Revue 
jraphique of Paris, 1881, p. 273. 



Morocco as it is. 

London\z2 To this title one might almost add the word 

" not," so full is it of errors and exaggerations, 
especially in the naming of the illustrations, correct in two 
or three instances only. The present reviewer figures 
among them as " A woman of Tetuan " — doubtless as 
a type of Moorish beauty ! The book, full of absolute 
mis-statements, consists in the main of re-printed contribu- 
tions to the Daily Graphic by an American journalist, 
whose sole ideal was effect* Their principal subject is 
the embassy of Sir C. Euan-Smith to Fez in 1892. 

Boyle (Robert). See Fiction, p. 259. 

Braitn waits History of the Revolutions in the Empire of 

(Captain John). Morocco upon the Death of . . . Muley Ishmael. 

London, 1729. 

Braithwaite accompanied John Russel, the 
ambassador from George I. of England to Ahmad V. 
(Dhahebi), the besotted successor of the fierce Ismail, for 
the purpose of ratifying and supplementing the treaty 
arranged by Stewart in 172 1. He could not be expected 
to know much about Morocco, but what he either saw 
himself or learned on the spot he recounts with evident 
fidelity. His most important contribution deals with the 
negotiations at Court, and affords an insight into the way 
in which things were managed in those days. One is at 
first surprised to observe how much would equally well 
apply to-day, but on reflection it becomes a matter of 
greater surprise that a country recently in such a condition 
should have made the progress that it has. It is interest- 
ing to notice that Mr. Russel travelled to Fez from 
Tetuan by way of the Wad Wargha. The present town 
of Wazzan was not then founded, and he visited the 

* For detailed reviews see The Times of Morocco, December I, 1892, and 
January 5, 1893. 


ancestor of the shareefs of that district at Harash, where 
no Christian seems to have previous!}' ventured. 

Brisson Histoire du Naufrage et de la CaptiviU de 

<m 1-. r. de). j/_ de Brisson. (English edition appended to 

Saugniers Travels, 1792.) 

Since this shipwreck occurred near the Senegal, and the 

captives were only brought to Marnikesh and Mogador, 

the account contains little concerning Morocco, but the 

concluding notice of its Arabs is of interest. 

Brooke Sketches in Spain and Morocco. (2 vols.) 

e ., an.). q ^ ^ rrood old travel narratives of the 

, 1031. o 

more solid description, written at a time when 
the author found it a novelty to embark at the Tower 
Stairs on a vessel propelled by steam, had to cross the 
Straits to Tangier in a felucca, and did not dare to appear 
in Moorish streets with anything so regal as an umbrella, 
being only allowed on horse-back in the towns on 
sufferance. Unguarded Europeans were still liable to be 
made prisoners outside the walls, and the arrival of a 
steam-boat from Gibraltar set all Tangier in confusion. 
As a careful and observant traveller the author gives an 
interesting picture, but the notes appended are not to be 
relied on. 

Boyde (Henry). See Fiction, p. 550. 

Buffa Travels through the Empire of Morocco. 

Undon, 1810. This brief narrative is eminently satisfactory 

as far as it goes, for Dr. Buffa chiefly describes 
what he saw with his own eyes, though occasionally falling 
into error when indulging in historical digressions. His 
travels were over the beaten tracks of Morocco, for the 
purpose of professionally attending the sultan and sundry 



officials. So careful an observer might with profit have 
gone much more into details, but as his object was 
apparently no higher than to obtain another appointment, 
he has contributed little original matter. 


(le Pere Dominique). 

Rouen, 1714. 



(From Dutch edition of St. Olon, etc.) 

Histoire du Regne de Mulay Ismael, etc. 

One of the most valuable con- 
tributions to our information re- 
garding that terrible reign and the 
condition of the European slaves 
in Mequinez, whom the author, a 
Trinitarian Redemptionist, went on 
three occasions to release. As 
usual with trustworthy books on 
this country, it has been freely 
quarried by subsequent writers 
without acknowledgment, but its 
accuracy is attested by the records 
of contemporaries. 

An English edition appeared in 

Cabrera La Guerra en Africa. 

{ M^l%^ tZ) ' A P ractical hand-book by a Spanish officer 
who had been chief of a military mission to 
the sultan, indicating the best methods for war with 
the Moors upon their own soil. It contains a minute 
description of the Moorish army, and, while it would 
be easy to point out inaccuracies, this compilation should 
prove really useful to those for whom it is intended, as 
the author was a careful observer. Its raison detre was 
the struggle at the time of publication between the 
Spaniards and the tribes round Melilla. 


Cahu An Pays des Mauresques. 

188a (?) Quite a misleading title, as the subject of 

these sketches is Tunis, not the country of 
Moriscos at all ! 

HallCaine. See Fiction, p, 526. 

caideron Manual del Oficial en Marruecos. 


1844. Without affording proof of much original 

research, being almost entirely compiled from a few of 
the earlier Spanish works on Morocco, this book fulfils 
its object in supplying the information most required by 
Spanish officials newly settled in this country. It 
frequently deals with questions topical at the time of 
its publication, which to-day are forgotten, and though 
not professing to be a complete description of Morocco, 
tells a good deal. From it Richardson appears to have 
obtained much of his information, but without acknow- 
ledgment, or else both authors borrowed from Graberg, 
and he from Marmol and others, as Marmol did from Leo, 
for they all fall into identical errors. 

Caideron See Fiction, p. 522. 

(Pedro, de la Barca). 

Calle (Antonio). See Fiction, p. 523. 

Decampou ^ ll Empire qui Croule — Le Maroc Contcni- 

(Ludovic). porain. 

1 885. * 

A commendable little work, composed of a 
series of entertainingly written sketches, giving a very fair 
idea of the state of Morocco, though containing slight infor- 
mation of importance, and few new facts. M. de Campou 
appears to have travelled extensively in this country, and to 
have enjoyed himself, but he spares us a repetition of the 
well-worn details of travel, and the nonsense heard by the 
way, while he adds to the value of his work by pithily 


recording incidents of interest. In consequence he has 
fewer faults than the majority of writers on Morocco, 
but many of his remarks on the government, and his 
statistics, are quite untrustworthy. The point apparently 
most interesting to him was the diminution in the size 
of the rivers, about which he gives noteworthy particulars 
from personal observation. 

casteiianos Description liistoitica de Marruecos. 

(Fr. Manuel Pablo). i-r, ■, i t-> • r • i 

Orihuda, 1884 * This volume, by a Franciscan friar who spent 

some years in various towns of Morocco, pro- 
vides a concise, though incomplete, historical description 
of the Moorish Empire. The author evidences much 
original research, and appends a series of useful biblio- 
graphical notes, which in a measure suggested the present 
reviews. His work is of value, and as far as it goes 
may be relied on. Much information is given from 
the writer's own experience, though he does not go out 
of his way to do so. It can be heartily commended to 
the general reader. 

[Charant] Lettre ecritte en Reponse de diver ses Questions 

( A -)- curieuses sur les Parties de FAffrique oil regne 

aujourdhuy Mvley Arxid, Roy de Tafilete. 
This author, who usually preferred to remain anonymous, 
had resided twenty-five years in the country, but appears 
to have known personally only Saffi and Marrakesh, his 
account of other parts being incomplete and faulty. The 
number of editions in which his little volume was repro- 
duced, generally bound up with some less reliable work, 
is a proof of the interest felt in those days in Morocco, 
as well as of the way in which his answers were 

* A new edition has recently been published in Madrid. 


»chariewood" The Barbary News of the Battle there. 

CJ<* n >- A tract the subject of which is sufficiently 

explained by its title: "A dolorous discourse 
of a most terrible and bloody battle fought in Barbary the 
fourth day of August last past, 1578, wherein were slain 
two kings (but as most men say three), besides many 
other famous personages, with a great number of captains 
and other soldiers that were slain on both sides. Where - 
unto is also added a note of the names of divers that were 
taken prisoners at the same time. Imprinted at London 
by John Charlewood and Thomas Man." 

charmes ^ Tfie ^ mbassade au Maroc. 

iel >- Originally published in the Revue des Deux 

Moudes, Nos. lxxv.-lxvii. 

One of the regulation reports of foreign embassies to 
this country, but the production of a distinguished writer. 
It contributes more trustworthy statements than are 
usually found in works of this class, due, no doubt, to 
the intimate acquaintance of the envoy, M. Feraud, with 
Mohammedan ways. Such are the valuable details con- 
cerning the Court and its surroundings, besides information 
incidental to the journey. It goes without saying that, 
from a literary standpoint, Une Ambassade au Maroc is 
excellent, but that is not the present reviewer's position. 

chenier Reclie relics Jiistoriques sur les Maures. (3 vols., 

5 -Sauveurde). and an incomplete English translation in 2 vols.) 

*, 1788. The Present State of the Empire of Morocco. 

A most valuable and instructive work by the French 
consul appointed to Mogador in 1767, whose brother, 
Andre Marie, became famous as a poet. The translation 
abridges the first two volumes, which contain " the ancient 
history of Mauretania, the Arabs under the khalifas, and 
the conquest of Spain by the Mohammedans," practically 


- an unacknowledged translation of the Raod el Kartds. 
The third volume forms an ample and interesting account 
of Morocco in Chenier's time, including an epitome of 
the relations of the Empire with Europe. Hardly any- 
thing of importance has been overlooked by the author 
in his description, and one cannot but be struck with the 
conservatism of a people whose manners and customs 
have altered so little for centuries. 

cockorCoxe The Narrative of Robert Adams {Benjamin 

(Samuel) Rose] . . , . wrecked on the Western Coast of 

Boston, 1817. . ,. . 

The story of this shipwrecked sailor's journey to 
Timbuctoo, of which so much was made at the time, 
has since been shown to be fictitious (see Graberg's 
verdict quoted in the Bibliography), but it may still be 
read with interest. This is especially the case with the 
notes and appendices, chiefly by Mr. Dupuis, of Mogador, 
although there is very little information about Morocco 
itself, in which Rose certainly did travel. The author of 
this narrative was secretary of the African Association in 
London. (See p. 531.) 

Collins (Mabel). See Fiction, p. 525. 

Colville A Ride in Petticoats and Slippers. 

> ap L, ' rs ln this volume is described a trip from 

London, 1880. l 

Tangier, via Fez, to the Algerian frontier, 
which provides some pleasant reading, and at the same 
time deals with a part of the country little known. The 
author was rather inclined to over-estimate matters, the 
difficulties and the dangers of the way included, and 
some of his statements shake the reader's faith as to his 
accuracy. Possibly the companionship of a young wife 
rendered him nervous. His remarks about Gibraltar are 


OonallhaoU.J.L.). See Fiction, p. 523. 

Conle Hi stoiid de la Dominacion de los Arabes en 

>■ Espafia. (3 vols.) 

'. 1S20-21. 

Notwithstanding that, as the compilers of 
the Bibliography remark, the works of Conde have been 
superseded historically by those of Dozy (p. 469) and 
Gayangos (p. 490), these volumes still deservedly hold an 
important place. Conde laid the foundations for subse- 
quent builders, of materials largely Arabic, including 
tin: Moorish history Radd el Kartds, which he practically 
incorporated, so that the affairs of Morocco are prominent. 

conring Marruecos. (From the German.) 

i i«8i This work is by an unsuccessful agent for the 

sale of German guns, who received so little aid 

from the Diplomatic Corps here that he gleaned all the 

»ssip and scandal he could from his interpreter and 
others, and on his return to the "Fatherland" published 
it under the title of a description of " the country and 
people of Morocco." 

Yet there is much of interest in this volume, for it 
partakes less of the character of the writer's journal, and 
gives more general information than most books on this 
Empire. Much of the gossip therein chronicled was only 
too true, and great efforts were made by one diplomatist 
after another to bring the author under the lash of the law, 
but without success. Had Von Conring remained longer 
in the country, and devoted himself before writing to 
sifting the statements he had gathered, his book would 
have been valuable, as his powers of observation were 
evidently great. 

rotte Le Maroc Coutcmporain. 

A volume less pretentious than its title, 
chieflv recollections of a former attache of the 


French Consulate General, supplemented by brief, in- 
teresting chapters on the people and their history, 
fairly correct on the whole. 

ro. c. A true Histo7'icall discourse of Muley Hamefs 

rcottmgton ?] rising to the three kingdomes of Moruecos, Fes, 

London, 1609. r _ 1 • 1 • 1 1 1 t>7 t-\ 

and Sus, to which is added I he Damnable 
Religion of the incredulous More or Barbarian. 

A quaint but succinct black letter pamphlet of no small 
value, dealing with the first seven years of the seventeenth 
century, including the embassy of Sir Anthony Sherley. 
(See p. 360.) 

cowan & Johnston Moorish Lotos Leaves: Glimpses of Southern 

(G.D.) (R. L. N.) Morocc0m 

London, 1883. 

The result of careful observation on the part of 
two men, strangers neither to the country nor its people, the 
half-dozen " papers " distributed over the " leaves " of these 
" glimpses " provide descriptions of life in Morocco, both 
reliable and interesting. Their subjects are: a round-about 
ride from Mogador to Marrakesh ; boar shooting in Shiad- 
hina ; canoeing in Mogador Bay ; notes on Agadir and 
Massa; a march by moonlight with the army; and Moorish 
gastronomy. So entertainingly are they put together, 
that both the visitor and the old resident find enjoyment 
from cover to cover. Mr. Johnston is the author of several 
clever stories of Moorish life,* as well as of numerous 
sketches and skits contributed to The Times of Morocco, 
Al-moghreb Al-aksa, and other papers, some of them 
over the signature of " Madge Mortimer," most of which 
are worth preserving in a less fugitive form. 

* One of these, 'Abd el Karim, the Soldier- Scribe, was really the first book 
printed in Morocco, but the sheets, sent to London to be bound, were lost at 
the docks, so that it has never been independently published, and the only 
copy in existence is in its author's possession. 


Crawford Morocco at a (JlailCC. 

Wx reason of the author's slight personal 

1389. . 

acquaintance with the country, many errors are 

unavoidably mingled with the useful information in this 
little volume, otherwise well suited to the needs of tourists. 
But no "glance" can reasonably be expected to take note 
irf everything worth seeing, or to present a picture correct 
in all details, and Mr. Crawford may be congratulated 
on the result of his reading, albeit confined to a small 

Crawford & Allen. MoVOCCO. 

A report to the committee of the Anti- 
Slavery Society, well-intentioned, but misleading, as its 
authors unsuspectingly became exponents of a Tangier 
part}' faction. 

••crouzenac • Histoire de la derniere Revolution da) is 

.ie Beaumont] j? Empire Ottoman. 

The author accompanied a Turkish mission 

to Marrakesh on this occasion, but the details concerning 

Morocco are extremely meagre. 

Dacunna Memorias para a Historia da Praca da 

Maria do MaZCLg&O. 

L'outo de 

nine). A valuable and pains-taking record of the 

Portuguese occupation of Mazagan, published 
after the death of the author, who was a government 
official in the island of St. Thomas. The story of the 
early settlers in these foreign possessions is always full 
of interest, and there is something quite pathetic in the 
picture of their abandonment. 

de cuevas Estudio General sobre el Bajalato de Larache. 

(From the "Boletin de la Sociedad Geocrrafica.") 
■. 1884 v & ' 

Had other foreign residents in Morocco made 


as conscientious a study of the districts in which they 
lived, as has Sr. de Cuevas in this valuable work, we 
should possess a fair knowledge of at least the coast 
provinces between Tetuan and Cape Ghir. The author, 
who is in the Spanish consular service, gives full details as 
to the physical and political features of the Bashalic of 
Laraiche, with minute descriptions of each town and 
hamlet, hill and stream, together with notes on the local 
agricultural customs, studiously avoiding that generalisa- 
tion which detracts so much from the value of most 
books on this country. The style is good, and never 
wearies one, and this, in combination with the thorough- 
ness of research, would ensure a welcome for this work 
were it published in book form. An English translation 
exists in manuscript, and should also be in the hands 
of the public. 

Curtis A Journal of Travels in Barbary. 

^LmTli 1 80 A neat ntt ^ e record of a doctor's experiences 

with an embassy to Fez, but bald and brief. 
The writer entered a saint's shrine near Tangier, and even 
opened the door of the lattice enclosing the venerated 
remains, before his servant could impress him with the 
rashness of his act. Some interesting notes on the 
gum trade of the Senegal are appended, taken without 
acknowledgment from Golberry's Travels. 

Damberger. See Fiction, p. 531. 

dan Histoire de Barbarie et ses Corsaires. 

(le Pere Pierre). . . c . 

Paris 2nd Ed 16 9 This work rises far above the average of its 
class, as the author, a Trinitarian Redemptionist, 
had half a century's experience of his subject, and has left 
a scholarly standard work on the rise and spread of piracy. 
The illustrations in the Dutch edition (Amsterdam, 1684) 
add special interest. Only a small section is devoted to 



Morocco, but this is of considerable value, and as l'civ 
Dan had a personal knowledge of all the four Barbary 
States, the relative importance assigned by him to the 
Salli rovers may be accepted as correct. A useful 
collection of extracts from the earliest writers on Barbary 
is appended. 

History of the Second Queens Royal Regiment. 
(Vol. 1.) 


(Lt.-Col. John) 
London, 1887. 

There is no better 
acount than this of the 
British occupation of 
Tangier, for which this 
regiment, practically the 
oldest in our army, was 
raised. But it would 
have been greatly en- 
hanced by revision on 
the spot with local and 
historical knowledge. 
The illustrations from 
the pictures at Windsor 
by Holler are valuable, 
and the information, 
collected chiefly from 
the driest official sources, 
has the great advantage 
of being reliable. 

REGIMENT (17th Century) 



1744 (?) 

in zyn 28 Jaarige Slavemy 

Davis (Harding). See Fiction, p. 529. 
Dawson (A. J.) See Fiction, p. 527. 

Beschryvinge . 
in Barbary en. 

A brief account of the experiences of a 
Dutch slave, containing as usual more about his sufferings 
than about Morocco, although he got as far as Tafilalt. 


De la Mercy. See Nolasque. 

D****(M.IeComte). See p. 151 Relation Historique, and Fiction, p. 529. 

Deiphin Fas, son Universite 'el I Enseignement Superieur 

(Prof. g.). Musulman. 

Paris BaOran, 1889. 

This brochure consists of the translation of a 
valuable Arabic description of the college system of Fez, 
from the pen of an old student — diffuse, as all native 
writings are, but the best we have — supplemented by 
extracts of little worth, drawn from all quarters. 

Desmay Relation du Voyage des RR. PP. de la Mercy 

(Louis). p our j a re d em ption des Captifs Chretiens en 1681. 

Paris, 1882. M r * J 

An unpretentious narrative, restricted entirely 
to the experiences of the Redemptionist Fathers, without 
any details concerning Morocco. 

D i di e r Une Promenade au Maroc. 

{( pTrtr}% A" interesting book, not badly written, but 

of little value, as the author's "promenade" 
extended but from Tangier to Tetuan and back. Yet by 
dint of borrowing freely and without discrimination or 
acknowledgment from previous writers, with some local 
gossip and information thrown in, he has produced a 
specimen above the average for generalisation, even of its 

Diercks Marokko . . . und der Marokko-Frage. 

Berlin*!* ' ^ handy compendium of information about 

this country and its people, one of those 
volumes whose compilers are never in doubt, but who 
must never be referred to as authorities. As its title 
implies, some attempt is also made to provide a solution 
for "the Morocco question," although the author does 
not appear to have been in a better position than others 
to judge. 


Douis Voyages dans le Sahara Occidental et le Sud 

((:u,,ille) - Marocain, (Also in the "Boletin de la Societc 

1 388. . . _ , i • »\ 

normande dc Geographic ) 
A pamphlet by a rash young adventurer who, like 
Davidson, risked his life in a plunge among the truly 
barbarous people of an unknown land. Here he details 
his experiences after having been intentionally cast ashore 
near the Canaries. He professed Islam, and made his way 
to Marrakesh, where he was rescued and returned to civili- 
sation. While attempting a similar expedition to Tafilalt 
in 1889 he was treacherously murdered, or probably a much 
more valuable treatise would have been produced ere this. 

dozy Histoire des Mussulmans a" Espagne jusqu a la 

Conqucte de VAndalousie par les Almoravides, 


yn-iiio. (4 vols.) 
A most valuable production, the outcome of immense 
original research and the careful collation of Arabic 
MSS., " which supersedes all other works on the same 
subject, and, it may be added, renders all others super- 
fluous." Unfortunately it is very diffuse, and often, after 
the Arab manner, goes at great length into immaterial 
occurrences. For lack, also, of proper headings, sub- 
divisions, and tables of contents, its utility is seriously 
impaired. The author, who was Arabic professor at 
Leyden, published the important Arabic texts of El 
Marrakeshi, Ibn Adhari, and Arib, with a later volume 
of corrections, and, in collaboration with De Goeje, the 
text and a translation of El Idreesi (Edrisi). 

Dryden. See Fiction, p. 520. 

Fernandez Duro Exploracidn de una Parte de la Costa Norueste 

anccsario). de Africa, en Bused de Santa Cruz de Mar 

l8 7 8 - 

Pequefla, (In vols. iv. and v. of the "Boletin 
^ la Sociedad Geografka.") 


Sr. Fernandez Duro, captain of the vessel sent by Spain 
in search of her vanished possession, not only exercised 
to the utmost his powers of observation and inquiry on 
the spot, but went most thoroughly into the literature 
of the subject, making subsequently a most valuable 
contribution to Moroccan bibliography. His report, dis- 
cussion and appendices are therefore of peculiar value, 
and may be regarded as the best existing authority on 
this question and others connected with it. Several 
papers on matters of kindred interest were contributed 
by him to Spanish scientific publications. 

Durrien The Present State of Morocco. 

(Xavier). . . i • 1 i • i 

London 185 ^ n interesting little pamphlet, thick - sown 

with inaccuracies, notwithstanding the writer's 

two trips " down the coast," although the translator is 

probably responsible for the errors in spelling, the system 

of which is Spanish. 

De la Faye, etc. Relation du voiage pour la redemption des 

(Perejean). captifs . . . pendant les annees 1.723-1 J25. 

Paris, 1726. 

Valuable, like most of its class, for details 
of such missions, but containing fewer horrors, and no 
more about the country or people, than usual. On this 
occasion the good fathers appear to have been more 
deceived than ever by designing Moors and by the 
renegade Fillet. 

AbuiFida Dhikr Bildd el Maglirib — Account of the 

«> m i320. Land of the Sunset. 

Aiger, 1839. (French translation, by Ch. Solvet.) 

Paris, 1848. (Ditto, of the whole geography, by M. Reinaud.) 

Still less thorough than Idreesi, whom he often quotes, 
Abu'l Fida has added little to our knowledge of Morocco. 


He was a Syrian prince who, from many sources, compiled 
an extensive work on geography, of which this forms but 
one section, chap. iii. 

Finck Spain and Morocco. 

(Henry T.) 

In these unpretentious " studies in local 

color " are collected the impressions of an 
American who candidly asks in his preface, " Is a tourist 
justified in writing a book on two vast countries . . . after 
a flying visit of barely two months ? " and proves that 
he is so when " his aim is merely an attempt to transfer 
to the pages of a book an impression of some of the most 
striking examples of local color he came across." A 
chapter apiece on Tangier and Tetuan is all that concerns 
Morocco in this case. 

de foucauld Reconnaissance au Maroc. 

mte „ „ ar (A large quarto volume of well-illustrated 

Parts, 1888. v on 

text, and an atlas containing twenty - one 
sketch-maps of the Atlas.) 

It is a positive pleasure to handle these magnificent 
volumes, which record the most important and remarkable 
journey in Morocco which a European has accomplished 
for a century or more. Viscount de Foucauld's route 
lay for the most part over ground before unknown to 
geographers, but now by him revealed in his excellent 
series of maps, views, and tables, evidence in themselves 
of the magnitude of his undertaking. No modern traveller 
in this country has approached him in respect of either 
accuracy or equipment by training for exploration. His 
careful bird's-eye views and sketches, with the necessary 
indications as to apparent heights, and the directions of 
distant summits, for which the details must have been 
collected at great personal inconvenience, and even risk, 
have rendered his journey invaluable from a geographical 


point of view, while the letterpress is an inestimable 
record of facts. It is a treat to come across a real 
traveller, who knew what he was about, so different from 
the holiday-makers who have burdened the public with 
the results of their pretended explorations in Morocco. 
Beside what De Foucauld achieved, almost every attempt 
to reach the parts he reached has been mere child's-play. 
Those knowing little of Moroccan geography may judge 
of M. de Foucauld's courage and perseverance from the 
fact that in each case in which the words are italicised 
in the following brief outline — which by no means does 
him justice — he accomplished a feat. 

Travelling in the guise of a native Jew, he started from 
Tangier, visiting Sheshdwan, El Kasar, Fez, Tdza, Sefru, 
Mequinez, the Zemmiir Shilh, Tddla, Btijaad, Damnat, 
Jebel Gldwi, crossing the Atlas to Tisint, and the Wad 
Drda, thence passing right through Sits to Agadir, and 
in about six months reached Mogadon After a couple 
of months' rest there, he retraced his steps to Agadir, 
striking across Sus to Tisint by a new route, over the 
Atlas once more, and along its southern slopes till he 
recrossed them again at about the latitude of Fez, arriving 
at Oojda and the French frontier. 

The journey along the south of the Atlas alone was 
a mighty enterprise, rivalling those of which one hears 
so much from the more fashionable parts of Africa. It is 
understood that M. de Foucauld has rendered equal 
services in Algeria, and it would have been impossible 
for a novice to obtain such results. He naturally had 
to face all manner of hardships and difficulties, of which 
space will not permit mention. Every student of Morocco 
will regret that such a brilliant explorer should have since 
immured himself as a Trappist. 

A de France." See Fiction, p. 530. 


san Francisco Relation del I r iage Espiritual que hi 

: lias) " Marruecos el V. Padre Fr. /nan de Prado. 

This rare volume affords an interesting 
insight into the experiences and ideas of the Franciscan 
missionaries, their determination, their religious zeal, and 
their credulity. To escape the vigilance of an unsym- 
pathetic governor they were obliged to flee by night 
from Mazagan to Azammiir, and in Marrakesh their lot 
appears to have been unusually hard, even for the time 
and place. The principal facts are recapitulated by 
De el Puerto. 

Pj-ejus Relation dun Voyage fait en 1666 aux 

(Roland). Royaumes de Maroc et de Fes, to which is 

added a Relation Curieuse. 

The first of these brochures contains absolutely nothing 
of value, being the bare recital of a fruitless journey from 
Alhucemas to Taza and back, undertaken to induce 
Mulai er-Rasheed to make trading concessions. The 
envoy of commerce chiefly notes what he had to eat. 
The second is extremely brief and unimportant. 

Frisch Le Maroc : Geographie, organisation, politique. 

,3 9 . A carefully written political work, the object 

of which is to urge French claims on Morocco, 
and to expose those of " l'insatiable Albion," which haunt 
its author like a nightmare. It is a book which all 
politicians interested in this country should read, even 
if they do not find in it much that is new. It is not 
the work of a complete outsider, for M. Frisch was for 
some ten years an officer of the " Bureau arabe " on the 
Mauro-Algerian frontier, and made good use of his many 
opportunities of ascertaining the truth, excepting as to 
the plots of " those English." 


Gaiindo Historia, Vicisitudes y Politica Traditional de 

(Leon, y de Vera). £ s p a f ia respecto de sus Posesioties en las Costas 

Madrid, 1884. . , _ . 

de Africa. 
The writer of a pretentious volume of this nature, who 
informs his readers that the task occupied him only three 
months, can hardly be called to account for inaccuracy 
in details. It is not surprising that his references are 
meagre, but he has produced a useful, if prolix, work, 
which the Spanish Royal Academy of History thought 
worthy of a medal. As its name implies, it deals with 
much more than Morocco, but contains few facts hitherto 

Ganniers Le Maj'oc d ' aujourdliui^ d'hier et de demain. 

(Arthur de). ^ useful and fairly accurate compilation; 

practically a political study, the author's ex- 
pressed aim being to see Morocco added to Algeria. It 
consists of a brief glance at the country itself, without 
any attempt to describe the people, and a resume of the 
relations in the past between Morocco and the present 
Powers of Europe. Special interest attaches to the out- 
lines of the wars of this century, but the account of recent 
English negotiations is hopelessly meagre. Most of the 
illustrations are borrowed from the volume by Montbard. 

Gateii Viages por Marruecos, el Sus, Wad Nun y 

(Joaquin). Tekna. (Appended to the " Boletin de la 

Sociedad Geografica.") 

The writer of this valuable brochure, full of first-hand 

statements, entered the sultan's service in 1861 as an 

artillery officer in search of adventure. Having deserted 

when leave was refused, he wandered for some years 

through the provinces he describes under the assumed 

name of Kaid Ismail. In 1894 he was sent back by 

Spain on a secret mission. His published report is 

enriched by maps and plans of great value, but much 


of the information collected is still confined to the MS. 
archives of the Spanish " Ministerio de Estado." 

Oayangos. See EI Makkari, p. 490. 

Gerrare (Wirt). See Fiction, p. 528. 

Oobel Die Westkiiste Africas im Altcrtum, und 

Die Geschichte Mauretaniens. 

A most useful and scholarly compendium of 
all existing early records of this country, opening with 
careful notes on the various writers, and concluding 
with an account of the Mauretanian kings. In brevity 
combined with abundance of accurate detail, it is not to 
be surpassed. It is only a pamphlet reproduction of an 
inaugural dissertation at the Leipzig University. 

Godard Description et Histoire du Maroc. (2 vols.) 

<Abbc Lion). Much useful information concerning Morocco 

i860. . & 

is here presented, and if the author has no 

great record for local research, he has certainly laid a large 

number of writers under contribution, and has added to 

the value of his work by acknowledging his indebtedness 

with " chapter and verse." The most valuable portion 

deals with the history of Christianity in Morocco, and on 

the whole this ranks as one of the best books on the 

country. But the Abbe is sadly prejudiced, and so far 

suffers from Anglophobia as to give credence to, and twice 

repeat, the statement that " Mr. Drummond Hay, English 

consul at Tangier, is at the same time Protestant missionary 

and agent of the Bible Societies." * 

orabergdiHemso L Specchio . . . del? Imperio di Marocco. 

(jacopo). Graberg's work has long enjoyed a reputation 

based on real merits, but by most these have been 

* "But," adds the reverend Abbe (p. 117), "we do not think that he has 
for assistant the Jewish- Protestant colporteur." Further on he remarks, 
" England is represented by Mr. John Henry Drummond Hay, Knight of the 
Civil Order of the Bath, and minister of the Holy Gospel." 


over-estimated. Many errors are to be discovered which 
could now be easily avoided since the country has been 
so much opened up by Europeans. His Specchio has 
been extensively plagiarised, indirectly as well as directly, 
though seldom with recognition. He has himself dealt 
more fairly with the work of others, especially with 
Jackson's, from which he makes many quotations, but 
from Leo Africanus he has copied blindly and freely — 
perhaps indirectly — without acknowledgment. It is chiefly 
from this source that Graberg's notions of Moroccan 
geography were borrowed, as is evident from his 
ridiculous exaggeration of the importance of many places 
which had long since dwindled into hamlets or entirely 
disappeared. The author, who represented Sweden and 
Sardinia in Morocco, had a fair acquaintance with Arabic, 
but knew little of the country beyond Tangier. 

Lyon, 1820. II. Precis de la Litter ature historique du 

Mogtirib el Acsa. 
A most valuable contribution to the bibliography of 
Morocco, criticising briefly from local knowledge twenty- 
four of the chief works then existing on the subject. It 
was subsequently incorporated in the Specchio. 

Graham Mogreb-el-acksa, a Journey in Morocco. 

(A. B.Cur 


(A. B.Cunninghame). 

Gloriously picturesque, inaccurate and un- 

conventional, but eminently readable. Criticism 
is disarmed by the prefatory declaration that the genial 
author has " tried to write after the fashion that men 
speak over the fire at night, their pipes alight, their hands 
on their rifles, boots turned towards the blaze, ears 
strained to catch the rustle of a leaf, and with the tin 
tea mug stopped on its journey to the mouth when horses 
snort." In this he has succeeded, though his "modest 
book of travels " is not to be quoted. Yet surely persistent 


►fifing at what so many of his readers hold sacred hardly 
becomes a writer who informed his Moorish host that he 
was "a member of the U.P. Church, and was as orthodox 

a Christian as he was a Mohammedan" (p. 190); one fears 
that his fellow members must consider some expressions 
in this work both blasphemous and indecent. 

Hanno. See Appendix, p. 544. 

Hardman The Spanish Campaign in Morocco. 

md i860 Letters from the Times correspondent re- 

printed ; valuable as a careful description of 
the campaign, but quite devoid of information about the 
country, of which the author knew nothing. 

Hams I. The Land of an African Sultan. 

1889. The author's maiden effort, principally narra- 

tives of his earlier journeys in Morocco — 
most of them reprinted from periodicals — bright and full 
of interest, but seldom contributing new information, and 
not always sufficiently accurate to be quoted as authorita- 
tive. The remarks on the Christian missions, for instance, 
betray lamentable ignorance of the subject, and the book 
has many of the faults of hurried journalism. 

(Reviewed in The Times of Morocco, May 24th, 1890.) 

1895. II. Tafilet. 

This record of a plucky journey from Marrakesh to 
Tafikilt, undertaken in the guise of a poor Arab, and 
accomplished partly on donkey-back, partly on foot, is 
full of valuable information with regard to a hitherto 
unexplored route. At the time of the journey Mulai 
el Hasan was in Tafilalt, and the circumstances which 
attended the death of the late sultan are especially well 
described. Mr. Harris now knows enough of the country 


to avoid the ordinary tourist blunders, and has here 
presented an important work ; his illustrations are very 

Hay I. Western Barbary : its Wild Tribes and 

(j. h. Drummond). Savage Animals. (Second Edition.) 

London, 1861. 

A most disappointing book, but well and 
entertainingly written, somewhat in the style of The 
Bible in Spain. It is far from what might have been 
expected from such an authority under such a title, for 
it is the work, not of the mature diplomatist, but of the 
youth of half a century earlier. At the same time it 
is superior to most books of travel, as a story told by no 
novice in the ways of Morocco, and this account of a 
journey but little beyond Laraiche gives, with far greater 
exactness, almost as much information as the average 
report of the traveller who has " done " half the Empire* 
So trustworthy and reliable are the notes and comments 
on Moorish life, that it cannot fail to be a matter of regret 
that their author did not at a later period produce a 
standard work on the country he knew so well. 

Cambridge, 1848. II. Journal of an Expedition to the Court 

of Morocco. 

As this brochure was never published, it is hardly fair 
to criticise its inaccuracies, for it was but a rough journal 
reprinted for personal friends. Nevertheless, it contains 
good stories and much diplomatic wisdom. " With Moors 
and Chinese," truly remarks the author, " you must be 
kind, but very firm, or the end would be great guns." 
Herein lay the secret of his success in dealing with our 
neighbours here. 

* The journey was undertaken in 1837 to obtain blood horses for the 
young Queen, but was unsuccessful. The account has appeared in several 
forms, including French and German. 


Hay & Brooks A Memoir of Sir John Drummond Hay. 

■ l8g6 - So much of the life of this able diplomatist, 

who for many years represented Great Britain in Tangier, 
was passed in Morocco, and so close was his contact with 
its affairs, that the record prepared by his daughters ranks 
among the important volumes on the Moorish Empire. 
It not only affords a valuable insight into local politics 
and character, but it contains a number of original 
reflections from the diaries and letters of a keen and 
careful student, while it is free from those blunders and 
generalities common to volumes compiled by strangers. 

Hecataeus. See Appendix, p. 543. 

Herodotus. See Appendix, p. 541. 

Hindsmitn A Boy s Rambles, Falls and Mishaps in 

(William Wilson). MoVOCCO. 
Lendon, 1886. 

Since this unpretentious little volume is all 
that it professes to be — the record of a boy's visit to Fez 
and Mequinez — it ranks well above those multifarious 
volumes which, while pretending to give a " full and 
particular account" of this country and its people, consist 
mainly of a padding of inaccuracies. 

Hodgkin Narrative of a fourney to Morocco. 

Unlike most so-called "works" on Morocco, 

I, i860. 

this is just what it pretends to be. It is the 
story of the philanthropic mission to Marrakesh under- 
taken by Sir Moses Montefiore on behalf of his persecuted 
brethren, unaffectedly narrated by his Christian medical 
attendant. Few remarks on the condition of the country 
are included, beyond the author's own observations — 
mainly geological — but there are various appendices of 
interest. It was published by subscription as a souvenir 
of the subject of which it treats, and of its author, who 
died soon after his return. 


Hooker (Joseph d.), Marocco and the Great Atlas. 

Ball (John), and 

Maw (George). To the scientist, especially the botanist and 
London, ,8 79 . fa Q geologist, this volume is of real value. It 
describes an expedition of scientific explorers who accom- 
plished most of their objects, and were content to record 
it without extraneous matter or hearsay. They were 
thus enabled to produce a work which deserves all praise ; 
its appendices particularly are of great worth, forming 
in some cases monographs on subjects previously little 
known, such as the geology and economic plants of 
Morocco. Its authors were dauntless Englishmen, in- 
fluentially supported, and as they did not propose to 
describe the people, their ignorance of Arabic was not 
so prejudicial as in the case of others. The explanation 
of their errand to the Berbers was that their Queen had 
a big garden (at Kew) which she desired to stock with 
every kind of plant which might possess medicinal virtue. 

Horowitz Marokko. 

(VlctOT ' 1„ According; to the title-page, " The most 

Leipzig, 1887. ° _ L ° 

essential and interesting [facts] about land 
and people," by a secretary to the German Legation at 
Tangier, but of the usual superficial and incomplete 
nature. Thus the entire section on Moroccan insects 
reads : " That insects also are certainly not wanting in 
a southern land is self-evident ; particularly there are 
numerous bees, which furnish honey and wax in abun- 
dance." Well, we live and learn ! 

H q ST Efterretninger om Marokos og Fes, 

(Georg.). or Nachrichten von Marokos und Fes. 

Kiobenhavn, 1779 & 

1781 respectively. The author of this standard work was for 
many years Danish consul at Tangier, and spared no 
pains in arriving at facts. His notes on the habits and 
customs of the people are unsurpassed, and, among much 

# ' -' '" r ' X jY= 


-^- : 



(Frontispiece to his E/terretninger am Mardkos og Fes, 1779) 

2 I 


other valuable information, that about their instruments 
of music is unique, the illustrations adding greatly to its 
value. Directly or indirectly, every subsequent writer on 
the country has been indebted to the conscientious Host, 
and those who have least benefited by his labours have 
had least good fortune. 

. /T , . . s Sifat El Maghrib wa Ard es-Sitddn, wa 

Idreesi (Ednsi) ^— ... 1 

(Mohammed). Masr, wa el Andalils — Description of the West, 

LeyJeTLe the Land °f the Blacks > °f E gyP* and Spain. 

(French translation by Dozy and De Goeje.) 

Brief geographical notices of northern Morocco are 
included in this valuable work, but few facts are to be 
gleaned thereform beyond the condition or non-existence 
of certain towns in the time of the writer, a native of 
Ceuta who was employed by King Roger of Sicily to 
collate and edit the information he had collected. On 
this account Idreesi's work is also known as " The Book 
of Roger." 
jackson An account of the Empire of Morocco and 

(James Grey). Q jr JimbuCtOO. 

London, 1809. 

The latest standard work in English on the 
Moorish Empire, an invaluable description by a merchant 
who had spent many years at Mogador and Agadir. The 
natural and artificial products of Morocco are ably dealt 
with, as well as the physical features then known, but the 
account of its inhabitants is not so full as might have 
been expected. The author's object was to supplement 
the scantiness of information of which he complained as 
characteristic of the volumes on Morocco even then 
abundant. Yet he falls into some curious errors, among 
them that of confounding the Nile with the Niger, the 
source of the former being described as in West Africa. 
The account of Timbuctoo is especially interesting, as so 
little was known of that part at the time, and the informa- 



tion was gathered from natives, possibly also from Pellow, 
who is often confirmed, if not actually copied. The difficult 
question of Arabic transliteration is entered into, but Jack- 
son failed to suggest the system of which he saw the need. 


(Frontispiece to his Account of the Empire of Morocco, 1809.) 
James History of the Herculcean Straits. (2 vols.) 

(Lt.-Col. Thomas). . 

, These ponderous tomes were written by an 

English officer at Gibraltar, and while dealing 
with both sides of the straits, give a large share of 
attention to the northern part of Morocco. No new- 
facts of importance are given, the work partaking rather 


of the nature of a guide-book, with a resume of the chief 
points of interest 

jannasch Die Deutsche Handelsexp edition 1886. 

An account of an attempt made by the 

Berlin, if 87. ^ ; 

Germans to open up Sus. The author was in 
command of the expedition undertaken in the Gottorp, 
and as a writer on commercial subjects he was able to 
gather much important information regarding the manu- 
factures and products of this country, besides what he 
learned and saw on the spot in Sus. This unpretentious 
production of modest title must therefore rank among the 
satisfactory works on Morocco. 

jansen A View of the Present Condition of the States 

(W,) - of Barbary. 

London, 1816. 

A compilation called forth by the momentary 
interest in the suppression of the Barbary pirates. The 
second chapter only deals with Morocco. 

[jardine] Letters from Barbary. (" By an English 

(Lt.-Coi.A.). Officer.") 

London, 1783 

The report of a military official lent by the 
Governor of Gibraltar to Sidi Mohammed XVII. It is 
too brief to convey much fresh information, but is not 
devoid of interest. 

Johnston (R.L. N.) See Cowan and Johnston. 

Keatinge Travels in Europe and Africa. (2 vols.) 

(Coi. Maurice). A discursive but readable account of many 

London, 1816. ' 

wanderings, including a trip through Morocco 
with the British embassy of 1785. It displays more 
general and classical knowledge than research into 
Moorish affairs, and includes more philosophical, political, 
and moral dissertations than descriptions of what the 
worthy colonel saw. It is therefore of slight value as 
a work of reference. 


"Kerdec-Cheny ' (illidc (III VoyOgeUV (III MaVOC. 

(A. de). 

and As the first guide-book compiled for Morocco, 

,888 - this little volume supplied a much-felt want for 

those reading French, and in an unpretentious form gave 
much more useful information than many a costly pro- 
duction, notwithstanding numerous inaccuracies. These 
are all the more astonishing in a work compiled on the 
spot, but the author — for some time editor of Le Rc'veil 
du Maroc — was new to the country himself, and made use 
of few authorities except De Foucauld, the Radd el 
Kartds, and one or two recent productions. It is note- 
worthy as the first volume printed from type in the 
Moorish Empire,* and it reproduces a convenient map. 

Kerr Pioneering in Morocco. 

London 1894. The plain, unvarnished tale of a good work 

— the Central Morocco Mission — practically a 
collection of notes from the author's letters and diaries. 
Many new and valuable statements are encountered 
throughout its pages, but it hardly ranks as a work of 

ibn khaldun Histoire des Berberes. Selections from the 
: -Rahman). Kitdb el * Aibr wa Diwdn el Mubtidd wa el 
.1867. Kliabar, fi Aiydm el Maghrib wa el Wjam wa 

rs > 1852-6. el Berber (8 vols., translated by Baron MacGuckin 

Ide Slane, in 4 vols., with appendices and copious notes). 
" The original work," says the Bibliography, "is a general 
history of the Mohammedan world, and is unsurpassed in 
Arabic literature as a masterpiece of historical composition," 
a statement which most fully applies to the portions in 
question here, by far the most valuable work on Moorish 

In formerly ascribing this distinction to my Introduction to Morocco 
Arabic I was in error. 


history extant. Of De Slane's translation and comments 
less cannot be said. He tells us that his colossal task took 
him fourteen years. He has not only translated, but has 
with scrupulous pains checked and supplemented the 
original work throughout. To him, and to the French 
Imperial Library, at whose expense these volumes were 
produced, as well as to the historian himself, all students 
of Morocco and Islam owe hearty gratitude. 

Ibn Khaldun, a Hadramaut Arab, was born in Tunis in 
1332, and at twenty-one became the royal private secretary. 
After travels in Algeria, he visited the Court of Abu 
Ainan of Morocco, where he at first received a similar 
appointment, but was afterwards imprisoned for two years, 
on account of his sympathy with the Tunisian Hafsis, 
On restoration to favour he played an important part in 
securing the throne for Ibrahim II., after which he went to 
Spain, and was sent as ambassador from Granada to Pedro 
the Cruel at Seville. Returning to Eastern Barbary, he 
was for a time the Chamberlain of the Ameer of Bougie, 
and eventually visited Egypt, where " Saladin " made him 
chief judge of Cairo, as a result of a course of lectures 
delivered in the Azhar College. Mekka and the Holy 
Land next came within his journeyings, and having 
followed the sultan to Damascus, he was in that city 
when it was captured by "Tamerlane," with whom he 
took refuge, astonishing him by reading out of his great 
work the Tartar's history and genealogy. After receiving 
every honour, he was allowed to return to Egypt to 
conclude his task, on which he had already spent fourteen 
years in the Fayyum, where he died in 1406. 

Such a record has rarely been achieved, and if only on 
account of his unquestioned erudition and his unequalled 
opportunities for personal investigation, the work of 
Ibn Khaldun would deserve the highest confidence ; but 
he also had access to most valuable sources of information 


long since lost, to which he freely recognises his Indebted- 
ness. I te was a man, moreover, of great discernment and 
sober judgment, wonderfully systematic and minute for 
an Oriental, although his facts are often out of proportion, 
and the plan of his work involves much repetition. The 
arrangement is neither chronological nor geographical, but 
genealogical, each tribe or family being traced from the 
region of mythical ancestry down to its practical dis- 
appearance, if that had occurred by his time. 

ibn Khaiitkan. Kitdb Wakee&t el *Aidn. (A Biographical 

(Ahmadx Dictionary, translated from the Arabic by 

1275. J ' J 

London, 1843-71. Baron MacGuckin de Slane, 4 vols.) 

An invaluable work of reference, the well-merited 
celebrity of which among the Arabs — who justly hold 
it in esteem for its exactitude — has led to its having been 
frequently condensed and supplemented. The service 
rendered by De Slane in giving it to the West is as 
great as in the case of his translation of Ibn Khaldun. 
Ibn Khali ikan was for some time chief judge of 
Damascus, and also a professor in Egypt, where he had 
been educated. Among the biographies given are those 
of Yusef bin Tashfin, Ibn Tiimart the Mahdi, Abd el 
Mu'min, Yakub el Mansur, and others of interest in 

Koteit Nach den Stiulen des Hercules. (2 parts.) 

(Dr. Wilhelm). . . . , 

Frankfurt, a.m. 1883. T- he portions of this account of a scientists 
journey which refer to Morocco contain much 
information of value concerning its conchology. It 
appeared in the Deutsche Touristen-Zeitung, and in a 
subsequent paper published in the ZoologiscJie Garten, the 
author touched upon the Moroccan mammalia. 

Lavaissiere P. See Fiction, p. 530. 


L«ared I. Morocco and the Moors. 

London, 1876. The value of this book has been greatly over- 

estimated, as Dr. Leared, having no intimate 
acquaintance with this country or its people, had to rely 
on superficial information from books and guides for some 
of his most interesting statements, the weight of which 
may be judged from that fact. He only visited the coast 
towns and Marrakesh, with no knowledge of the language, 
and the many errors he has fallen into are not surprising. 
But the facts supplied by Mr. Broome, of Mogador, and 
other residents, are worthy of credence, and so are the 
author's own observations. The most useful portion is 
the appendix dealing with the principal native medicines, 
but the chapter on the diseases of Morocco contains 
nothing remarkable. 

London, 1879. II. A Visit to the Court of Morocco. 

An interesting account of the Portuguese embassy to 
Mulai el Hasan on his accession. Apart from the 
description of the journey, it contains valuable appendices 
on the battle of El Kasar el Kabir in 1578, the site of 
Volubilis, etc. Dr. Leared enters fully into the question 
whether the ruins known as Kasar Faraon are actually 
those of Volubilis or not, and his conclusion that such 
they are has been borne out by subsequent discoveries. 

Lempriere A Toiir to Moi r OCCO. 

London, i 79 t. The author, a surgeon of the Gibraltar 

garrison, visited Tarudant in 1789, in order to 
attend a son of Sidi Mohammed XVII. The story of his 
journey to Sus is interesting, and his description of both 
country and inhabitants is observant, but this is not a book 
which well repays the reader. Dr. Lempriere had evidently 
studied Pellow, which enabled him to greatly improve his 
own work. The portion which treats of the reign of the 


red-haired tyrant El Yazeed, .'md of his bullying the foreign 
consuls, has peculiar value as contemporary evidence. 

Lenz Timbuktu : Reise (lurch Marokko. 

Dr. Oskar). / 2 vo j s . French translation also published.) 

, 18S4. 

Of these two volumes, only the first deals 

with Morocco, but is in itself a valuable resume of facts 

about the country, although the authorities drawn upon 

are not so frequently acknowledged as they might have 

been, and the value of the original contributions of 

Dr. Lenz is greatly lessened thereby. This is especially 

the case with regard to Sus, through which Lenz passed 

in disguise, content to draw on Gatell for most of the 

information imparted, instead of making the best of his 

own unique opportunity. The map is not remarkable, 

and the illustrations are from well-known photographs. 

Liana (Manuel G.), El Imperio de Marruecos. 

and Rodriganez .... r r 

(Tirso). A careful compilation in concise form of 

rid, 1879. much information respecting both country and 
people, by the editors of La Iberia, prefaced by a useful 
historical sketch, and supplemented by the treaties with 
Spain since 1861, but containing little, if anything, original. 

" Pierre Loti" Maroc. 


(Lieut, juiien). One of this well-known author's fascinating 

**« J p - sketch-books of eastern travel, descriptive of 

the embassy from France to Fez in 1889. It is full of 
action and colour, and on the whole conveys a correct 
impression of the artistic aspect of life in Morocco, but 
it is not to be looked to for facts. 

3kenzie Report on the Condition of Morocco. 


London, 1886. A pamphlet issued by the Anti-Slavery 

Society, containing practically nothing new, yet 


affording a clear, concise, and tolerably accurate account 
of the state of this country, suitable for readers un- 
acquainted with it. 

[Mairauit] Relation de cc qui est passe dans le Royaume 

(Adrian Maurice). de Maroc depuis I \mnee ijzyjusqiCen IJ3J. 

Although anonymous, this volume is attributed 
by Abbe Godard 1 to M. Mairauit, who appears to have 
been closely connected with the French Fathers of Mercy, 
if not one of their number. His record is a useful historical 
contribution to its special period. 

EiMakkari History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in 

(Ahmad). Spain. (A translation by Pascual de Gayangos 

London 1840. of the jVaftu't-Taib : 2 vols.) 

Rightly described in the Bibliography as " a monumental 
work . . . indispensable to the study of the history of 
Moorish Africa." A rather slipshod translation by a 
former Professor of Arabic in Madrid, it is, nevertheless, 
in excellent English, and in parts affords most interesting 
reading. The collateral extracts from other native writers, 
and the translator's critical notes, are of great value. The 
affairs of Morocco are touched upon only when, under the 
Murabtis and Muwahhadis, Spain became a portion of 
the Moorish Empire, and the seat of government was 
transferred to Marrakesh. El Makkari was more of a 
compiler than an original author, but as he is careful to 
quote at length, and with acknowledgment, from works 
long since lost sight of, his history is of considerable value. 
He was a native of Tlemgen, and wrote in Egypt in the 
fifteenth century. 
Maitzan Dreijahre im Nordwesten von Afrika. (4 vols.) 

, ., . , A carefully written traveller's narrative, inter- 

Leipzig, IC03. J ' 

spersed with historical jottings, the final volume 

p- 535. 

.J .-r - r » \ ■ -T- i E .V-tt-t^ i 





r\,\\ KFRU'Al « »1 



of which describes a tour down the Moorish coast, and up 
to Marrakesh, called by the writer " The Damascus of the 
West." This he explored in the unenviable garb imposed 
on the sons of Israel who have the misfortune to reside in 
that city. Here and there a fact may be gleaned, the fruit 
of personal observation, but caution must be exercised 
in placing reliance thereon. 

Marcet Le Maroc. 

(Dr. A.). 
Paris, 1885. 

A brief and fairly correct account of one of 

the regulation European embassies, the route in 
this case being from Mazagan to Marrakesh, and thence to 
Mogadon It is too superficial to contain much original 
information, the writer being, as usual, ignorant of the 

Marmoi Caruajai Description general de Affrica. (3 vols.) 

Gravida, i 573 . ^ s a storehouse of facts about Morocco this 

classic has been freely used for three hundred 
years, and it is time that it were superseded, especially as 
the work of Leo Africanus formed its unacknowledged 
basis. Subsequent writers have in the same way utilised 
Marmoi, and later arrivals the works of intermediate 
predecessors, till it is difficult to tell which lends authority 
to which, and an abundant crop is produced of what 
Dr. Johnson called "wandering lies." Marmoi was a native 
of Granada, who served in the expedition of Carlos V. 
against Algiers, and being captured, spent nearly eight 
years in North Africa, so that he was able to introduce 
much original matter in that section of his work at least. 
Books III. and IV. concern Morocco. 

EiMarrakesM El Majcib ft Talkhees Akhbctr el Maghrib. 

(Abd ei Wahhid). — The Enjoyment of an Epitome of Moorish 
L^en'iiwisii. History. French Translation by E. Fagnan 
Aiger, 1891-3. - m the Revue africaine, Nos. 202-207. 


El Marrakeshi, who confines himself chiefly to an 
account of the Muwahhadi Period — towards the close of 
which he lived — informs us that he had access to no 
previous histories of that period, so that an additional 
value is lent to the facts that he has collected with regard 
to it. The introductory sketch of the preceding dynasties 
is drawn from authorities for the most part still available, 
but it is not devoid of value. The length of the work is 
increased, but without improving its value, by the insertion, 
in Oriental style, of many quotations, good and bad, from 
poetasters of the time. 

Martiniere Journeys in the Kingdom of Fez, and to the 

(Vicomte h. de U). Court of Mulai Hassan. 

London, 1889. • . . 

Notwithstanding the important information 
contained in this work, and particularly its careful route 
maps, it is disappointing, inasmuch as greater things might 
be expected of the author, the result of whose excavations 
on historical sites has yet to be presented in a popular 
form. This book is in many respects incomplete, and is 
carelessly put together, the translation — for it was written 
in French — being altogether slovenly, a criticism which 
applies with equal force to the appended continuation of 
Renou's Morocco Bibliography. It is difficult to under- 
stand why the able author consented to such an appearance 
abroad, and it is to be sincerely hoped that ere long he 
may produce a record worthy of his diligent labours. 
(Reviewed by me in The Times of Morocco, No. 237.) 

mas latrie I. Traites de Paix ct de Commerce, et 

<Le Comte l. ^-^_ Documents divers concernant les Relations des 

Chretiens avec les Arabes de VAfrique septen- 

trionale au moyen age. (Two Parts and Supplement.) 

There are few contributions to Moroccan history more 


valuable than this collection. The absence of any notice 
of relations with Great Britain is explained by the fact 
that these commenced in earnest only about the time of 
the most recent documents included, which accentuates 
the need of a continuation. The introduction — a summary 
of the chief points in the letters and treaties which follow 
— is of no small value, and has been issued separately in a 
revised form as : — 

Paris, 1886. II. Relations et Commerce de VAfrique septen- 

trionale avec les Nations CJiretiennes au moyen age. 

An able historical sketch, one of the few entirely 
satisfactory volumes which deal with Morocco, while 
treating equally of all the Barbary States. 

[Maurvuie] Relation de V Affaire de Lai'ache. 

Amsterdam, w An anonymous volume by a French naval 
ensign (p. 235), which deals almost entirely 
with the unsuccessful attempt of the French, under 
Du Chaffault, at Laraiche in 1765, and the author's 
subsequent two years of captivity, during which he was 
made chief of the French prisoners. With the exception 
of a few notes and a generally descriptive appendix, it 
contains little information about the country or people. 

Mayo (W. S.) See Fiction, p. 524. 

Mela. See Appendix, p. 553. 

Mendoca Jornada de Afi'ica. 

lerommo). ^ valuable account of Dom Sebastian's ill— 

Lisooa, 1607. 

starred expedition of 1578, in which the author 
served, with particulars of the fate and ransom of the 
prisoners taken by the Moors. The circumstantial manner 
in which the narrative is set forth obtains for it a place 
among the most reliable contributions to Moorish history. 


Menezes Historia de Tangere. 

(Fernando de). ' 

Lisbda Occidental, An important record of the Portuguese 
I732> occupation of Tangier (1471-1662), with an 

epitome of what was then known of its ancient history. It 
was written by the last of the Portuguese governors, after 
its evacuation by the English, with a view to inducing its 
re-occupation. Very little information is given beyond 
its original capture and a list of the successive governors 
and their constant combats with the Moors. 


Mercier I. Histoire de V Afrique septentrionale depuis 

les temps les plus r ecu les. (3 vols.) 

Paris, 1888-91. r r w / 

A replete, if unwieldy, compilation, of which 
the chapters on the ancient history are the most valuable. 
The subsequent account is principally a rechauffe of the 
French translations of Ibn Khaldun, Raod el Kartds, El 
Ufrani, Ez-Zai'ani, etc., with important additions from 
other sources, which make it the most complete and 
systematic history of Barbary extant. It contains little 
that is new about Morocco, which perforce receives but 
a limited share of attention. 

Constantine and II. Histoire de V Etablissement des Arabes dans 

Paris, i8 74 . V Afrique septentrionale. 

Practically a compilation in the form of a continuous 
narrative, of the scattered data of Ibn Khaldun and other 
native authors, dealing specially with the immigration of 
Hilali Arabs in the eleventh century. A useful work. 

Merry y Coiomb Mi Embajada Extraordinaria a Marruecos en 

(Francisco). jgfi ~ 

Madrid, 1864. 

Nothing more important than a collection of 
• the official reports of an ambassador, containing little that 
is new or interesting, although a few political facts come 
out in the negotiations described. 


Monttard Among the Moors : Sketches of Oriental Life. 

(C ^ 

London 189 ^ n entertaining account of the usual trip to 

Fez, etc., with the usual absence of any new 
facts. Profusely illustrated with woodcuts purporting to 
be from the author's own drawings, but notwithstanding 
his tirade against the reproduction of photographs for 
illustrative purposes, all the best of those in his book are 
from photographs. Several of them were never taken in 
Morocco, but Algeria, and the evidently genuine sketches 
of native types are only caricatures; a few of the landscapes 
and views alone deserve consideration. An intention to 
be funny at the expense of his companions is displayed 
throughout, but apparently no attempt is made to instruct. 

Mouette I. Histoire des Conquestes de Mouley Archy . . . 

(Le Sieur G.). et fa Mouley Ismacl. 

Paris, 1683. 

A special interest pertains to this con- 
temporary record, written on the spot by an observing 
captive of some education. Additional value is lent by 
the fact that most of the information was derived from 
a native, a learned taleb or scribe, who, having fallen on 
evil times, became the friend of Mouette while engaged 
with him in the same employment. The original manu- 
script was carried off to Paris by a French merchant of 
Salli, under the pretence of obtaining ransom for its 
author, and the claim made by Desmay (p. 468) to have 
been entrusted with its publication is repudiated in the 
preface. Unfortunately this work has been confounded 
by many with the author's second attempt.* 

Paris, i 7 02.t II. Relation de la Captivite du Sieur Mouette 

dans les Royaumes de Fez et de Maroc. 

* Even in the Bibliography, where the three paragraphs of Art. 295, 
commencing "Another Edition," and ending with "his Relation," should— 
with some revision — complete Art. 296. 

t Licensed 1683. 



The interest of this work centres round the personal 
experiences of the author and his fellow-prisoners, whose 
amorous adventures are the theme of several chapters. It 
is evident that even in those days the public desired less 

•\ ,v ^' 



(From Mouette, 1683) 

solid and instructive reading than the previous History, 
and beyond affording valuable insight into the lives of the 
European captives in Morocco — as one of whom the author 
spent eleven years — the Relation does not greatly add to 
our stock of knowledge. 


Murray Sixteen Years of an A r fist's L ife in Morocco, 

(Elizabeth). Spain, and the Canary Islands. (2 vols.) 

London, 1859. 

A well-told tale, the opening scenes of which 
portray life in Tangier half a century ago, and include the 
French bombardment of that town and Mogador in 1844, 
with some important observations weightily expressed. 
The author's husband held a consular appointment here. 
The second volume is not concerned with this country. 

en-nasiri Kitdb el Istiksa fii Akhbdr Daul el Maghrib. 

(Ahmad bin Khaiid — Book of Investigation into Moorish History. 

es-Slawi). v 

Cairo, 1895. (4 VOlS.) 

This most recent Moorish history is the only one first 
published through the press, and its author, a native of 
Salli, has not long enough survived the conclusion of his 
great task to reap the fame he has so justly earned. From 
himself we learn that he was born in 1834, from which 
time on he is always careful to note whether his information 
is from eye-witnesses or from report, or from his own 
observation, and throughout he is exemplary in naming 
his authorities. He died in 1897. 

Beginning with the early times of Mohammedan 
influence, his record ends with the reign of Mulai el Hasan, 
in the year preceding its publication. From p. 150 of 
the last volume — which commences with the reigning 
Filali dynasty — its author breaks new ground, continuing 
the work which Ez-Zai'ani had brought down to his own 
day, 1812. In the earlier volumes En-Nasiri generally 
contents himself with re-telling the tale of the Kartds or 
Ibn Khaldun, and of subsequent well-known writers, but 
he gives the best account we as yet possess of the later 
period of the Beni Marin. For this — in his second volume, 
in addition to the Nashar el Mathdni and the Jadhwah of 
Ibn el Kadi — biographical collections recently published 
in Fez — he has made use of works called El Mar ah 
2 K 


' (p. 1 60), Baddid es-Silk (p. 176), of the Dukdn of Ibn 
Askar, paraphrased by the Sheikh Abu'l Hasan Ali bin 
'Othman es-Shawi (p. 170), and of the poems of the 
Imam Abu'l Hasan Ali bin Harun (p. 176), quoting also 
"the late Sheikh Zaruk " (p. 161), and a "Manuel" 
(p. 160), whom I have not yet succeeded in identifying, 
apparently a Portuguese writer, if not Castellanos. 

iNoiasquej Relation de . . . trots Voyages . . . de la Mercy 

(Rev. p.). dans les Etats die Roy de Maroc. 

A record of the journeys ^undertaken, and the 
efforts made, from 1704 to 17 12, for the redemption of 
Europeans, but with scanty information as to either 
Morocco or the Christian slaves. Busnot, who accompanied 
the earlier expeditions described, gives a far better account 
of them, and much of what he wrote is here incorporated. 
The first report of these particular missions to be published 
was that of T. Marmol, in 17 12, but it is very rare. 

"Nozhat elHadi." See Ufrdni. 

ocana Epitome del Viage que hizo a Marruecos el 

(FrayGmes). Padre Fr. Francisco de la Concepcio. 

Cadiz^ 1675. 

Practically an account, by one of his com- 
panions, of the mission and martyrdom of Juan de Prado, 
originally published in Madrid in 1644, this edition being 
of much inferior letterpress. As its name implies, it is 
short, but it is not devoid of interest. 

ockiey An Account of South- West Barbary. 

. ev ' " The name under which this appears is that of 

Londo7i, 1713. L L 

the editor, Professor of Arabic at Cambridge, 
and that of the author, formerly a slave in Morocco, 
remains unknown. Besides some very interesting details 
as to the sufferings of the captives, and the character of 
Mulai Ismai'1, it contains a fairly accurate general description 
of the better known parts of the country, and of its people, 
including the Jews. 




Barcelona, 1893, 


A work with such a title, unless cyclopaedic, 
must be disappointing, as it raises so many 
expectations. This particular specimen is but an enlarged 
political pamphlet, padded out with descriptions at second 
hand of Moorish life, religion and misgovernment The 
object is to prove a case for the interference of Spain. 

St. Olon 

(Pidou de). 
Paris, 1695. 


Relation de V Empire de Maroc. (2nd Ed.) 
It was by the express command of Louis XIV. 
to furnish "an exact account of the territory, 

government, religion, 
etc., of the kingdoms 
of Fez and Morocco," 
that his ambassador 
wrote this account of 
what he saw and 
heard. The most 
interesting feature is 
perhaps the compari- 
son afforded between 
the reception of am- 
bassadors in those 
days and these, 
showing how, while 
little change has 
taken place in the 
ceremonial, great 
advances have been 
made in the respect 
shown to Europeans. 
The " territory and 
social conditions" 
receive slight atten- 



* VAN H E T 




Dc aan en eyeenfehap , raitfgadm <fe fitaisk 

Vinhct voorfchreve Land. 

Turn At Zudtn t Geweomtrt, Regmint, Gudi- 

ditnil ,n St<wkundtvmda^,if, Inurnment. 
AUcs Raauwkrungltik befchrcven door d'Hcxr raa 


Met err Rcvs-bcfdujrving, ckm den Kapltryn 
Roland Frsjcs, (KfONmojriliAvmdMi^ar.' 
nocm^-n Kt.nj.ig van fnrkr.^, n n M gil ,, 
Archt , Kosirog via jriUt , Bfoe*fct en 
a tcgee KaniM 




■- 3*3 

. tjlfv* 

I N *S (5 R A V FNI1ACE 



tion, but the report was compiled with care. The quaintly 
drawn woodcuts are evidently either from very poor notes, 
or from faint recollection. 

oviio La Mujer Marroqui. 

(Dr. Felipe 
Madrid, il 

This little volume may be classed among 

the few publications regarding this country 
which give satisfaction, as the author, at one time medical 
attache of the Spanish Legation in Tangier, confines 
himself to his subject, and deals with a matter of which 
he has personal knowledge. He gives a fairly correct 
and succinct account of the round of a woman's life in 
Morocco, whether Moorish, Berber or Jewish, and the 
laws of the Kor'an relating to women are conveniently 
summarised. Unfortunately the illustrations detract from 
the worth of the book, being most unnatural and overdrawn, 
apparently from imagination. 

paddock Narrative of the Shipwreck of the " OszvegoP 

(Judah). . . , . . . 

London 1818. An entertaining narrative of the hardships 

undergone by an American crew on the coast 
of Siis. It includes valuable descriptions of the customs 
of the people among whom the castaways had to live, 
and of the treatment of shipwrecked crews in that part 
of Morocco — a treatment which has known but little 

Payton Moss from a Rolling Stone. 

(Char es A.). .. . 

London 1879 ^ ne Moss here gathered was found in the 

Field and other publications, above the signature 
of " Sarcelle." It consists of papers on various phases of 
life in Southern Morocco and elsewhere, written in a lively 
strain, and burdened with little information interesting to 
any but sportsmen. Yet they have the charm of being 
trustworthy, and it will be of public utility when the large 



number of more solid contributions from the same pen to 
contemporary periodicals and consular reports, particularly 
those dealing with Moroccan fisheries, are gathered into 
a suitable volume, which would rank with the foremost. 

Peele (George). See Fiction, p. 519. 

pellow Captivity and Adventures in South Barbary. 

(Thomas). . . _ . . 

London i 6 ^ most interesting account ol the captivity 

of an Englishman, a native of Falmouth, taken 
prisoner by the rovers in 17 15, when a boy on his first 
voyage. The story of his attempt to get free is typical, 
and abundant evidence, internal and external, places him 
above the suspicion to which many such writers were open, 
of having concocted a story from materials supplied by 
others. Col. James, who afterwards read the book, says in 
his Herculcean Straits (vol. ii., p. 28) that he saw the MSS. 
in Morocco, which is an additional proof of its genuineness. 
Braithwaite (p. 242) tells us that Pellow, to whom he gives 
an excellent character, visited the ambassador Russel in 
Mequinez, and briefly narrated his experiences. Pellow's 
language is often quaint and ungrammatical, in spite of its 
having been edited by a more educated hand, responsible, 
doubtless, for the unacknowledged incorporation of many 
pages from Windus. 

London, 1890. The recent publication of an edition annotated 

by Dr. Robert Brown, has brought a really valuable account 
of Moorish life within the reach of modern readers. It is 
from the pen of a man who for twenty-three years lived as 
a Moor, with a Moorish wife, and who was for some years 
an officer in the shareefian army. Pellow's accounts of 
his various expeditions are of peculiar interest, as showing 
how little the modus operandi has changed since that time, 
and his careful itineraries, extending as far as Tuat and 
Timbuktoo, are useful in fixing the whereabouts of distant 
and still inaccessible spots. 


Pietsch Marokko. 

" wlg " A reprint of letters from an "outsider" 

Leipzig, 1877. L 

who accompanied a German embassy to Fez, 
one of which bears the title, " Three Breakfasts and a 
Corpse." Otherwise of the usual style of such literature. 

[Perdicaris] American Claims and tlie Protection of Native 

(Ion) - Subjects in Morocco. (See also Fiction, p. 525.) 

London, 1887. 

The appearance of this artistic pamphlet was 
but a feature in a recriminative warfare raging at the time 
of its publication between its author and the ex-consul- 
general of the United States in Morocco. Its contents 
cannot therefore be regarded as contributions to fact. 

Perez del Toro Espana en el Norueste de Africa. 

Madrid 18 2 ^ careful compilation of some utility, though 

not remarkable for accuracy. Data beyond 
the possibility of verification are included, but the refer- 
ences generally are good. The most valuable chapter deals 
with " Santa Cruz de Mar Pequena," its antecedents and 
its prospects. 

Perrier A Winter in Morocco. 

,. m V a ' The title indicates sufficiently the scope of 

London, 1073. J x 

this book, which is not rashly to be quoted. 
Its writer never probed beneath the surface, and made no 
pretence of being a student. The only interest is the 
comparison afforded between the Tangier of a quarter of 
a century ago and the Tangier of to-day, which has 
altogether improved from even the tourist point of view. 

pezzi Los Presidios Menores de Africa, y la Infliiencia 

(Rafael). Espafiola en el Rif. 

Madrid, 1893. 

An important monograph on the Spanish 
fortresses in Morocco, by a War Office official, issued in 


consequence of a threatened rupture between Morocco 
and Spain, occasioned by encroachments and reprisals at 
Melilla. It is thus political as well as instructive, and it 
is enriched with maps and views by the author. 

Pheips An Account of the Captivity of Thomas Phelps. 

(Thomas). . . . . 

London 1685 "^ brief but interesting narrative of the 

personal experiences of a sea captain during 

a short captivity at Mequinez, which throws light on the 

methods of the pirates. It is dedicated to Pepys, who had 

presented the author to King Charles. 

picard El Moghreb al Aksa. 

(Edmond). _^ _ , . . 

Brussels, 1893. ^ ne °* those cleverly written accounts of 

foreign embassies which the envoy usually finds 
some journalist delighted to undertake. This specimen 
treats of Baron Whettnall's journey as Ambassador of 
Belgium in 1887, and is above the average, although its 
author has the unfortunate French taste for things which 
should not be mentioned. Facts need not here be sought 
for, but impressions are well recorded, and are not over- 

Pliny. See Appendix, p. 552. 

Polybius. See Appendix, p. 548. 

Porter (Jane). See Fiction, p. 528. 

Prado Recuerdos de Africa ; Historia de la Plaza de 

(Jose, Marquez de). (J eu f a% 

Mcidrid, 1859. 

Very much of the nature of the volume by 
Menezes on Tangier, chiefly confined to a record of the 
Moorish attacks, and the changes of governors and 
bishops. The history of any place so situated could be 
little more, and in this case the details are of very limited 


Ptolemy. See Appendix, p. 554. 

de el puerto* Mission Historial de Marruecos. 

(Fr. Francisco de 

San juan). A valuable history of the Franciscan missions 

//a, 1708. j n ]y[ orocc0j w ith notes on earlier Christian 

records in North Africa. The most important section 
covers the seventeenth century, during the latter part of 
which the author was superintendent of the Friary at 
Mequinez. Somewhat prolix, and abusive of the Moors, 
as compilations of this class are apt to be, and credulous 
withal, it is an excellent specimen, splendidly printed. To 
its pages Castellanos and Godard are largely indebted for 
their mediaeval records. 

Rae The Country of the Moors. 

London is This title is a misnomer, explained in the 

sub-title. The subject is, " A Journey from 
Tripoly in Barbary to the City of Kairwan," and the 
Moors are not even touched upon. 

the "raod El Anees el Mutrib, Raod el K art as ft Akhbdr 

el kartas" Mulook el Maghrib, wa Tareekh Madinat Fas, 
(By Abui Hasan or j] le Agreeable Companion, a Garden of 

Ibn Abi Zara el . „, . - 

Fasi.orSaiahbin Documents on the History of the Sovereigns of 
:\bd ei Haiim ei Morocco, and the Annals of the City of Fez. 
^r 2 ar " a " 6 ' French translation by A. Baumier, entitled, 

Pans, 1860. Roudh el-Kartas. Histoire des Souverains du 

Maghreb . . . et Annales de la Ville de Fes. 

The authorship of this unquestionably leading Moorish 
history is claimed for two writers of whom little or nothing 
is known. Ibn Abi Zara, to whom preference is given by 
the present reviewer, is named as its author in the good 
edition recently lithographed in Fez (1888), as well as in 
several well-known manuscripts, but it would be fruitless 

* No. 324 in the Bibliography, where the surname is omitted. 



to open the discussion here. Those curious on the subject 
are referred to the Bibliography (Arts. 871, 1523, etc.), and 
to an exhaustive note by Gayangos in his translation of 
Makkari (vol. ii., p. 515). There is even a dispute as to 
the meaning of the expression " Raod el Kartas " — used 
in reference* throughout these works, on account of the 
uncertain authorship— and some have derived it from a 
garden created near Fez by Ziri bin Atia, which bore that 
name. Translations, more or less complete, have been 
published by Petis de la Croix (Paris, 1693, in MS.), by 
Dombay (Agram, 1794, in German), by Moura (Lisbon, 
1828, in Portuguese), and by Thornberg (Upsala, 1846, in 
Latin, with Arabic text). Conde has embodied most of it 
in his history of Spain. But Baumier has rendered the 
greatest service in this respect. 

In a concise and satisfactory manner, the Raod el 
Kartas tells the story of the Moorish Empire from its 
foundation to the commencement of the fourteenth 
century, with useful summaries of great events and natural 
phenomena. Its very excellencies have led many to be 
satisfied with its assertions without further search for 
confirmation, and all subsequent native authors have 
made it a groundwork. Only their additions to it have 
independent value. Where they appear to confirm, they 
may be assumed to have copied. 

"Relation . . . de la Mercy," see Nolasque. 

Renou Description Geographiqae de V Empire du Maroc. 

(Emiiien). (Vol. viii. of the " Exploration Scientifique 

Paris, 1S46. 1 > \ 1 / • \ 

d Algene.) 

A publication by the French Government, of a nature 
rather to provide collated material for subsequent writers 
on the spot than for perusal. It consists almost entirely 

* To Baumier's translation. 


of a painstaking attempt to harmonise all the geographical 
data of the chief writers on Morocco up to the time it was 
published. Its author had little personal knowledge of 
the country, and evidently little opportunity of consultation 
with its natives. It is accompanied by a map still of use 
for the less known parts, a table of the latitudes and 
longitudes till then ascertained, and contributions to the 
bibliography and cartography of Morocco. 

Reparaz Marruecos, El Rif, Me HI la. 

Madrid 18 Nothing but a political pamphlet, calling on 

the Spanish Government to demand the cession 
of territory round its Moroccan possessions. 

Rey. Souvenirs d y un Voyage au Maroc. 

Algiers and Paris, . . . i i i i_ i_ 

An interesting anglopnobe account by a resi- 


dent of a " trip down the coast." 

Richardson Travels in Morocco. (2 vols.) 

James . ^^ ^.^ ^ ^jg WQr fo j g R m { snomer • the 

London, i860. 

author's only "travel in Morocco" recorded 
therein was a picnic from Mogador to Diabat, a few miles 
away. But Mr. Richardson is probably no more to blame 
for the selection of the title of his book — which was 
published after his death — than for the printer's and other 
errors with which it abounds, the majority of which would 
doubtless have been corrected had he himself revised it. 

The introduction by a Captain Cave still further reduces 
its value. This ex-officer calls on England to " hunt " the 
Moors " from the fair land which they occupy, and force 
them back on the deserts which vomited them forth," giving 
as a reason that " civilization cries aloud for retribution on 
a race whose religion teaches them to regard us as ' dogs.' ; ' 
These rash words are hardly counterbalanced by the 
sensible preface of the author's widow. The most valu- 
able information is appropriated from Calderon. 


R iiey Loss of the American Brig " Commerce. 


London, 1817. 

Cast ashore near Cape Barba, Capt. Riley 

and his companions were brought by the Arabs 
to Mogador, undergoing the usual deprivations, of which 
he has furnished a graphic account in an excellently 
printed volume. Much fragmentary information may be 
gleaned from his pages, a leading feature of which is a 
native account of Timbuctoo. Although a close observer, 
and passably accurate, the author makes terrible havoc, 
not only of native words, but also of European names. 

Ripperda. See Fiction, pp. 247 (note) and 530. 

Rohifs Reisen dutch Marokko. 

(Gerhard). Adventures in Morocco. (Translated from the 

Bremen, 1867. 

London, 1874. German by Winwood Reade.) 

Little more than its name implies, this is a volume 
which well repays reading, if only for the insight it gives 
into Moorish character, especially among the lower orders. 
Dr. Rohifs made a long journey in Morocco alone, nearly 
always on foot, in the disguise of a renegade without funds, 
and at first ignorant of the language. He endured fearful 
hardships, and penetrated parts of the country inaccessible 
to Christians. Had he given still more particulars as to 
his life, and made fewer efforts to augment his work by 
drawing upon less reliable authors, it would have been 
much more satisfactory, but this fault is attributable to 
the loss of his notes. The numerous errors of detail into 
which he has thereby fallen greatly detract from the worth 
of a most interesting book. 

The many subsequent contributions to Moroccan 
literature by Dr. Rohifs (who still lives) are of much less 
value, having been prepared at a distance with the aid of 
the experience of others. 


Rochon Voyage a Madagascar, a Maroc et aux Indes 

(Abbe Alexis). Orientates. 

Paris, 1 791. 

The comprehensive title of this work is due 
to the fact that the author travelled as " Marine 
Astronomer" on board the French man-of-war which 
conveyed Dr. Breugnon and Chenier to Sam* in 1767. 
Morocco holds a very unimportant place among his notes, 
which are of interest as an authoritative picture of the 

Russeii History and Present Condition of the Barbary 

(Rev. Michael). States. 

Edinburgh, 1835. 

A convenient bird's-eye view of Morocco at 
the time of publication is included, principally compiled 
from Jackson, Ali Bey and Lempriere. It contributes no 
original data. 

Salah bin Abd el Haliin. See Radd el Kartas. 
Sallust. See Appendix, p. 550. 

scbiagintweit Der Spajiisch-marokkaniscJie Krieg in . . . 

(Eduard). l8 r 9 und i86q% 

Leipzig, 1863. 

A full and detailed account of this war by a 
Bavarian officer, partly from his own experience, and partly 
compiled. It is probably the best record of its subject 
that we possess, but the results of the author's observation 
would have been of greater value alone. His own copy, 
annotated for a second edition, is in Dr. Brown's collection. 

schweigbofer. Einleitung zur Kemitniss . . . der . . . Konigreichc 

men, i 7 8 3 . Maroko und Fes. 

A brief and careful resume of general information about 
this country, largely drawing on Host, but containing 
useful historical and bibliographical data in appendices. 

Scott (Alexander). See Fiction, p. 532. 


scott A Journal . . . of Travels in Morocco and 

(Colonel K. S. F.). Algiers. 
London, 1842. 

Written with "the sole object of vindicating 
the character of His Royal Highness the Ameer (Abd el 
Kader), and clearing it from the aspersions thrown on it 
by the French papers," by an English officer who entered 
his service ; so much need not be expected about Morocco. 
Yet as the author reached Algeria by way of Tetuan and 
Taza, returning via Taza to Fez and Tetuan, he covered 
ground still little known, but the information given is very 
scanty and inaccurate. 

Scylax. See Appendix, p. 547. 

isegur.j An Account of the Life of Muley Liezit. 

Edinburgh, I797 . (Translated by Robert Heron.) 

This translation is from an anonymous French edition, 
apparently printed in Rome, and published in Amsterdam. 
Its facts are presented in a manner leaving no doubt as to 
the authority of the writer, possibly the secret agent of 
Spain at the Moorish court. This man was Francois 
Segur — alias Sid Idrees — a German by birth, and a self- 
styled captain in the Austrian army, who became a 
renegade in Morocco, but escaping to Cadiz, there returned 
to Christianity. He was also the author of an account of 
the Moorish Court in 1788, part of which is given in Agrell's 
Bref om Maroco* Mr. Heron's contribution of a summary 
of Moorish history is also useful, and not without merit. 

[Seran de ia Tour.] Histoire de Mouley Mahamet, ftls de Mouley 

Geneve, i 749 . J smaC l y R i Je MarOC. 

An anonymous account of Mulai Ismail's most promising 
son, compiled from a number of contemporary authorities, 
quoting among others an unknown work by Scherfield. 

* Graberg says in his Precis that he saw the whole of it at Mogador. 


Tts purpose was to hasten the end of Moorish tyranny by 
exposing its horrors. 

De sestri Por Todo Marruecos. 

" la " " . Practically a translation of the volume by 

Barcelona, cir. 1892. J J 

" Sir Jose Thomson," but being " written in the 
presence of" such unimpeachable authorities as Amicis, 
De Campou, Marcet, and " Loti," accuracy need not be 
expected, albeit a readable production has resulted. In 
addition to Thomson's own illustrations, most of those 
from Amicis are reproduced, all badly copied, and some 
wrongly named. 

Settle (Elkanah). See Fiction, p. 521. 

Shaw. Travels or Observations Relating to Several 

Oxford, x 73 8. p arts jr Barbary and fa Levant. 

Dealing almost entirely with Algeria and Tunisia, and 
giving little information concerning Morocco. 

Shelley. See Fiction, p. 523. 

sieigh Resources of A ?icient Maurita?iia. 

apt. a. w.>. ^ brochure with little original information, 

London, 1857. & 

published to promote a wild and undigested 
scheme for a "United Service of Enterprise and Commerce," 
" for the acquirement of wealth and position," by " the 
educated and enterprising," in a province to be carved 
out of Sus by five hundred original members, all of them 
officials holding rank proportionate to their shares and 
qualifications. As additional inducements to investors 
were held forth the possible suppression of slavery and 
the propagation of Christianity ! 

Strabo. See Appendix, p. 551. 

stutfieid El Maghreb, 1200 Miles through Marocco. 

Full of interesting anecdotes and descriptions, 

(Hugh E. M.). 



and with a rich vein of humour pervading the whole, 
this lightly-written work, the author's " first attempt 
at book-making," will repay the casual reader, who will 
find much to amuse him in the ridiculous side of most of 
the events therein chronicled. Mr. Stutfield took a special 
interest in the misgovernment of this country, and burned, 
as every Englishman should, to see some end put to all 
the injustices suffered by the Moors, especially those 
suffered at the hands of so-called Christians and civilised 
foreigners. He was right, but he would have been wiser 
had he eschewed political questions until he had made 
himself better acquainted with the tea-cup storms of 
Tangier politics. (See also Fiction, p. 527.) 

"Tafiietta." A Short and Strange Relation of Some Parts 

London, 1669. f fa £^fc f Tafiietta. 

This pamphlet, " by - . ^ 

one that hath lately 
been in His Majesties 
Service in that Country," 
rests on the authority of 
"a merchant of Provence 
resident in Arzilla," and 
contains little more than 
hearsay. It was pub- 
lished also in French, 
Dutch and German. Its 
most interesting item 
of information is that 
" Tafiietta," whose name 
(Mulai er-Rasheed) was 
unknown to the writer, 
"holds his cimeter with 
such a tenacious fist, 
that his hand cleaves to the handle, and that it cannot be 

A Short and Strange 


Qi tome part of the 



The Great 



By one that hath lately beer. 

His Majdlk- 

Primed iv 7. ,v fix SMmtLmm 

Esttp-H,»j>. : :h<r $i>z-,j. 


loosed without the assistance of lukewarm water," and 
further, that before his accession he took refuge with a 
Jewish ruler in the Atlas, whom he murdered and 

"Tangier." Description of Tangier. 

London, t66<. (Translated in part from the Spanish, pub- 

lished " by authority," no author's name.) 

One of the quaintest little volumes, utterly without 
merit, unless that of containing a ridiculous medley of 
facts and fancies from sundry old authors, and from 
popular report. It tells of beings in Morocco with "eyes 
and mouths in their breasts," and of veins of gold which 
" discovered themselves all along the coast, and upon the 
mountains." It actually makes the suggestion that the 
English in Tangier should take to piracy in the Straits, 
as " an honest way of livelihood to those Englishmen 
whose necesseties have debauched them to unable and 
shiftless wayes of living." 

Thomas A Scamper through Spain and Tangier. 

T , ' Rather a difficult matter, a "Scamper through 

London, 1892. ' J- & 

Tangier," but the more remarkable in that the 
authoress — an Australian who has produced a better effect 
with her brush than her pen — overlooked the one fact 
which fills most introductory chapters of " works " on 
Morocco, the astonishing "plunge into Africa" which 
the first day affords. " Perhaps," she says, " travellers who 
are acquainted with Tangier may be interested to know 
that its reputation as the worst landing-place in Europe 
is fully maintained." Travellers unacquainted with this 
Nazarene-defiled spot may be as interested to know that 
even as a landing-place on the " Dark Continent " the 
reputation of Tangier has greatly improved since her visit. 

* See p. 138. 


Thomassy Le Maroc et ses Caravanes, on Relations de la 

(Raymond). France avec cet Empire. 

Paris, 1845. 

The first part of this title applies only to the 
introduction. The real subject is described by the second 
part, and is fully and carefully dealt with. Much completely 
new material from the archives of the French Foreign 
Office has been made use of, which renders this work of 
great worth to the historian. It is only superseded in part 
by that of Mas Latrie. Thomassy wrote, of course, from 
an entirely French point of view, and consequently many 
of his remarks about rival nations must be discounted, but 
otherwise his production deserves great praise. 

Thomson Travels in the A tlas and SontJiern Morocco. 

London 1889 A well-known traveller here narrates a journey 

in the interests of science to some less accessible 
parts of the Atlas. Unfortunately, his ignorance of the 
language and the character of the inhabitants considerably 
hampered him in his task, preventing his doing much 
original exploration. Yet many valuable geographical 
and geological data were obtained, although faults in 
some of the instruments employed prevented accuracy 
in observing altitudes. The geological map of South 
Western Morocco is useful, but the greater portion is 
conjectural. What Thomson did accomplish, nevertheless, 
was thorough as far as it went. (A most laughable skit on 
this work was contributed to The Times of Moi'occo, No 125, 
by R. L. N. Johnston.) 

tissot RecJierches snr la Geographie de la Manretanie 

(Charles). Tingitane. 

Paris, 1877. 

One of the most important and reliable 
contributions to our knowledge of Morocco, the result of 
careful personal investigations by a minister of France. 


By this work all previous conjectures as to the sites of 
ancient Roman and Phoenician settlements in Western 
Barbary are superseded, and probably nothing but 
excavation could modify Tissot's conclusions. The map 
and table of identifications are of great utility. Other 
works from the same able pen are : — 

Fans, i8 75 . Note sur Vancien port d'el Ghat (Waladiya), 

" Bulletin de la Societe Geographique," t. x. 

Pnrh, 1876. Itineraire de Tanger a Rbat (with an 

excellent route map), I.e. t. xii. 
Paris, 1876. Les Monuments Megalithiques . . . du Maroc. 

(Pamphlet, with sketch-map reproduced on p. 7.) 

All of these sustain the reputation of their author as 
a diligent and careful student, but, to quote the Bibliography, 
" his weakness as a critic was the contempt he displayed 
for those less able than himself, or who had the misfortune 
to differ from him." 

Torres Relacion del Origen y Suceso de los Xarifes. 

Seviiia 1586 A most important record of Moorish history 

during the first half of the sixteenth century — 
1502 to 1557. The author was a Spaniard engaged from 
1546 in the redemption of captives, who appears to have 
been most careful in the collection of information from 
eye-witnesses, when not himself present. He evinces 
unusual impartiality in writing of the Moors. This volume 
is a fine specimen of early typography. 

Trotter Our Mission to the Court of Morocco, 

(Capt. Philip 
Edinburgh^ i 

(Capt. Philip D.). _ . ri , . P ... , 

In spite of the usual proportion of ridiculous 

blunders, this entertaining volume is above the 
average. Except when tempted by the ludicrousness or 
astounding nature of the nonsense furnished by interpreters 



and guides, the author is content to describe what he him- 
self saw, and his own observations are of value. It is a 
matter for regret that he had not further opportunities to 
explore this Empire. The photographs by the Hon. D. 
Lawless are very good, and the sketch-map of the route 
appears fairly accurate. The best part is the description 
of Fez. 

Troughton Barbarian Cruelty . . . Narrative . . . of the 

(Thomas). British Captives belonging to the "Inspector" 


London, 1751. 

An interesting picture of the later epoch of Christian 
slavery. The victims were eighty out of a crew of 
two hundred and four, shipwrecked in Tangier Bay in 
1746, and held as security for the payment of some 
£12,000 alleged to be due on account of a previous 
ransom. The publisher has taken the precaution of 
prefixing affidavits as to the authenticity of both the text 
and the illustrations from memory by a "limner" of the 
party. The narrative itself may be relied upon, but the 
appended descriptions are mere excerpts from Windus and 

el ufrani Histoire de la Dynastie Saadienne au Maroe, 

(Mohammed, — 1524 to 1 643. (A translation of the Nozhat 

cir. 17 10). -* ^ ^ u x 

Paris, 1889. el Hddi, by O. Houdas.) 

The original title of this volume means " Pungent 
Amusement," but to western readers this may hardly 
seem deserved, for while interesting facts are scattered 
throughout, and to the historian it is of considerable 
importance, it is so diffuse, so taken up with fulsome 
praises by contemporary rhymesters, that it is unsatisfactory 
reading, even in comparison with kindred Arabic works. 
M. Houdas has, nevertheless, rendered a great service in 
bringing it within the range of European students. 


urquhart The Pillars of Hercules. (2 vols.) 

London, 1850 Few volumes of equal size contain theories 

more startling or more scientifically — if not 
logically — demonstrated than do these two. Even when 
such theories are absolutely false, they evince much studious 
research and ingenuity. Their author — the well-read and 
clever Russophobe "travelling M.P." — whose knowledge of 
Morocco was limited to a very brief visit, managed to 
accumulate an amazing amount of information, much of 
it incorrect, so his work is well worth perusal by readers 
already acquainted with Morocco, and therefore able to 
choose between truth and trash ; but strangers should 
beware, lest they find themselves unwittingly in those 
traps into which Mr. Urquhart tumbled. 

urrestazu Viojes por Marruecos. 

( .... . . . 

Madrid 18 ^ n unpretentious little work, presenting in 

a convenient form one of the best and most 
accurate descriptions of Morocco and its people. Born in 
this country, the author — a "professor of languages" — 
travelled in it as " Taleb Abd el Kader bin El Jilali," and 
is one of the very few who have really understood their 

vnia-urrutia Una Embajada a Marruecos en 1882. 

(Wenceslas R. de). a i • r 1 • • i • r 1 

Madrid 188- A brief but interesting diary of an embassy, 

recounting in a few pages what many have 
told in thick volumes, but containing nothing new or 

Voyage dans les Etats Barbaresques. See Fiction, p. 530. 

vyse A Winter in Tangier, and Home through Spain. 

r X% 'j ° W qT The authoress might have found interested 

London, 1882. o 

readers in her own circle, but as this is only 



a personal diary, it is a pity that she should have made it 
public property, induced to do so, probably, by admiring 
comments from private friends. 

Watson A Visit to Wazan. 

LondZ^o. Dr. Watson had the good fortune to be 

everywhere described by his guide as the 

brother of the English wife of the shareef of Wazzan, but 

as he could not speak 

the language, this was 
only discovered on his 
return to Tangier. This 
character secured for the 
traveller every mark of 
respect, and he in conse- 
quence formed a high 
opinion of Moorish 
hospitality. Meeting the 
natives with an unpreju- 
diced mind, he found 
them pleasant to deal 
with, especially as his 
stay among them was 
too brief to expose their 
short-comings. Bearing 
this in mind, his obser- 
vations and experiences 



(Frontispiece to his Visit to Wazan) 

are of interest and value, and his work is very satisfactory. 

White (Edward). See Fiction, p. 520. 

wmdus A Journey to Mequinez . . . on the Occasion of 

London, 1725 

Commodore Stewarts Embassy . . . in the year 


One of the volumes on Morocco which was most widely 
translated and reprinted at that interesting period, and 
which has most generally served as a quarry for the 


unacknowledged excavations of subsequent " authors " 
and their editors. On the whole, the testimony of 
Windus may be credited as that of an independent 
witness who tells a plain tale. His book contains a plan 
made by the celebrated Dutch scholar Golius, of the 
Mequinez palace, and one edition presents, as a picture of 
Mulai Ismail, the accompanying woodcut, which had 
previously done duty in several works as portraying his 
brother Rasheed.* 

Wyatt. See Fiction, p. 530. 

ez-zaiani Et-turjnidn el Modrib an Daiil el Mashrik wa 

( A bul ^ dsem el Maghrib— The Lucid Interpreter of the Govern- 

Ahmad). <5_ r J 

Tiemgen, 1813. merits of E ast and West. 

Paris, 1886. French translation of chapter xv., Le Maroc 

de 1631 a 181 2, by Prof. O. Houdas. 

An attempt by a retired Moorish official to write a 
general history, in which, however, only the Turkish and 
the reigning Moorish dynasties receive full treatment, 
supplemented by an account of his travels. The fifteenth 
chapter alone concerns Morocco, but its value is greatly 
augmented by the writer's personal experience as Secretary 
of State to Mulai Sulaiman, during the close of the period 
under review. Few cognate works compete with this in 
directness of style, or continuity of narrative, qualities 
seldom met with in Arabic histories. 

Ibn Abi Zara. See Radd el Kartds. 

* See p. 458. 




O many a distant land has come to be a hackneyed 

stage for the imaginative writer, that it is remarkable 

how rarely Morocco has served as a scene for drama, 

poetry or fiction. References to this country or its 

people — as in the case of Othello, or of the kings 

in Marlowe's Tamburlaine — and instances of casual 

adventure on its coast, chiefly in the piracy days — 

as when Robinson Crusoe, among others, found himself 

captured by Salli rovers — are indeed not lacking, but 

they are invariably the misleading notions of those 

altogether ignorant of Morocco itself. With one or 

two exceptions, even the few who have sat down to write 

a " Morocco story " have been no better informed, so that 

as yet we have no work of any class of fiction which 

conveys reliable conceptions either of the past or the 

present conditions of life in the land of the Moors.* 

The attention of playwrights was earlier turned to 

. Morocco than that of novelists. Just three centuries 

Peeie ago the famous " battle of the three kings," 

<Geor ge ). j n ^jgjj perished the rash Dom Sebastian in 

1578, near El Kasar, became the theme of 

* The present reviewer has therefore endeavoured to utilise fiction as a 
medium for the presentation of a picture of Moorish life and thought, more 
complete than would have otherwise been possible, in an as yet unpublished 
novel, Sons of Ishmael. 



much contemporary writing. The best-known play to 
which it gave rise is Peele's Tragicall Battell of Alcazar 
in Barbarie, on which both Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 
poured contempt. It displays the usual amount of 
information with regard to things Moorish, a greater 
interest attaching to the presence of the Englishman 
Stukeley, who is made to say : — 

"In England's London Lordings was I borne, 
On that braue Bridge, the barre that thwarts the Thames." 

The interest aroused in Stukeley's fate called forth 
later an anonymous Play of Stucley, in which the same 
characters appear, but it consists chiefly of fragments of 
older plays adapted and interwoven. The fifth act was to 
have dealt with the African adventures, but before he 
reached that part the author or compiler apparently grew 
weary of his task, which remains incomplete.* 
wmte A ballad had already been licensed to Edward 

(Edward). White, which contained A Brief Rehearsal of 

the Bloody Battle in Barbary. The interest it 
excited was sufficient to make the author of a reply to 
Stephen Gosson's School of Abuse, published in the 
same year, entitle his defence of the stage, music and 
dancing, Strange News out of Afric. 
Dryden. A century later Dryden utilised the tragic 

events of that day in his Don Sebastian, suggested, 
doubtless, by Peele's play. Of this production Saintsbury 
remarks, in his edition of Dryden : " It is a separate 
objection that the manners of the age and country are 
not adhered to. . . . But what is worse, the manners of 
Mohammedans are shockingly violated. Whoever heard 
of human sacrifices, or of any sacrifices, being offered 
up to Mohammed? or when were his followers able 
to use the classic and learned allusions which occur 

* See The School of Shaksj>ere, by Richard Simpson. 



throughout the dia- 
logue ? " As an in- 
stance of this last 
peculiarity, Addison 
observes that " Ovid 
seems to have been 
Mu lay-Mo luch's 
favourite author, wit- 
ness the lines that 
follow : — 

" ' She, still inexorable, 
still imperious, 

And loud, as if, like 
Bacchus, born in 

The great essayist 
continues : " I shall 
conclude my remarks 
on his part with that 
poetical complaint of 
his being in love, and 
leave my reader to 
consider how prettily 
it would sound in the 
mouth of an Emperor 
of Morocco: — 



MULAI ABD ALLAH V., 1729-1757. 
(From Troughton) 

11 ' The god of love once more has shot his fires 
Into my soul, and my whole heart receives him.' 


London, 1673 

The Empress of Morocco, a play by Settle — 
the "Doeg" of Dryden's Absalom and Acliito- 
phel — was mercilessly criticised by Dry den 
and Duffet, the latter publishing a parody with the same 
title in the following year. Settle's production, which was 
nevertheless a great success, doubtless owed much to its 


appearance during the British occupation of Tangier, but 
it is now highly prized among dramas as " the first ever 
printed with cuts." 

Of Morocco it tells absolutely nothing, its only '' local 
flavour" being the distorted Arabic names of the characters, 
who include the usual assortment of " Villains, Lords, 
Messengers, Priests, Masquers, and other Attendants," in 
a story of court intrigues and love affairs, certainly most 
un-Moorish. Dryden criticised not Settle's language 
only, but also his facts, such as his making a 
"glorious fleet of ships sail up the Tansift," to which 
Settle replied that the Tansift was " a river held as 
great as the Thames, and as navigable!" Duffet's parody 
dealt with Morena the Applewoman, Empress of Morocco, 
and Labas the Corn-cutter* It concludes with the classic 

verses : — 

" Rose-mary 's green ; 
Rose-mary 's green ; 

Derry derry down : 
When I am king, 
You shall be queen ; 

Derry derry down." 

In 1682 Settle again availed himself of passing events 

in this country, when his Heir of Morocco was produced 

at the Theatre Royal, but this play was rather Algerian 

than Moroccan, although dealing with " the Usurper 

Guyland." About the same time the Spanish dramatist 

caideron Calderon produced El Principe Constante y 

(p.,deiaBarca). Martyr de Portugal, "one of his most 

remarkable dramas," dealing with the slavery 

of Europeans in this country. He also wrote a play 

based on the conversion of a Moorish prince to Christianity,! 

entitled, Magnus Princeps. 

* A booklet published under the title of The Queen of Morocco is but the 
story of a geranium, possessor of that royal name, 
t See chapter xv., p. ^21. 


conaiihac It was long before another Moorish play 

(jean j. l.). appeared upon the boards. This was a piece 

entitled Lcs jolies filles au Maroc, by Conaiihac. 

The subject of the next production was the martyrdom of 

the beautiful Jewess, Sol Hachuel, who had some years 

before preferred death at Fez to apostasy and a place in 

the shareefian hareem.* Her story was dramatised by 

caiie Antonio Calle, under the title of La Hcroina 

(Antomo). Hebrca. From this to the fantastic distortions 

Seville, 1852. _ _ _ „ . 

of Morocco bound, too recent a travesty to 
require description, is another long leap, but there is 
nothing to fill in the gap. It is a great misfortune that 
such incorrect ideas of Morocco should be inculcated 
in place of facts. Why cannot playwrights lay their 
impossible scenes in countries born of their imagination, 
such as Brobdingnag and Lilliput? One unpublished 
tragedy exists, from the pen of Hall Caine, an adaptation 
of a story which at first was to have centred round 

sheiiey. Of the poets, Shelley at least might be 

supposed, in his Witch of Atlas, to deal with Morocco, but 
there is nothing more about this country in that "visionary 
rhyme " than its name. It was written near Pisa, on an 
expedition to a neighbouring mountain shrine, and Mrs. 
Shelley protested that it was equally devoid of human 

Mere allusions to Morocco of course abound in poetry, 
but of the few deserving notice here is that of our great 

Milton. epic master, whose Adam, from "a hill of Paradise 

the highest," saw "the hemisphere of earth, in clearest ken 

stretched out " — 

" From Niger flood to Atlas Mount, 
The kingdoms of Almansor,t Fez and Sus, 
Morocco, and Algiers, and Tremisen." 

* See The Moors, chapter xxiii. f Ahmad V., 1578-1603. 


Tasso. Tasso only gave expression to the ignorance 

of his age with regard to Morocco — notwithstanding all 
that had been written on it even then, especially by Leo 
Africanus, whose work was published in Italian — when he 
wrote in // Gerusalemme Liber at a 1 \ — 

" E costeggiar di Tingitana i lidi, 
Nutrice di leone e d'elefanti ; 
Cor di Marocco e il regno quel de Fessa " — 

information which must have been derived from Pliny, or 
from the " leonum arida nutrix" of Horace. 2 

Marlowe. Like Othello, the kings of " Moroccus and 

Fez " who crouched before Tamburlaine the Great, had 
" coal-black faces," as has been mentioned elsewhere, 3 and 

Browning. even so modern a poet as Browning gives 

black arms to his "dear, foolish, golden-hearted Luria," 
" a Moor, of Othello's country," — as he called him to 
" E.B.B." — the mercenary who delivers Florence, and 
would finish off the Duomo with a Moorish front, and 
paints him swarthy as if he had come from Central Africa. 
The classic misconception dies hard. 

In a recent volume of poems Mr. Mackenzie 


Bell has some graphic lines on A Sunday 
Morning off Mazagan. 

Didier The novelists who have dealt with Morocco 

(Charles). are a } so f ew> ^ Q earliest I have discovered 

Brussels, 1 840. .... 7 ... 

is Didier, whose 1 hecla purports to depict the 

life of foreigners in Tetuan during the last century. 

Mayo Ten years later an American, Dr. Mayo, 

(Williams.). perpetrated a tale of the "penny dreadful" 

species, entitled The Bei'ber, or the Mountaineer 

of the Atlas, under the guise of "historical incidents well 

authenticated." Were it not for the author's explanation 

that one of his objects was "to introduce to the acquaintance 

1 1. 58, c. 21. 2 See Bibliography, p. 216. 3 p. 357. 


of the reader a people who have played a most important 
part in the world's history, but of whom very few educated 
people know more than the name," his story might have 
passed with scant notice, but this declaration renders it 
necessary to add that Dr. Mayo knew little more than his 
prospective readers, and he does not introduce a genuine 
Moor or Berber. The leading parts are played by captives 
from Spain, or by Europeanised natives, even the slave-girl 
prating in the jargon of Uncle Tout's Cabin! It is almost 
a pity he did not act on the title of his previous essay in 
fiction, Never Again ! 
[Perdicaris] The next Moroccan story appeared anony- 

< lon) - mously, but was also the work of an American. 

Mohammed Dendni scarcely deserves the name 
of a novel, being rather a thinly disguised, but highly 
fantastic, account of a struggle between its author — if, 
indeed, several hands were not engaged in its production — 
and his consul-general* Its ostensible object was the 
abolition of the system of protecting natives of Morocco, 
so fraught with abuse, but it also served to air some of the 
peculiar views held by Mr. Perdicaris with regard to 
mesmerism and spiritualism. Viewed as a whole, 
Mohammed Bendni must be held a literary failure, 
although parts of it are cleverly written. It contains no 
picture of Moorish life, and its natives are impossible. 
jpn "Mabel coiims" Perhaps the worst tale ever told about this 
[Mrs. Cooke]. country is Ida: an Adventure in Morocco, by 

" Mabel Collins." The authoress paid a flying 
visit to Tangier and Tetuan as a newspaper correspondent, 
and in this story idealised herself and her experiences. It 
is without either plot or object, character delineation or 
verbal description. On arrival in Tangier the auto- 
biographical heroine " pants with pleasure " in her thrice- 

* The real names of most of the characters were given in The Times 
of Morocco of October Sth, 1887. 


mentioned " keen, sensuous susceptibility," and forthwith 
three well-known local residents fall in desperate love with 
her, a situation leading to a murder, etc., etc. No wonder 
people have strange ideas about Morocco, if they read 
such stuff. 

It is refreshing to turn away from this trash 
s * to Hall Caine's masterly Scapegoat. Apart 

London, 1891. _ . , . . , r 1 1 

from its literary merits and powerful character- 
painting, the minutiae which tell of native life, and form 
the " local atmosphere," are wonderfully accurate. In the 
course of a few weeks spent in this country, the practised 
eye of the novelist secured a marvellous grasp of the 
typical features of his surroundings, but unfortunately, so 
predominant are the shadows that his work presents far 
too sombre a picture. The dark side is exaggerated, and 
the bright side all but overlooked. Several impossible 
situations also are described, and though the story was 
recast for the second edition, they were retained as vital 
to the plot. Such are the joint procession of Jews and 
Muslims to plead for rain ; the position of Katrina at the 
Basha's side in public; the mingling of men and women in 
the Sheshawan prison; the education of Ali as an Israelite; 
his nondescript schoolmaster ; and the behaviour of the 
sultan at the banquet, and subsequently as a quack ; while 
a historical error is the presence of Abd er-Rahman at the 
capture of Tetuan, at the time of which he had been dead 
three months. Lest they too should be considered features 
of Morocco. life, it may be well to point out that Mohammed 
of Mequinez could not have been a kadi at the time of his 
appearance, although he had been such before ; nor are 
Europeans permitted to visit Sheshawan, the few who 
have done so having ventured in disguise.* And I have 
never heard of a Moor who disobeyed the precepts of his 
creed by wearing jewellery ; nor does the wandering Arab 

* See The Land of the Moors, chapter xvii. 


use a tripod. The position of this work as the only 
published Moroccan novel worth reading — " though less 
novel than romance, and less romance than poem," in its 
author's words — and its general fidelity, render it important 
to correct these few misleading features.* 
stutfieid The nature of Stutfield's pseudo-Moroccan 

(HughM.). novel, Brethren of Mount Atlas, being the first 

London, 1891. - . _ . ™. 7 • / o 

part of an African 1 lieosopkical Story, is 
sufficiently indicated by its title. "It utilises the Mahatmas, 
Gurus, and so forth ... in a story of a journey to Pliny's 
Mount Atlas," but in its earlier chapters embodies personal 
notes from the author's 1200 Miles' Ride ThrongJi Marocco. 
Once its heroes cross the Atlas — which they appear to do 
without more difficulty than arises from bad roads and 
robbers — they are in an enchanted world, where criticism 
fails, as also does the thread of the story. 
Dawson Last year was published the second of the 

(A - J) - only two novels which make a serious attempt 

to depict Moorish life — Dawson's Bismillah. 
So much labour has evidently been expended on this tale, 
that it would be hard on the reader who seeks entertainment 
alone to say that the people it pictures speak not so, and 
think not so, for it is well designed, and well told. But to 
the student of Morocco it must needs be said that not- 
withstanding the abundant local colour and the somewhat 
studied style — which imparts a Biblical, if not an Oriental, 
flavour — the scenes described are not Moorish, and even in 
transparently reflected details the writer is often quite at 
sea, while his names even are seldom Moorish. 

The resemblance to Moorish life of the life here imagined 


* Perhaps I may be permitted to add that in a letter to The Academy, in 
acknowledging the justice of my criticisms in that paper of these points, 
Mr. Hall Caine courteously expressed his indebtedness " to the graphic and 
accurate sketches" of Moorish life which I had contributed for some years 
previously to The Times of Morocco, which have since found their place in 
my work on The Moors. 


lies entirely on the surface, representing its impression on 
a stranger, but the manner in which quasi- Moorish effects 
are interwoven is exceedingly ingenious. It is a temptation 
to contrast a work like this, in which, with tesserae more 
often true than false, an incorrect effect is produced, with 
such a style as that of Turner or Pierre Loti, in which the 
effect is marvellously true from details quite inaccurate. 
Nevertheless, Bismillah deserves more praise than the 
narrow limits of the standard by which it is here judged 
permit it to claim. 
Porter In The Pastors Fireside Miss Jane Porter 

(Jane) - availed herself of the astonishing adventures of 

London, 1880. . , . . 1 • 1 1 1 

Ripperda amid scenes which she supposed were 
Moorish, in which tragedy and chivalry played most un- 
wonted parts. The chameleon statesman here appears as 
Aben Humeya, in which guise he recovers Laraiche from 
the Spaniards and dies at Tetuan, though in real life he 
did neither. Fact is here used to introduce fancy, but 
in the remaining novel, part of the scenes of which lie in 
Gerrare Morocco, fancy reigns supreme. In the War- 

< Wirt )- stock, " a Tale of to-morrow ; a sensational 

Story of Wireless Telegraphy and War," the 
creations of Mr. Gerrare's brain, by the expenditure of a 
million dollars in presents, etc., secure a settlement in Sus, 
where they establish themselves and build " Port Cristal." 
This is described as presenting "along the north shore 
a wide quay and boulevards, the white walls of factories, 
bright cupolas, chimney stacks like minarets, dome kilns, 
and long workshops with verandahs and gardens ; on the 
summit the conning tower, the capitol, and the arsenal," 
which arsenal eventually disposed of the whole concern 
by exploding. The author possibly spent a day rolling 
" off the bar " of some Moorish port, and picked up a few 
local names, but it is doubtful whether even one of the 
Forwood captains would undertake to visit Port Cristal, 


5 2 9 

or the Tourmaline adventurers to indicate the site suggested 

by their escapade. 
Harding Davis Quite of a different class is the bald attempt 

at sensation made by Harding Davis in a series 
of impossible tales contributed to American 

magazines, and republished as The Exiles, which attribute 

to Tangier a class of foreigr 

treaties and consular courts 

would never tolerate in Morocco. 


Neva York, 1894. 

riff-raff whom existing 



Dc ''Amour de l'Empercur 


Pour Madame la PrinceiTe . 

D E C O-N'T' XV, 

Ecritc en forme de Leitr'es a ttnc Ptr~ 
Jonr.e d> Ostaliie'. 

Par M\ leComie D****. 


( Pierre). 

Cologne, 1700 




M. DCC. 

There is still another class 
of fiction, or fact interwoven 
with fiction, which deals with 
Morocco, purporting to be 
narratives of personal experi- 
ences, generally as slaves or 
castaways. To this class be- 
longs the Relation historique 

de V Amour de VEm- 

pereur de Maroc, a 

dainty little anony- 
volume of letters, pur- 
porting to recount with fidelity 
the incidents connected with 
the proposal of Mulai Ismail 
for a daughter of Louis XIV. L — 
ii captain Boyle " One of the earliest, the Voyages and A dventures 

of Captain Robert Boyle— -but really by one 

Robert Chetwynd — "intermix'd with the Story 
of Mrs. Villars, an English Lady, with whom he made his 
surprizing Escape from Barbary," etc., etc., " full of various 
and amazing Turns of Fortune " — ran through six editions 
between 1726 and 1762 — an edition having appeared as 
recently as 1828, while a French translation was issued in 
1730. It is of the good old style of fictitious narrative, 

2 M 

London, 1726. 


cast in a mould which might cause many to consider it 

genuine, in spite of a considerable dash of exaggeration. 

No doubt most of these tales — those of Robinson Crusoe, 

if not of Gulliver, among them — had a substratum of fact. 

Few "travellers' tales" of that omnivorous period were 

free from a suspicion of " intermix'd " fancy, and even the 

Ripperdas Memoirs of the Duke of Ripperda — sometime 

"Memoirs." Dutch Ambassador to Spain, sometime Spanish 

Premier, and sometime Commander-in-Chief of 

the Moorish army — are " interspers'd with several curious 

particulars," which can only be classed as fiction. 

wyatt The Life and Surprizing Adventures of James 

(James)- Wyatt, while doubtless based on fact, is a much 

London, 1748. . . ... . 

less satisfactory compilation, though it passed 

through six editions in seven years. On the other hand, 

1769- the anonymous narrative of The Female Captive 

was the true story of a Mrs. Crisp, captured by Salli 

rovers on her way from Gibraltar to London. Another 

anonymous captive's account of a Voyage dans les Flats 

1785- barbaresques is nothing more than a concocted 

story to catch the market, and must be set down among 

the spurious productions ; so also must the earlier Several 

"Boyde." Voyages to Barbary, attributed wrongly by some 

J 73°- to Captain Henry Boyde, who only supplied the 

plates to the plagiarist Morgan. It is practically adapted 

from De la Faye. 

[Aiby] Some of the events of the war between France 

"A. D de France." and Morocco in 1 844 were utilised by Ernest 

Paris, 1853. Alby — under the pseudonym " A. de France " — 

for expanding an earlier work under the new title of Les 

Vepres Marocaines, but his picture is extremely fanciful. 

Lavayssiere Of even less merit is a series of five brochures, 

( p ->- the publication of which, under the title of 

Lieges, 1865-82. Stations dam rEmpire du Maroc, extended 

over a number of years. 



"Damberger" Damberger's Travels in the Interior Parts of 

<Chri ^ ian F,) * Africa from the Cape of Good Hope to Morocco, 
of which one German, one French, and three 
English editions were issued within a year or two, must 
also be included in the category of fiction. "Though in 
some respects comparable with the writings of Defoe, it is 
now known to have been, to use Isaac Disraeli's language, 
' the ideal voyage of a member of the German Grub Street 
about his own garret,'" having been the compilation of a 
Wittemberg printer named Taurinius. It is, nevertheless, 
replete with important facts, albeit borrowed. 
f Rose i The Narrative of Robert Adams, " a sailor 

"Robert Adams/' who was wrecked on the western coast of 
London, 1816. Africa in 1810; was detained three years in 
slavery by the Arabs of the Great Desert, and resided 
several months in the city of Timbuctoo" — long since 
known to have been compiled by one Benjamin Rose, 
wrecked on the coast of Morocco in 181 1 — contains much 
valuable information which at that time formed, in the 
words of Graberg, " the best which we as yet possess 
relative to that famous city, thanks to the notes and 
observations of Mr. Dupuis."* The Appendix is full of 
excellent geographical and ethnographical matter relating 
to Morocco. For years the controversy as to the authen- 
ticity of this work waxed furious ; the impostor 
"Adams" — who was a sharp observer, and had collected 
many interesting details from the natives, whose language 
he acquired — was defended warmly by Sir Joseph Banks 
and others, and as late as 1829 by the Quarterly Review. 
The question was set at rest by Graberg only after many 
years of agitation.-)- Rose was the De Rougemont of his day. 

* British Vice-Consul at Mogador, who believed the story, and supplied 
memoranda for its elucidation. 

t See the epitome of the evidence given in the Bibliography of Morocco, 
Art. 511. 


scott The example set by Rose was less successfully 

(Alexander). followed by Alexander Scott, the account of 

Edinburgh,* 1821^ . . . . . . 

whose captivity extended to six years, he, like 
" Adams," pretending to have reached the Niger. But his 
whole narrative is untrustworthy. This concludes the list 
of more or less fictitious records dealing with Morocco, 
but there still remains a forecast to be noticed, La Conqnista 
Madrid, 1891. de Marruecos en el Afw iSpj, a fanciful brochure 
"of the Battle of Dorking type," not calling for comment. 

* Philosophical Journal^ vol. iv. , No. vii. 



A CENTURY ago "a late eloquent writer remarked 
that ' the ancients did not, like Archimedes, want a 
spot on which to fix their engines, but they wanted an 
engine to move the moral world.' The press is that 
eng'uie! To the want of it may be fairly attributed the 
ignorance, the stupidity, the slavery of the African 
nations. The art of printing is unknown in Barbary." l 

A correspondent of a Scotch newspaper, commenting in 
1873 on the difficulty of obtaining trustworthy information 
Before the Dawn, as to the trade of this country, wrote: "Let any- 
one at home attempt to get such information from any 
books hitherto published, and they will find how inadequate 
are all the resources of information. The absence of the 
printing press — the absence of everything in the shape of 
a newspaper — causes the history of the place to be washed 
away by the waves of time, and the only record of the 
place is found in the records of the passing visitor, who 
must necessarily tinge his story from his own standpoint, 
or clothe his account in the borrowed colours of his 
informant." Now a better state exists. The Press has 
been established in the Empire, and through its means 
the outside world is learning of the immense natural 
advantages possessed by Morocco, and of the great 
disadvantages under which it labours. 

To Mr. Gregory T. Abrines, originally of Gibraltar, is 

1 Jackson, Preface. 



clue the honour of introducing the Press into this Empire. 
introduction of The first printing office was opened by him in 
//W 1880, and on January 28th, 1883, he established 

the first newspaper in Morocco, Al-moghreb Al-aksa, which 
continues under his direction. It was at first a Spanish 
weekly, but its title is the Arabic for " The Far West," the 
native name of this country. In March 1893 it was 
amalgamated with The Times of Morocco — from the 
direction of which the writer then retired — and it has 
since appeared in English. 

A news-sheet had, indeed, been issued in the Spanish 
camp at Tetuan in i860, under the direction of Sr. Don. 
Spanish Exotics. P. A. de Alarcon, with the title of El Eco de 
Tetuan, which was intended to contain the history of the 
war then in progress, but it appeared only once. Again, 
in 1 88 1 there was published in Ceuta a solitary number of 
El Bcrberisco, designed for a comic weekly. Although 
appearing in Morocco, these ventures, like the short-lived 
Eco de Ceuta, cannot rightly be considered as belonging to 
Moroccan journalism. This latter publication was proscribed 
in 1886 for commenting on the weak state of the garrison 
of Ceuta, but it was ultimately allowed to pursue its course 
under the censorship of the governor. Even this was 
avoided, a few months later, when it was replaced by 
Africa, produced at the same press. 

The second newspaper established on Moroccan territory 
was the French weekly, Le Reveil du Maroc, also from 
A French Mr. Abrines' press, which appeared on July 14th, 

Publication. 1883. The late Mr. Levi A. Cohen, a native of 

Morocco, but a naturalised British subject, was its first 
proprietor and editor, but it has several times changed 

In the following year, on July 5th, The Times of 
Morocco was founded by an Englishman attracted some 
months earlier to Tangier in search of health, the late 



oT Morocco.' 



- •; 

Mr. Edward E. Meakin. His editorial duties 
were subsequently shared by the present writer, 

his son, who eventually succeeded him when absence in 

England and failing 

health prevented his 

retaining the post. His 

object in incurring what 

proved a financial bur- 
den, as well as a serious 

task, had been to afford 

the natives a medium 

for the exposure of 

abuses committed by 

Europeans availing 

themselves of Moorish 

corruption, and to arouse 

a greater interest abroad 

in the development of 

Morocco. Unable to 

express himself with 

sufficient freedom while 

employing the press of 

Mr. Abrines, after 

thirteen monthly issues 

Mr. Meakin determined 

to import a press of his own. Accordingly, on January 

1 6th, 1886, his paper re-appeared from "The English 

Press,"* and was published thenceforward weekly. f 


O F 



To Sfts G 

t h r 
Lord Chancellor c F l> 

And one of 



* The imposition of quarantine on vessels from Gibraltar while negotiations 
with a printer of that town were pending, necessitated the erection of the press, 
the laying of cases (of course after an original system), and the publication of 
an issue (No. 14), entirely by the hands of amateurs, none of whom had any 
previous knowledge of printing beyond a toy press — and some of whom were 
ladies — without teacher or book of instructions, and before the arrival of many 
of the appliances usually considered necessary. 

t A complete file exists in the British Museum Library. 


In the autumn of 1885 a tiny would-be-comic publication, 
La Africana, made its debut, but after fifteen weekly issues 
journalistic ceased. It re-appeared a few months later, to 

Apparitions. amuse the Tangerine public with two cartoons, 

and sink into final oblivion. In the early part of 1886 
a third press was set up in Tangier, also by a British 
subject, Mr. Augustin Lugaro, who, with the able 
assistance of Mr. Isaac Laredo, immediately started 
El Eco Mauritauo, a Spanish weekly, which he now 
produces twice a week. No sooner was this publication 
afloat than another appeared, this time in French, 
announced as a fortnightly, Le Commerce an Maroc, 
edited in the interests of Germany, but printed in O'ran. 
After seven issues had arrived it was bought up and 
suppressed. The next apparition, La Dnda del Progreso 
Marroqui) was to have been published monthly, as a 
''review," and its only two numbers afforded great 
amusement by the evident lack of education on the part 
of its contributors. The one idea of Tangier politicians 
of that period seemed to be to become journalists, with 
fond illusions as to influence and wealth. Attempts were 
made about this time to bring out Hebrew and Arabic 
papers, and arrangements were completed for the publication 
of a Morocco Guardian, to rival The Times of Morocco, but 
they too came to nought. 

In 1887 the Spanish Chamber of Commerce in Tangier 
commenced the issue of an interesting monthly Boletin, 
7 he First an d shortly afterwards La Linterna was es- 

Daiiy Paper. tablished as a Spanish comic weekly, meeting 
with but brief success, and developing into El Diario de 
Tanger in 1890. This was the first attempt at a daily 
paper in Morocco, and for some years it pluckily main- 
tained its existence under various editors. El Emperio de 
Marruecos, an illustrated fortnightly of considerable merit, 
which appeared in 1889, was a more ambitious venture, 


but it only lived a few months. In the same year 
El Maghrib, the first Arabic journal in Morocco, was 
published, but in a little more than a year it also succumbed. 
Kol Israel was an Arabic weekly, in Hebrew characters, 
which started on a brief and uncertain career in 1891. 
Last of all, in 1893, came La Cronica de Tanger, issued 
bi-weekly from " The English Press," and this, with 
Al-moghreb Al-aksa, Le Revcil du Maroc, and El Eco 
Manritano, alone survive. 

Such are, or have been, the various periodicals published 
within the limits of the Moorish Empire, and all have 
Attempted boldly attacked abuses which abound in this 

suppression. ^ark land. But the Press in Morocco could 

not expose wrong-doers without incurring vengeance from 
the powerful individuals whose policy and actions it had 
assailed. In 1885 the acting Moorish Commissioner for 
Foreign Affairs, Sid Haj Mohammed Torres, was applied 
to by certain Foreign Ministers to suppress the Press in 
Morocco. His Excellency accordingly threatened that if 
the Tangier papers continued "their attacks on the Moorish 
Government and the Foreign Ambassadors to Morocco," 
their suppression would be demanded. This message was 
transmitted by the British Consul to the editors of the three 
papers then existing — all, by a strange coincidence, British 
subjects. The only notice taken was a reference to their 
files, where their accusers were challenged to find an 
attack on the Moorish Government, or one on a Foreign 
Minister which was not made on behalf of the Moors. 
It may be mentioned that it is not in the power of 
the Moorish Government to interfere with the Tangier 
Press, as foreigners are permitted by treaty to 
carry on any occupation which is lawful in their own 

Twelve months after the failure of this attempt the 
representatives of civilised nations met again to consider the 


arrogance of the Press in Morocco, and to devise means to 
stifle it, but the project was successfully opposed by the 
more enlightened members of the Diplomatic Body, and 
the Press in Morocco still lives. 



NO attempt is here made at completeness ; the object 
is only to indicate what to look for among the 
preceding reviews, or in the Bibliography, the subject 
index of which is ample for that purpose. 


Baldwin, Dialogues* l 

Budgett Meakin, A?i Introduction to the Arabic of Morocco, (Roman- 
ised Vocabulary and Grammar Notes).* 1 

Bombay, Grammatica Linguce Mauro Arabicce. 

Lerchundi, Pudimentos del Arabe Vulgar de Marruecos* 2 

„ Vocabulario Espafiol-Arabico del Dialecto de Marruecos* 

Bonelli. Erckmann. i Jackson. 

Calderon. Ganniers.* I Leo Africanus.* 

Castellanos.* Graberg. Marmol. 

Chenier. Host. Urrestazu. 


Spanish Possessions, Pezzi.* 

„ „ Perez del Toro.* 

„ „ Galindo.* 

Tafilalt, Harris (ii.).* 
Wazza?i, Spence Watson."* 
„ De Cuevas. 

Fez, Delphin. 
Laraiche, De Cuevas. 
Mequinez, Houdas.* 
Oojda, Canal.* 
Roman Province, Tissot.* 

„ „ Gobel. 

Saffi, De Cuevas. 

* An asterisk distinguishes volumes of recent publication still to be 
obtained through the usual channels. 

1 These may be obtained of Quaritch, Piccadilly, or of "The English Press," Tangier. 

2 An English translation by Mr. Maclver MacLeod, of Fez, is in the press. 





Fez, " Raod el Kart&s."* 1 Tangier, De Menezes. 

Mazagan, Da Cunha.* Ceuta, Prado. 


"Ali Bey."* 




Hooker and Ball.* 



Johnstone and Cowan 

. Rohlfs.* 

CunninghameGraham.* Lempriere. 

Spence Watson.* 

De Foucauld.* 



Harris (ii).* 




Montbard .* 





St. Amant. 


Leared (ii).* 

St. Olon. 








Merry y Colomb. 














De la Faye. 









Ro. C. 


Mas Latrie.* 







Thomas sy. 


Ibn *Abd el Hakim, 690-750. 

El 'Arib, cir. 950. 

'Abd el Wahhid el Marrakeshi, 

1 149-1224. 
El Mokri, 788-1240. 
Ibn Khallikan, 690-1260. 
" Raod el Kartas," 788-1326* 

En-Nasiri, 710-1894.* 
En-Nawiri (Noweiri), 648-1 330. 
Ibn Aclhari, cir. 1350. 
Ibn Khaldiin, 648-1400* 
El Makkari, 710-1500.* 
El Ufrani, 1524- 1648* 
Ez-Zaiani. 1631 — 1812 .* 




El Istakhri, cir. 920. 
Ibn Haukal, 976. 
El Bakri (Bekri), cir. 1050. 
El Idreesi (Edrisi), 1100. 


Ibn cl Wardi (Ouardi), 1232. 
Abu'l Fida, 1320. 
Ibn Batuta, 1355. 
Leo Africanus, 1550.* 


Boyle's Adventures. 

Dawson, Bismillah.* 

Hall Came, The Scapegoat* 

Mayo, Mountaineer of tJie Atlas 

Meakin, Sons of Ishmael. 
Perdicaris, Mohammed Benani.* 
Stutfield, Brethren of Mount 


(Revised from the Bibliography of Morocco.) 

ALL the writers before 500 B.C. were mere speculators or 
poets, whose geography, like that of Homer, may be 
regarded as purely mythical. The island of Lotophagi may 
Hecataeus ^ e — P erna P s * s — tne modern Djerba, off the coast 

of Miletus. of Tunis; but his Atlas has nothing to do with the 

Cir. 520 p.c. m0 untain range of that name. Hecataeus, however, 
enables us for the first time in ancient literature to touch solid 
ground, fragmentary though the literary relics which have come 
to us undoubtedly are. He seems to have been a traveller 
himself, and a diligent, though not always critical, collector of 
travel tales. 

He mentions in Barbary, the Mazyes and Zygantes, tribes 
living near the Tritonian Lake, and the same as those subse- 
quently referred to by Herodotus as the Maxyes 
and Gygantes. He knew Metagonium, near the 
Pillars of Hercules, perhaps Cabo de Agua (Ras Sidi Bashir), 
if this was the same place which Strabo knows under this 
name, and Thinga, or Tinga, or Tingis (the modern Tangier). 
It is also not improbable, as Sir Edward Bunbury suggests in his 
admirable History of A?icie?it Geography* that his river Liza was 
identical with the Lixus of later geographers, though this name 
was so vaguely applied that the question must remain a moot 


* Vol. i., p. 144. 



How far Hanno sailed down the west coast is a disputed 

point among the commentators. Gosselin * refused to believe 

that he reached further than Cape Nun, an utterly 

Hanao untenable view, which was adopted by Walckenaer.f 

the Carthaginian. . . ... 

dr. 47 o b.c. Rennell and more modern writers, including Mr. 

Griffiths, the late Colonial Secretary of Sierra 

Leone, were inclined to put Sherboro Sound, just south 

of Sierra Leone, as his southern limit. It 

Hanno's Limits. .... 

is certain that there are no rivers north 
of Cape Nun — in Morocco — which contain crocodiles and 
hippopotami, far less " hairy men and women " to which we 
still apply his name of " Gorilla," perhaps the sole Punic word 
which is as familiar in London as it was in Carthage, though 
the apes he saw were more probably chimpanzees. But it is 
not quite so certain that the river was the Senegal. Too 
much importance must not be attached to Hanno's description 
of the "streams of fire" and the "pillars of fire" which he saw 
in passing down the coast. They might have been bush-fires, the 
natives still igniting the long grass in the autumn, signals to give 
warning of strangers' approach, or volcanic eruptions. If so, 
no part of the country about either Sierra Leone or Senegal 
had a volcano within historical times. But there is no range 
here fit to be called Oeuv "Oxq^ — the " Chariot of the Gods " 
— which Ptolemy more accurately places on the site of the 
Cameroons Peak, and there is no Notou Ke/)as, or Horn of 
the South, capable of being identified with Sherboro Sound. 
Accordingly, Sir Richard Burton J is probably right in thinking 
that we must extend Hanno's voyage to Corisco, in the Bight 
of Benin. But there is no doubt as to his geography of 

After leaving the Straits of Hercules (Gibraltar), they sailed 
for two days and founded a colony at QviiiaOrjpiov, which must 
be near the site of Salli or Rabat, and is perhaps Mehedia. 

* Recherches sur la Geographie systhnatiqite et positive des Anciens, vol. i. 

pp. 70-106. 

t Recherches stir la Geographie de FAfrique, p. 362. 

X To the Gold Coast for Gold, vol. i., p. 311. 


Mr. Budgett Meakin suggests the now deserted town 

The Pcriplus. r r „ A - _ , . ~ . . . 

of Tit, near Mazagan, as the site of this settle- 
ment.* Then they came to the headland of Soloeis — 2oA6ei? 
ciKpa — where they erected a temple to Poseidon (Neptune). 
This promontory is usually identified with Cape Cantin, though 
that headland is nowadays not Xdcrtov SevSptvi ; it is in fact bare 
of trees. M Vivien de Saint Martin,! unaware of this fact, was 
struck with the correspondence of the old Carthaginian admiral's 
account with modern realities. For he tells us, as no doubt 
some imaginative person had told him, that the Moors still call 
the promontory Ras el Hadik, the Cape of Palms. In reality 
there is not a palm anywhere near it, except a few close to a 
Muslim sanctuary now in ruins. M. Tissot assures us that 
the name Ras el Hadik is absolutely unknown to the natives, as 
well as the meaning applied to the term. The cape is called 
Ras Kantin. That word, M. Tissot thinks, is applied in the 
same sense that the Punic word Soloeis was ; since it seems to 
be used to designate (in the singular) one of the most remarkable 
cliffs of the Rif — namely, the Ras Kant ez-Zit. Mr. Consul 
White of Tangier, however, points out to us that Ras Kantin is 
spelt with a k, whereas Kant ez-Zit begins with a k. As it is 
difficult to effect a landing on this dangerous coast, it is probable 
that Hanno's men disembarked near where the fishing hamlet of 
Bedduza now stands. 

After half a day's voyage they came to a large lake or marsh. 
No such place now exists, the lagoons which characterise the 
coast of Morocco being all to the north of Cape Cantin. South 
of it the shore is either guarded by cliffs, steep slopes, or stony 
and sandy beaches. Nor is there any sign of such a lake or 
marsh having existed ; and the sudden winter rains which make 
every dry watercourse roar from bank to bank, are not of a 
character fit to cause floods likely to be mistaken 

Coast A Iterations. ,,_,„., , 

for a marsh or lake Sam is, however, the spot 

* This suggestion was not intended for publication, being merely a con- 
jecture in case, as appears very probable, the distances recorded were all of 
them very much less than those actually traversed. — B. M. 

t Le Nord de VAfrique dans FAntiquite, p. 363. 

2 N 


near which we must look for the locality described by Hanno. 
Unless, therefore, he mixed up his facts, or they have been 
blundered in transcription by his historians, it is allowable to 
believe that the coast-level has altered in the course of twenty- 
three centuries. Of this indeed there is ample evidence From 
Tangier to Mogador there are old sea-beaches at the height of 
from 40 to 70 feet, and the lagoons north of Rabat are distinctly 
due to an elevation of this kind. There may have been sinking 
also ; in which case Saffi Bay would in Hanno's day have been a 
marsh, lake, or lagoon, and the Tensift river-mouth an estuary. 
The herds of elephants and other wild animals surrounding it 
are less difficult to understand, since these animals, though not 
now found north of the Sahara, were even in Pliny's day — more 
than four hundred years later — abundant in the forests of the 

After leaving this lake the Carthaginians founded five coast 
towns, Caricon Teikhos, Gytta, Akra, Melitta, and Arambys 

(KapiKov Tei^os, kol Tvtt^v, kol "A/vpav, /ecu MeAirrav, 

Phoenician Colonies. v „. n . . . . .... 

/cat Apa/x/juy), which we now try in vain to identity, 
unless, indeed, Arambys is Agadir, a Berber word meaning a 
protecting wall. It is, however, applied to several other places. 
The full name of this one is Agadir-Ighir. A large river called 
Lixus (Ai£os) was their next halting-place. This is, of course, 
not the Lixus of later geographers (namely, the modern El Kus). 
It is probably the Sus River or the Draa. The people on its 
banks were herdsmen, and friendly ; but the interior, according 
to these Lixitse, was an inhospitable land, full of wild beasts, and 
intersected by high mountains, in which the river rose and the 
Troglodytes or cave-dwellers lived. The mountains he might 
easily have seen for himself, since a spur of the Lesser Atlas 
reaches the sea at Agadir, and on a clear day, as one of the 
compilers of this Bibliography (R. B.) can vouch from personal 
experience, near Cape Cantin the snowy peaks of the Great 
Atlas can be seen from the deck of a ship. Cerne, the island 
where they established a settlement which continued for a long 
time, was perhaps Kerne, in a deep bay at the mouth of the 
Rio de Oro, where the Spaniards have recently established them- 


selves : since apart from the fact that it is much too far north, 
there is no island near Agadir, where it has been fixed by some 

The father of geography mentions Soloeis, a name also given 

by Hanno and Scylax (q. v.), and by them meant to be the 

Herodotus modern Cape Cantin, but Herodotus is thought to 

dr. 443 b.c. nave intended to designate by this title Cape Spartel. 

This is the only spot he mentions on the Atlantic 

coast of Morocco, and that he seems to have heard of from the 

Carthaginian mariners. But he had no personal acquaintance 

with this region, and indeed appears to have known next to 

nothing of Mediterranean Africa beyond what is now nominally 

the Regency of Tunis. 

This writer knew little of the country beyond the Pillars of 

Hercules. But he knew Karnes koX-kos //eyas, which is near Cape 

Spartel, though we can practically identify his IIoAis 

^\^o/Caryanda. kv ^^ a « rfty upon a riyer ^ as M . Tigsot has 

hesitatingly done, with Tangier, if we accept the 
suggestion that old Tangier was further to the south-east of the 
bay upon what is now styled Wad el Halk (Palate River), by 
the side of which the Roman dockyards, as the ruins show, 
were afterwards built. It is not so easy to conclude that the 
7roTa/xo9 was the Wad el Kasar (the Wad el Yam of El Bekri). 
His Ilovrmv tottos kuI 7t6\ls may be Hajarin and Sharf 
el 'Akab ; his K^^o-ias Xt[xvr) /xeyaA.^, the low ground of 
Maharhar and Tahaddart ; his 'Ep/xoua aKpa, Ras el Kuas ; and 
the "AvtSrjs 77-oTa/xos Kal Xifivrj, the inferior course of the Wad el 
J Aiasha. His Ai£os 7roTa/xos is Wad El Kus (Lukkos) and the 
At£os &01VLKWV the old city of Lixus, the favourite site 
with many of the Gardens of the Hesperides, which, though 
now represented by the modern Laraiche (El 'Arai'sh) has been 
clearly identified with the site of the wretched modern village 
of Shammish (Tchemmich) higher up the Kus. 

The IIoAis Ai/3iW, a native village, may have been where 
El 'Araish is still, at the mouth of the river, while there is 

■ ; " Miller, Geogr. Gncci Minores, vol. i., Prolegomena, p. xxvi. 


little difficulty in accepting the Kpa/Sts 7totu/xo9 ko.1 

Identification. . v . ' 

At/zryv as the Sebu river, one of the largest in 
Morocco ; while his QvfitaWjpia was the same as Hanno's 
QvfjuaryjpLov, namely, Mehediya. Scylax seems to have been 
acquainted with the west coast of Africa as far as the island 
of " Cerne." Cape Soloei's * he describes as a promontory 
standing out boldly to the sea, and having an altar to Poseidon 
(Neptune) on its summit. This is the cape to which Hanno 
gives that name, so that Sir Edward Bunbury is perhaps justified 
in thinking that he derived his information about it from that 
navigator. At all events this part of his Periplus is evidently 
taken from Carthaginian sources. Between Cape Soloei's and 
Cerne he places the river Xion (EJlwv 7tot(x/x6s), which is evidently 
the Lixus of Hanno (the Sus or perhaps the Draa), though the 
Lixus of Scylax is quite as clearly Wad El Kus, which Pliny and 
later geographers called by the name the Greek writer had given 
to it.t In those days there was a Phoenician town on one side of 
the river-mouth and a Libyan (Berber) one on the opposite shore. 
Scylax's own account is quoted by Aristotle, but seems to have 
been lost at an early period, the work which goes under his name 
being a compilation from various fragments which had survived 
in the writings of other authors, over some of whom Lethe has- 
long since passed. 

From the times of Herodotus to those of Polybius little was 

added to our knowledge of Morocco. Polybius, however, took 

advantage of the Roman wars against Carthage to glean a great 

deal of information, and though a Greek — a hostage 

Polybius sent t0 Rome after the second Macedonian War — 

of Megalopolis. . . _ . . 

145 b.c. he was enabled, through the friendship of Scipio 
Africanus, to make a voyage along the coast of 
Northern and Western Africa, of which voyage, unfortunately, 
we know nothing — Strabo not even mentioning it — except from 
the confused allusions to it in that most confused of compilers, 
Pliny. Polybius, no doubt, wrote the narrative, from which his 
successors obtained their data, but the original is now lost. We 
find in the second-hand account of it the name of Lixus and the 
* See Pliny. f Periplus, \ 112. 


river Anatis, which may be the Um er-Rabia. He mentions a 
point where the Atlas descends to the sea. This may be Cape 
Gir, though the distance and other means of arriving at an 
opinion are too vague to decide ; and though his " flumen 
Darat in quo crocodilos gigni " can hardly be any other 
river than Ptolemy's Daradus — the modern Draa — there are 
no crocodiles in it, or in any other river of Morocco, 

The " sinum qui vocatur Sagvti " is that bend of the coast where 
the Carthaginians had most of their establishments — Sakharat 
of the Phoenicians ; the " Counting House," according to Vivien 
de Saint Martin, or the " Gulf of Commerce " ; or as Strabo and 
Ptolemy translate it, 'E/jLiropiKos koXitos. A town, Mvlelacha, is 
placed on a promontory between the Lixus and the 

Vague Surmises. . . _ , . . 

bubur (the modern Sebu) : this, M. lissot thinks, 
may be the Mulai Bu Selham village on the Zerga lagoon, 
while the Portus Rutubis is the modern Mazagan ; the flumen 
Sala is the Bu Ragrag, and the Portus Rissadir, Agadir. 

It is permissible to guess, when all criticism is largely of this 
character, that the " flumen Cosenum " is the Wad Gisir, which 
falls into the sea not far from Massa. The " flumen Masati 
Masatat" should be the Massa, and the "flumen Salsum" the 
Wad el-Mella, the Salt River literally, between the Draa and 
the "River of Salt Water" of Riley's narrative. Surrentium, 
if the same as Ptolemy's Soloentia, is Cape Nun, though both 
premisses and deductions are very feeble. Altogether the 
analysis of Polybius's Pei'iplus is an unsatisfactory task. The 
Greek geographer had evidently heard or read of Hanno's 
voyage, and made some false identification of his places, e.g., 
Lixus, etc. Polybius is, however, so bad a writer that perhaps 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus pronounced, in the first century 
before Christ, the same verdict which the critics of the nine- 
teenth after him will be ready to utter — that, having neglected 
the graces of style, he has left work which " no one was 
patient enough to read through to the end " (~epl crwOes 
wofxdrwv). From this sweeping dictum his translators must, 
however, be excluded ; and among them the celebrated Sir 


Walter Raleigh, whose posthumous version of the war between 
the Carthaginians and the mercenaries was issued in 1647. 

As the friend of Cresar, whom he accompanied on his African 
campaign, and Governor of Numidia, Caius Sallustius Crispus 

ought to have picked up, either personally or through 
_ B c trustworthy agents, much information regarding the 

neighbouring provinces of Mauretania. But he was 
no geographer, and the time he could spare from collecting notes 
for his account of the war with Jugurtha seems to have been 
spent in plundering the provincials of the wealth which enabled 
him, on returning to Rome, to lay out those famous " Horti 
Sallustiani" which were the wonder, and the scandal, of the 
Quirinal. Like Livy, whose histories are only large party 
pamphlets, he was proner to rhetoric than to exact data. 

Hence whatever might have been in his lost books, 

Not a GeograpJier. . . . . 

the works of Sallust which survive are disappointing 
to the geographer. He seems to have made some inquiries 
regarding the people of the interior, Gaetulians and Libyans, part 
of whom wandered about and part lived in huts. Beyond them 
lived the Ethiopians, on the border of the desert burnt up by 
the blazing sun. The Medes, Persians and Armenians, master- 
less men owing to the death of Hercules in Spain (so he puts it), 
passed into Africa. The Persians by-and-by intermarried with 
the Gretulians and formed a mixed race called Numidians. The 
Medes became, by a corruption of their name, Mauri ("barbara 
lingua Mauros, pro Medis, appellantes "). These Mauri and 
Numidians, uniting their forces, extended their yoke over the 
neighbouring races, principally the Libyans, less warlike than 
the Gaetulians. All this happened long before the Phoenicians 
founded their settlements. This is the gist of the puerile fables 
collected and recorded by Sallust. Yet in his usual careless way 
he may be collecting stories which, if analysed, would fit in with 
known facts. The tents of the Moroccan nomads, shaped like 
boats turned up, are not very different from the "mapalia" of 
the ancient Gaetulians, which, according to Sallust, originated 
in the Persians living under the upturned vessels for lack of 
any other dwellings. This word, it may be remarked, closely 



resembles the Arabic word " mahdlah," which means 
a camp or abode. Then, as Vivien de Saint Martin 
points out, Ibn Khaldun mentions a tribe called 
U'rmana, who at the time of the Arab invasion occupied part of 
Numidia ; these may be the Armenians of Sallust. Again, the 
Medes are represented by the Medasa, a Berber tribe mentioned 
by El Bekri, probably the modern Medasa of Setif. Again, the 
Meduna are a branch of the Mezata ; the Mediuna is another 
tribe not far from the Melwiya, in that part of the old 
Western Numidia afterwards known as Mauretania Canadensis. 
The Persians may be a corruption of the Pharsii, a people whose 
name became known after the time of Polybius, and who as the 
Beni Farausii have their home between Bougie and Tedellis, and 
in the neighbouring region. The Geshtula, between Dellis and 
Jurjura, have been identified with the Gastulians. Among other 
names in the scanty geographical repertory of Sallust (ut supra) 
we find the Mulucha— the modern Wad Melwiya — mentioned as 
the boundary between the kingdom of Bocchus and that of the 
Massassylians, a tribe who in the time of Jugurtha were looked 
upon as belonging to Numidia. 

Strabo knew little of this part of Africa, and that little seemed 

to have been derived from his predecessors. He dwells on the 

lions, panthers, and other wild beasts in the country, 

the abundance of elephants, and the rivers containing 

crocodiles like those of the Nile, with which he was 

well acquainted. He makes no mention of Juba's work, but 

cites Iphicrates, an author whose writings have not descended 

to us. The Carthaginian colony on the Libyan coast had 

by this time disappeared, for there was no permanent 

settlement further south than Aiy£ (near the modern Laraiche 

or El 'Ara'ish, though higher up the Kits River, at 

Shammish), which he seems to confuse with Ttyyis or 

Tangier. The prolongation of the Atlas — Av/ois, according 

to the native nomenclature — throughout the whole extent of 

Mauretania was well known to him. The Gcetulians he describes 

as the most important of the African nations, the 

Gatulian Berbers. ~ .. , ..... - -n i 

Gastulians being evidently the modern Berbers 


under their various divisions of Shluhs, Touaregs, etc. 
Among other localities mentioned by him which can be 
identified with reasonable accuracy, are the MoAox«# (the 
Melwiya) ; Merayun'iov, Cabo de Agua (Ras Sidi Bashir) ; 'A/^i'A?/ 
0/30?, Jebel Belyunish ; 'EAec/xxs, Jebel Musa, or Ape's Hill, often 
taken to be Abyle, the African Pillar of Hercules ; N^on'Siov, 
Perejil Island (Jazira Taura), between Ceuta and Tangier, 
occupied by the British during the period of the Peninsular 
War when Ceuta was held by them ; while his At Kwtcls 
is Cape Spartel, and his Zrjkis Azila, while 'EfxiroptKos 
k6X.ttos is, according to Tissot (with whom we agree), the 
curve of the coast-line between Laraiche and Mazagan. 

Pliny's knowledge of Northern Africa, from the Straits of 

Gibraltar to Egypt, was more accurate and extensive than that 

of any former geographer, though he is defective 

y er ' in the art of arranging his ample information and 

27-79 a.c. 00 r 

in critical acumen. Beyond Sala (Sheila, near the 
site of the modern Rabat), like most of the early writers, 
his knowledge was vague. He, however, mentions Dyris 
as the native name of Atlas, one which perhaps is retained 
in the word " Daren," or in the Idraren of the Berbers. 
He complains that the accounts of the interior were most 
contradictory, and purposely falsified, though the forests were 

being ransacked for "citrus," the modern "arar" (or 

Citrus and Purple. . . . . s . 

thuja, calntris quadrivalvis), a wood still much 
valued, and the shores for the materials yielding a purple 
dye, this being derived, most probably as at present, from 
the " orchil " lichen. He speaks — or quotes from Juba's 
MSS., to which he had access, Juba being king of all the 
territory to the Atlas — of the Asana river, one hundred and fifty 
Roman miles beyond Sala. This was doubtless the Anatis of 
Polybius, and the Um er-Rabia of the Moors. The Fut of Pliny 
(a river mentioned by the historian Josephus as Qovtos of several 
Greek writers) is the Tansift. He also speaks of other navigable 
rivers and ports, the Tamuda, most likely the Martil, 1 of the 
Melwiya ("Malvana fluvius navigabilis "), of the Mvlvcha 

1 Lib. v. c. ii. 


(Wad el Kus), of the Wad Lau as navigable ("Flumen Laud 
et ipsum navigiorum capax"), and of Rusadir (Agadir). 

At the mouth of Wad el Kus near the site of Laraiche (El 

'Araish) he places J the Garden of the Hesperides, the windings 

of the river being the serpent which guarded the 

The Failed golden apples or oranges. Around ancient ruins in his 

Hesperides. . . , . r . . 

day were palm groves and remains of vineyards, 
pointing to the existence of old Carthaginian settlements on 
the coast. But the most remarkable statement of Pliny is that 
Sala bordered on the untrodden desert which was infested by 
herds of elephants (animals not now extending north of the 
Sahara), and by barbarians (Mauri) whom he calls Autololes, 
" Oppidum Sala ejusdem nominis fluvio impositum, jam soli- 
tudinibus vicinum, elephantorumque gregibus infestum, multo 
tamen magis Autololum gente." 2 He describes them being 
taken in pitfalls, so that it is probable, coupled with what Hanno 
says regarding this abundance on the Atlantic shore of Morocco, 
the Carthaginian war-elephants were from this region. More 
than one semi-fossil tusk has already been found in Algeria, 
and others may in time be unearthed when Morocco is examined 

As a native of Southern Spain, Pomponius Mela was naturally 
familiar with the Strait of Gibraltar. His birthplace was, he tells 

us (and that is about all we know of his personal 
Pompom™ Mela. nist01 . y ) 5 Tingentera, probably the native name of the 

place called by Strabo, Julia Traducta, which had 
been peopled by colonists transported thither from Tingis 
(Tangier) in Mauretania. Mela himself says that Tingentera 
was inhabited by Phoenicians brought over from Africa. Jt is 
not unlikely now covered by the modern Tarifa, still, though from 
other causes, the most Moorish of all the towns of Andalusia. 

He describes Calpe (Gibraltar) and Abyla (Ceuta, or perhaps 
Apes' Hill) as the two Pillars of Hercules, and shows himself 

perfectly familiar with the caves of the former rock. 
The Pillars of Hig statement tna t the Strait is ten miles broad 


at its narrowest is almost correct, for the distance 

1 Book v., c. i. 2 v. i., § 5. 


between Tarifa and El Kasar Point is 9^ geographical miles, 

Gibraltar and Ceuta being separated by 12 miles of sea. He 

notes the semi-isolation of Calpe ; was well acquainted with 

the Promontory of Juno (Cape Trafalgar) on one side, and that 

of Ampelusia (the Koteis — At Kojtcis — of Strabo, the Cape 

Spartel or Ras Ashakkar of moderns) on the other. But, as 

M. Tissot has pointed out, it is doubtful whether his "specus 

Herculi sacer " was really the caverns now known as the Caves 

of Hercules, near that headland. These are chiefly the work 

of men excavating millstones. But in the Jebel Ashakkar there 

are some natural grottoes which more closely correspond to 

Mela's description. 

From the time of Pliny to that of Ptolemy, though all the 

time the Romano-Grecian armies were making history, and the 

Roman and Greek colonists civilising, no writer arose 

Ptolemy. who t h ougnt fit to collect the data which must by 

100. ° J 

that time have been abundant regarding all parts of 

Northern Africa, including Morocco. The writings of Dionysius 

Pariegetes, Tacitus, and Marinus Tyrius, though abounding in 

particulars regarding other parts of the Empire, add little to our 

acquaintance with Mauretania Tingitana. Claudius Ptolemseus 

of Alexandria, however, embodied in his famous work a vast 

amount of knowledge, more detailed and more accurate than that 

of his predecessors, and, as Dr. Schlichter has shown, even for 

the more distant parts of Africa, more in accordance with modern 

information than could have been expected. 1 

In Morocco he accurately describes Cape Gir as a prominent 

headland formed by a spur from the main chain of the Atlas, and 

places the Subu (Eovftov iroTafiov ki<fio\oX) in almost 
Topography. tne position of the Sus River; and though his 

positions and relative distances are usually very 
far out, he shows familiarity with most of the settlements on 
the coast, on either side of Cotes (Kwt^s aKpov) or Cape 
Spartel (the Ishbartel of El Bekri). His Daradus (AapaSos) is 
no doubt intended for the Draa, though he places its mouth 
much too far south ; Arsinarium from the context — we agree 

1 Proc. R.G.S., i8qi, p. 513. 


with Sir Edward Bunbury — in regarding as Cape Juby, and 
Rissadium as Cape Bogador. This, however, from his loosely 
fixed positions is merely a choice between an identification which 
is not satisfactory and one which is most unsatisfactory. But 
that his Daradus is the Draa is clear enough. This river, it may 
be recalled, was most probably the Lixus (At£os) of Hanno, the 
£?iwi/ of Scylax, and the Darat of Polybius. 

His Tiyyts [rj kol] Kaio-apeux is even more indisputably Tangier. 

ZiAeia 7roTa[wv eV-^oAat is, according to Tissot, the Wad el Haiti 

(the Wad Azila of El Bekri) ; ZiAia ?) ZiAeiai, Azila ; 

identification ^ ireTa /«" 5 ™P°^ the El KuS (Lukkos) J A?£ 

7r6Ais, Shammish ; and ~aAa 7roxa/xov e/c/5oAat, the 
Bu Ragrag, a river which flows into the Atlantic between Salli 
and Rabat. ^,ov/3ovp M. Tissot regards as possibly Mehediya ; 
in which case ~ov/3ovp 77-oTa/xou iKpoXal must be the Sebu 
(Ptolemy's). 2aA,a ttoXls is of course old Sheila, near which 
the modern Rabat (Ribat el Fatah, ' ; Camp of Victory ") is 
built. Aouov ?') Avov iro-ajiov €k/3o\cu is the Wad el Malah or 
the Wad el Kantara, while his "AtAcis kXdrroiv opos describes 
the hills between Dar el Bai'da (Casablanca) and Azammur. 
M. Tissot, among other doubtful identifications, considers Cape 
Gir or Ras Afarni not the "ArAas /xet£wv of Ptolemy, seeing 
this point is one of the last summits of a great Atlantic range, 
which, under the name of Jebel Ida u Tanan, reaches the sea 
between the Wad Tamrakt and Agadir. The Wad Merzek 
is the KoiVa rrorafiov Ik/^oAcu, the Um er-Rabia the 'Ao-a'fta 
7rorafxov Ik/^oAcu. 

Mazagan (the Jadida of the Arabs, otherwise El Borijah, a 
diminutive of " Borjah," a tower or fortified place) is *1Wo-i/?£s 

Atp/i', unless Tit occupied this site. Aiorp TroTa/iov 
Mazasan,saff ly € > K £ oAa ; is Waladiya : 'HAi'ov Spos Cape Cantin: 

and Mogador. ' J 7 „ 

^[vcroKapas \ifirjv Safil ; <l>dov0 Trorafiov €k/3oAou the 

Tansift, and 'Hpa/vAeois aKpov (we have seen) Ras el Hadid. 

Ta/xoro-tya is usually accepted as the site of Mogador (the Siiira 

of the Arabs), and Ovcra-dSiov aKpov Cape Sisn (Ras Tazerwalt) ; 

^ovptya may be Kubia, on the Wad Tidli (?) ; Owa Trorafiov 

€K/3u\al the Wad Iguzul (or perhaps the Wad Tafetna), and 


"Ayva TroTafiov e/</?oAat the Wad Beni Taner, though it is open 
to discussion whether ^aAa 7roTa/xou €k/3o Xal is in the Wad 
Tamrakt. The Wad Massa may be the Mao-cra irorapLov €Kf3oXal ; 
but whether the ^dXaOov iroTafxov €k/3o\olI and a number of other 
streams mentioned by Ptolemy can, as M. Tissot imagines, be 
identified with the Wad Garizim, Wad Bueda, Wad Auri Oora, 
Wad Assaka, etc., are questions which we are not prepared 
to answer in the affirmative quite so readily as this admirable 

Turning to the Northern Coast, we find the MaAova Trora/xou 
eKfSoXal to be the Wad el Kis, or perhaps the Wad el Ajerud ; 

and the MoAo^a^ 7rora[xov tKftoXal the Melwiya, 
'coaft° rthern whichj though not the political boundary between 

Morocco and Algeria, is in the Arab nomenclature 
the limit between Maghreb el Ausat and Maghreb el Aksa, the 
" Morocco " of Europeans. MeraycoviV^s aKpov is Cabo de Agua 
(Ras Sidi Bashir), 'PvcrcraSeLpov Melilla, ^vo-Ttapia aKpa the 
Cabo Tres Forcas or Ras Hurak, or other point in this 
vicinity. Taivta Aoyya is the Marsa Tagaza, the Tikisas of 
Idreesi ; the "OXeaarrpov aKpov, Point Adelaou or Ras Makad. 
SaXovSa TTorapiov is the Martil (the Tetuan river, the Wad 
Mejedksa of El Bekri). 'layaO is Ras et-Tarf to the south of 
Cape Negro ; Qoiftov aKpa is recognised as Punta de Castillejos 
or Ras el F'nidak : and "A/3vXr] o-ryjXr], Monte Acho, the cul- 
minating point of the Sierra Almena in the peninsula of Ceuta. 
5 E£iAiWa is Marsa Uennil ; ^irraSeX^ol opos is less satisfactorily 
identified with the Jebel Belyunesh, or rather Bermeja Point, the 
"AKpa 'AfScXvKy] of Scylax ; and not to enumerate the many other 
localities less certainly identified by Tissot and Vivien de St. 
Martin (from whom M. Tissot generally differs), Oi'aAwi/os 
Trorajjiov €K/3oXal is the Wad el Kasar, the Wad el Yam of El 
Bekri. With the interior of Morocco Ptolemy displays little 
acquaintance. But he knew of Oi'oAo/x/3iAis (Volubilis), Atovp 
opos (Jebel Zarhon), ILvppbv ireSiov (the Plain of Morocco), 
Bdvacrcra, ToKoAotSia, and Ba^a. 

Of all the Itineraries or Road books made for the use of the 
Roman armies which have descended to us, the most important 


is that which bears the name of Antoninus. It is 

Antoninus evident from this fact that it was either compiled or 

Augustus. . ..... . . r 1 

dr 300 improved in the reign or one of the emperors of that 

name — most probably the infamous despot commonly 
known as "Caracalla" (211-217) — and revised at later dates; so 
that, as Wessling, Parthey, and Bunbury hold, in the form we 
know it, the Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini Augusti may 
be ascribed to the reign of Diocletian (284-305). Its almost 
invariably accurate measurements enable us for the first time 
to fix with certainty the places named in it, and so far as Morocco 
is concerned this has been done with great nicety by Tissot and 
other commentators. 

Thus (on the coast) Malva flumen is the Melwiya; the Ad Tres 
Insulas, the Chafarinas Islands, a name which is a corruption of 

the Arabic Jaafarin, derived from the neighbouring 
Accurate tribe of Beni B * y aa f ar . tne R VS sader Colonia is Me- 

Measurements. • ' 

lilla ; the Promontorium Russadi, Cabo Tres Forcas 
(Ras Hurak); and the Promontorium Can?iarum. Point Abdun 
(Ras Sidi Ai'sa Umats), and not Cape Quilates, as Mannert 
decided. The Sex Insula, must be looked for in the Bay 
of Alhucemas (El Mzemma). Parieiina was in the creek 
of Alcala, and Cobuda in the Fishers' Cove (Pescadores), 
known to the Moors as Marsa Uringa, the outlet of a 
considerable river, the Wad Uringa. Ptolemy, who passes over 
the preceding places in silence, mentions Tenia Longa, (Taivt 
Aoyya) of the Antonine Itinerary, which M. Tissot fixes on 
the Marsa Tagaza. Ad Promontorium Barbari is evidently 
Point Adalaou, a corruption of Wad Lau, a name by which the 
natives designate a little river which falls into the bay lying to 
the East of that point. Its mouth is sufficiently deep to give 
shelter to the small vessels which come from Tetuan to load 
with the building timber which is found so plentifully in this 
part of the Rif, so that in all likelihood this — and not the Wad 
N'kor according to Mannert — was the Flumen Laud " et ipsum 
navigiorum capax," which Pliny (q. v.) indicates as lying between 
two other navigable rivers, the Tamuda (Martil) and the Malvana 


We are not quite satisfied with the identification of Ad Aqviiam 
majorem and Ad Aquilam minorem with Ptolemy's 'layad and 
Qocfiov oLKpa, near the modern Cape Negro (Ras et-Tarf) and 
Punta de Castillejos (Ras el Fanidak), though it is better than 
Lapie's identification of the first-named station with Tetuan, or 
Mannert's with the mouth of the Martil. The Ad Septem Fraires 
of Mela and the Itinerary are to be looked for in 
Punta Bermeja of the Jebel Belyunish, or practically 
the modern Ceuta, which, there need be little doubt, succeeded 
it, though M. Tissot doubts this, arguing that Ceuta (Sebta 
of the Arabs, and 2«nrov of the Byzantines) is not necessarily 
a corruption of the Latin Septem, which is the main basis 
for this hypothesis. But there is no doubt of Tingis being 

It is, however, chiefly for the interior of Northern Morocco 

that the Roman Itinerary is valuable, for it is almost our only 

authority for the geography of a region which by 

Roman Stations. . . 1 iii -i- 1 y-\ 

that time had got settled by military colonists. On 
the route from Tingis to Exploratio ad Mercuries, the most 
advanced post of the Romans, a little beyond Sala Colonia 
(Sheila, near Rabat), we find the following places noted : — Ad 
Mereuri seems to be at the village of Dar Jadid. " Almadrones," 
which, in dependence upon Graberg di Hemso, Mannert and 
Lapie decided to be the site, appears to be to the south of 
Cape Spartel, but the name (a Spanish corruption) is completely 
unknown in the country. Renou and Vivien de Saint Martin 
placed it at the south of the mouth of the Tahaddart, which 
the first of these two authors confounds with the Gharifa. At 
Dar Jadida (Tissot) there are the remains of what seems to have 
been a considerable Roman city. Ad Novas appears from the 
distance traversed to have been at or near Sidi el Yamani ; 
Tabernce at Lalla Jelaliya, where there are the vestiges of 
an extensive town ; Frigidce at Sueei'r, where there are 
various ruins, though these exist at several places on the 
route between Lixus and Banasa, and the very name is 
exactly translated in that of the Wad Ma el Barda, the "cold 
water river." 


Colo7iia u'Elia Banasa is proved by ruins and, what is rare in 

Morocco, by an inscription, 1 to have been at Sidi Ali bu Jenan, 

on the left bank of the Sebu river. Thamusida is at 

untaxable sidi * AH ben Ahmad a « Kubbah " or saint's tomb, 

Tribes. ' 

around which there are many ruins ; while the 
Explo7-atio ad MercuHos ought, by being situated sixteen miles 
from Sala, to be situated between the Wad lkken and the Wad 
Sherrat ; no trace now remains of what was doubtless an outpost 
constructed like the three Moorish "kasbahs" between the Wad 
lkken and Fedala, to keep in check the " Autololes " or Ait 
Hilala, whom twenty centuries of invaders have not taught to 
own a master. Another road led from Tocolosida to Tingis. 
The first-named place is doubtful : it might have been Maghila 
or Zarhon (Mannert), or Sidi Kasim (Lapie) ; but it was neither 
Amergo (Renou) nor Kasar Faraon (Graberg). But Volubilis, 
which was a considerable city — and though Mulai Idrees Zarhon, 
and to some extent Mequinez and Fez, have been built out of it, 
still remains in the shape of some widespread ruins and stately 
arches with inscriptions — was unquestionably Kasar Faraon, 
"Pharaoh's Castle"; all identifications previous to those of 
Tissot, and of De la Martiniere, who has of late explored many 
of the Roman sites with no small skill and success, being 
erroneous, mainly owing to the faulty statements of Pliny. Even 
Leo Africanus, who had been educated in Fez, is very wide of 
the mark, while Mannert is so far from the truth, that he seeks 
for the Walili or Gualali of Leo on the Sebu, thirty-five miles 
from Banasa, which he identifies with Mamora (Mehediya), if 
indeed this was not Casablanca (Dar el Baida) formerly called 

Aquaz Dacicce is most likely Ain el Kibrit, a sulphurous spring 

near the summit called Tselfat; and Gilda, El Haleein. Vipos- 

ciance may have been at Tebel Kort, where in the 

Vanished Ruins. *. . .. . 

eleventh century LI Bekn describes the existence 
of an ancient town already in ruins. Tremvlcc corresponds 
with the ruins of Basra, founded in the middle of the ninth 
century, and in the time of El Bekri so large that it had ten 

1 Desjardins, Rev. Arc/ie'o/., Dec, 1872, n. s., t. xxiv. pp. 366, 367. 


gates. Yet next century Idreesi describes it as "at one time" of 
considerable consequence: nowadays it is difficult to find more 
than a fragment of one rampart. Finally Oppidum Novum is 
unquestionably El Kasar el Kabir, Ad Novas Sidi el Yamani ; 
while Colonia Ivlia Babba Campestris, off the route, may be 
Es-Serif. It is mentioned by Pliny, and figures as Bd/3/3a among 
the IIoAeis [xecroyeoi of Ptolemy. 


.^-s&eouin ez ..... 

.' -£^M/atA& ) Se/rds, "Gha iota 

BtintM'Cir . >fitl Yussi C-"^' ^A f 

Moroccan Sahara 

Cm*. .4^ 





J 2 






-The names of authors whose works are reviewed in Part III. are not included in 
this index, as they are there arranged in alphabetical order. 

Aawan, office of: 230 
Abbasi khalifa : 36 ; his policy, 37 
" Abel Allah": the phrase, 52 (n.) 
Abd Allah bin Ai'sa : 151 
,, M'bark: 135 
„ I. (961): 42 
„ II.: 85 
,, III.: 109 
„ IV.: 120 
,, V. : 164-6, 245 
,, el Hispani: 135 
,, ibn Ahmar : 99 
Abd el Aziz I. : 24, 105-6 
,, II. : 108 

,, III. (Abu Faris): 108, 
130, 360 
Abd el Aziz IV. (present sultan): 192, 

193-5, 421-2 
Abd el Halim: 105 

., Hameed: 167 (n.) 

,, Kader: 174-5 

,, Kader Perez: 246 

,, Karim bin Abu Bakr: 135, 

Abd el Majid: 35, 36 
,, Malek I.: 1 20-4 
n II.: 133-4 
„ III.: 164 
,, ,, of Spain: 320 (n.) 

,, Mii'min: 62, 68, 70, 71-5, 
88, 220, 258 
Abd el Wahad I. : 85 

,; 11.! 86 

,, ,, Dynasty: 92 

Abd er- Rahman I. : 106 

,', II. : 171, 173-6, 270 
Abd es-Sadok, Ben : 405 (n.) 
"Aben Chapella," the corsair: 260 
Abrines, G. T. : 533 
Abu Abd Allah: 118 (n.) 
,, Ai'nan: 103-4 

2 O 

Abu Bakr (nth cent.): 47, 50, 52 
,, (13th cent.): 92-3 

,, ,, bin Zohr: 200 (n.) 

,, Dabbus: 86 

,, Daud Jalul ibn Jaldasin : 80 (n. ) 

,, Faris: v. Abd el Aziz III. 

,, Hasun: 147 (n.) 

,, Jaafar el Mansur: 35 

,, Mahalli: 132 

,, Marraf: 90 

,, Merwan: v. Abd el Malek I. 

,, 'Omar: v. Abd el Tashfin II. 

,, Rabia: 10 1 

,, Said I. : 90 

,, ,, II. : v. 'Othman II. 

„ ,, III. : 108 " 

,, Salem: v. Ibrahim II. 

,, Taleb: 136 

„ Thabit Amr: 101, 242, 320 (n.) 
Abu'l Abbas: 106 

,, ,, Ahmad: 132 (n.) 

,, Ai'sh : v. Ahmad I. 

,, Hakk el Marini: 82, 84, 90 

, , Hasan : v. Ali V. 

,, Walid bin Roshd : 200 (n.) 
Acton, Sir John : 269 
Adalbert of Prussia, Prince: 271 
Administration of Morocco, present : 

"Admiral," the name: 249-50 
Adultery, punishment of: 234-5 
^Edemon: 12 

Africanus, Leo: III, 112, 444, 450 
Agadir Ighir: III, 117, 183, 401 
Aghlabis of Sicily: 260 
Aghmat: 47 (and n.), 58, 71 
Aglu: 183-4 

Agnellus, Bishop of Morocco: 314 
Aguilon, Michael: 319 
Agurai, kasbah of : 296 
Ahmad I. : 42 




imad II. 


„ III. 


„ IV. 


„ v. 


„ VI. 


„ VII. 





,, Baba, the historian: 128 
,, bin Musa: 192, 193-4, 

(n.), 203 
,, bin Nasar: 323 
,, el Aaraj : 118 
,, es- Sheikh, Mulai 
,, ibn Basa: 80 (n. ) 
, , kaid : v. Navarro, 
,, Mulai, of Wazzan: 430 
Aiata Rumi tribe : 185 
Ai'sa, Ben: 375 
Ait Attab: 183 
., Sokhman tribe : 188-9, 190 
,, YCissi tribe: 183, 189 
Akra: 4 

Alarcon, P. de: 534 
Aldaie: 122 
Alemtejo: 31 

Alexander VII., Pope: 322 
Alfonso I., Count of Portugal: 62 
,, VI., of Leon: 56-7 
., VIII., of Leon: 62 
,, X., of Leon and Castille: 
97, 278, 347 
Alfonso XL : 102 

, , de Valverde : 304 
Algeciras: 26, 29, 56, 94, 97, 99, 

101, 106; the name, 115 (n. ) 
Algeria: 54, 104 ; frontier fixed (1845), 

174; 400 (n.); 429, 43 2 
Algiers: 72, 100; Deys estab. in 121 ; 

the name, 115 (n.); 429 
Alhucemas: 45, 11 1 (n.), 402, 473 
Ali I. : 41 
„ II.: 41 
,, III. (bin Yiisef): 59, 61-2, 71, 

,, IV.: 86, 92, 239, 315, 321 (n.) 
,, V. (el Aswad): 102-3,380 
„ VI.: 164 
,, bin Abd Allah: 158 
,, es-Simlali: 135 
„ ibn Abu Taleb: 36 
,, ibn Ghania: 78 
,, shareef of Wazzan: 430 
Almeria: 258 (n.) 
Almis, kasbah of, blown up: 185 
Almonds: 401 
Almoravide : 49 (n.); v. Murabti 

Almuneca: 97 

Amber: 401 

Ambergris: 399(11.) 

Ameer el Mu'mintn: 60, 63, 197-8; 

the title, first adopted, 72 (n.) 
Ameer el Muslimin : 59, 197 
Amin, office of : 224 
Amr, Abu Thabit : 101, 242, 320 (n.) 
Amurat III., of Constantinople: 122, 

Andalucia (Andalus): 31, 54, 98 
Anderson, John: 332 
Andrada, Gabriel de : 304 

,, Thomas de: 319-20 
Andrea de Spoleta: 317 
Angel, Bishop ; 315 
Anne, Queen: 357, 362 
Anthony of St. Mary: 317 
Antonius Pius: 16 
Aolama, office of the: 200 
Arabs in Morocco: 32 (and n.) 
Arambis, Phoenician colony at : 4 
Aranjuez: 348 
Arenys, Bernardo : 304 
Arifahs (" wise women ") : 203 
Arkshfsh: 187, 403 
Armenia, relations with : 356-7 
Arms: 214-5; monopoly in, 406 
Army: 211-2 

"Arsenal," the word: 249 (n. ) 
Artificers, foreign : 244 
Artillery: 215 
Ascalis, Sicilian corsair: 11 
Ashragah, the: 212 
Ashrardah, the: 212 
Askaria, the: 213 
Assassa, office of the : 225 
Asturias: 31 
Atlas mountains: 12, 16, 50, 52, 137, 

183, 187 
Attar, Bin: 157 

Auction-sales of Christian slaves : 299 
Audiences, public: 208 
Auraba tribe : 3 5 
Aurelius Agricola: 308 
Austria, relations with: 349; claims 

of, 433 
Avenzoar (Abu Bakr bin Zohr): 2CO 

Averroes (Abu'l Walid bin Roshd) : 

200 (n.) 
Ayashi: 138 

Aydomar, of Orleans: 315 
Azammur: 106, III, 1 18, 319 
Azdaja tribe : 45 



Azila: 24, 42, no, tit, 123, 


Blancus, Bishop : 315 

319, 330. 340 

Blois, Mademoiselle de: 151, 529 
Bcetica, people of: 1 5 

" Ba Ahmed " : 203 

Bogud, son of King Bocchus of 

Bab Mahurdk: 180 

Tangier: 11 

Badajos: 56 

Bokhara (Black Guard), the: 21 1-2, 

Badis, Ameer of Granada: 31 


Badis (Velez): 116, 119 

Bona: 72 

Bahalil: 311 

Boniface: 17 

Bahlula tribe: 36 (n.) 

Bordeaux: 106 

Baldwin, Rev. E. F. : 330 

Bougie, captured by Muwahhadis: 

Balearic Isles: 63 

72; captured by Yusef IV., 100; 

Balj: 28-9 

rebels from Ali, V. 103; captured 

Balthazar de Loyola de Mendez : 


by Ahmad II., 106. 

" Barbarie Discovery," the: 401 


Braithwaite, Capt. John : 402, 456 

Barcelona: 241, 327 (n.), 362 

Brazil: 352 

Barclay (U.S. consul): 351 

Breugnon, Comte de: 348, 385, 508 

Bark, monopoly in : 406 

Brigantes: 16 

Barka: 72 

Brooke, Sir Arthur: 271, 457 

Barrows and Dolmens. 6 (n.) 

"Brotherhood of Pity, The": 297 

Bartolomeo de Segoria : 304 

Bu Fakran kasbah ; 287 

Basha, office of the : 224 

Bu Jelud mosque: 194 

Basra: 42 

Bu Ragrag, The: 268 

Bastinado, the: 233, 234 

Byzacium : 1 5 

" Battle of the Nobles": 28 

" Battle of the Three Kings" : I 


Cadiz: 270, 404 

Belassize, Lord: 152-3 

Calatrava: 79 

Belgium, relations with: 352 

Camoens: 121 

Benoliel of Tangier: 324 

Camp, the Imperial: 210-1 

Beni bu Sunba: 263 (n.) 

Canary Islands: 11, 403 

,, Hasan: 179, 194 

Captives, European: 80, 158-9, 277- 

,, Marin dynasty : 84,86; period, 

305, 382-3, 444, 529, 540 


Capucin Fathers: 323-4 

,, Mateer: 179, 183 


Caracalla: 18 

„ M'gtld: 188 

Caribe Islands: 402 

,, Musa: 183 

Carlos II. of Spain: 295 

,, 'Omar: 45 

„ HI. „ : 167 

„ Saad: nt> (n.) 


Carmona, Spain, Berbers in: 31; 

,, Ummeyya: 258(11.) 

aqueduct erected by Yusef II., 75 

,, Yifren: 44, 50 

Carr, an English renegade: 158 

,, Zeeyan dynasty : 92 

Carthage: 4, 8, 1 1, 17 

Bentura, Dr.: 357 

Casablanca: 327, 330, 403, 413 

Berbers: 4, 6, 10 (and n.), II, 


Cassius: 308 

their position in 7th centuryc, 

Castellane: 354 

21-3; revolt of A.c. 739 


Catalan pirates: 256 

28-30; in Spain, 30-2; rising of 

Cave-dwellers: 6; v. also Troglodytes 

(1786), 172; rebellion against El 

Celto-Ligurians: 6 (n.) 

Hasan III. (1878), 182 

Central Morocco Mission: 332 

Bergh wata tribe : 46 

Cerda, Augustin de : 322 

Betton, Thomas: 286 

Ceuta: Berber rebels attack, 29; 

Beuccord, Pierre: 304 

holds out against Yusef I., 54; 

Bibawan Pass: 187 

its walls razed, 73 ; acknowledges 

bible Society, British and Foreign: 


supremacy of Tunis, 92 ; pays 

Black Troops, the hereditary, 


tribute to the Beni Marin. 94; 

61, 166, 168 

taken by Sulai'man I., 10 1 ; Ali V. 

5 6 4 


flees to, 103; taken by Ibrahim 
II., 105; taken from Granada, 
107-8; taken by Henry III. of 
Spain, 108; by the Portuguese, 
no; by Mohammed X., 119 

Chalard, Adm. du : 347 

Charlemagne: 40 

Charles 1. of England: 133, 243, 
268, 339 

Charles II. of England: 369 
,, V., Emperor: 112 

Chaucer's knight : 240 

Chiappe, Giuseppe: 405 

Chipiona, Monastery of: 327 

Cisneros, Antonio de : 304 

Claudius I., expedition of: 12 

Clenardus: 118 (n.) 

Cloth, a produce: 399 (n.), 401 

Cohen, Levi A.: 534 

Colaco family, the: 365 (and n ), 367, 

374 . 
Colonisation, early Phoenician: 4, 8 
Commercial intercourse: 399-414 
Compagnie d'Abouzeme: 402,473 
Concession hunting: 409-12 
Constantine (Algeria) captured by 
Muwahhadis: 72; by rebels, from 
Ali v.,' 103 
Constantinople, Mohammed X.'s 
head despatched to: 120; Abd 
el Malek escapes to, 120-1 
Consuls, appointment of: 382 
Converts to Christianity: 322-4 
Coral produced: 399 (n.), 401 
Cordova : besieged by Berbers, 29 ; 
captured by Sulaiman, 32 ; El 
Hasan II. taken to, 42; khalifate 
of, 59; Murabtis expelled from, 
71 ; campaign against, by Yakub 
II., 97; Sancho overcome at, 
98, 320 (n.) 
Cortes: 112-3 

Costume: civil, 208; military, 213-4 
Cromlechs: 6 (n.) 
Crucifixion: 320 (and n.) 
Cummin, an export: 399 
Curtis, Sir Roger: 339, 363 
Customs administrators: 225 6 

Damascus: 314 

Damnat: 187 

Dar el Baida : v. Casablanca 

Dar el Dlimi, demolished: 187 

Darkawi Brotherhood : 356 

Dates, crop: 136; an export, 399 

Decrees, Imperial: 207 

Denis, Father: 324 

Denmark, relations with: 349, 352; 

treaty with, 167 (n.) 
Dias, a Spanish slave : 374 
Diego de Xeres: 315 
Dilai Sanhaja Berbers: 134 

,, Zawia: 137, 138 
Diplomatic usages: 359-77 
Dolmens and Barrows: 6 (n. ) 
Dominico de Sevilla: 304 
Domitianus, his tombstone: 18 
Douglas, Consul : 339, 342, 405 
Draa, The: 24,71,93,116,118,137, 

301, 311 
Drees: 194 
Dunas: 44 
Dunton, John: 354 

" Eating up" of provinces: 218 
Ed-Dhahebi I. : v. Ahmad V. 

II.: v. Ahmad VII. 
Edward, Friar: 304, 316 

,, the Black Prince : 105-6 

El Aadil : 85 

,, 'Aaraj: v. Ali VI. 

,, Abbas: v. Ahmad VI. 

,, Aksa = Further Maghrib = Mo- 
rocco: v. Maghribs. 

,, Ameen, Mulai : 185 

,, Arbi, convert: 322 

,, Arcos, battle of: 79-80 

,, Ayashi: 134 

,, Aziz, fakih of Ceuta: 97 

., ,, khalifa: 32 

,, Buri, son of Mu>a: 42 

„ Dakhil: v. El Hasan bin Kasem 

,, Ghalibb' Illah :' 120 

,, GJiazzuli: 168 (n.) 

,, Hadi, Mahdi: h8 

,, Hajjam : v. Hasan I. 

,, Hakim, khalifa: 42 

,, Hasan I. : 41 

„ ' „ II.: 42 

,, ,, III.: 129 (n.), 179-92, 


,, Hasan bin Kasem : 13^, 137 

,, ,, el Wazzazi el Fasi: v. Leo 

,, Hisham, khalifa: 32 

,, „ Mulai: 171 

., Kami bi Amr Illah: v. Mo- 
hammed IX. 

., Kasar: 42, 79, 88, 92, no, 318, 



El Kasar, battle of: 123, 319 

,, Kasem (Kenniin): 42 

,, Mahdi: 35 

,, Makhloowi: 85 

,, Mamiin : v. Idrees III. 

,, Mansiir: v., Yakub I. 

,, Masliikh: v. Mohammed XI. 

,, Moannasir: 44 

,, Moatadid: v. Ali IV. 

,, Mortada: v. Abd Allah V. and 
'Omar I. 

,, Muaz: 44 

,, Muntasir: v Ahmad III. 

,, Mustaain b'lllah: v. Sulaiman, 32 

,, Mustada: 165, 166 

,, Mustansir b' Illah : v. Yusef III. 

,, Mutawakkil : v. Faris II. 

,, Mutawakkal ala Allah: v. Mo- 
hammed XI. 

„ 'Okab: 82 

,, Ufrani: 120 (n.) 

„ Walkl: 133 

,, Wathik: v. Idrees IV., Moham- 
med VII. and 'Abd el 'Aziz III. 

,, Wattas: v. Said III. 

,, Yazeed, Mulai: 167 (n.), 168-71, 
346, 374, 376 

Elenis, Peter: 319 

Elizabeth, Queen : 121, 122, 125, 243, 

336, 359, 401 
Elvira: 31 

Embassies to Morocco: 371-2, 540 
" Emperor of Morocco," the first : 54 
England: relations with, 336-46; 

treaties with, 167 (n.); claims 

of, 432-3 
English adventurers : 243-4 
En-Nasirli Din Allah : v. Mohammed 

En-Nasiri, historian: 178, 187, 497 
Er-Rasheed I. : 86, 314 

II.: 135,138-9,318,402, 

Er-Kif: 13, 41, 181 
Escorial library, the: 131-2 
Es-Said : v. Mohammed VI. 

el Moatadid: v. Ali IV. 
Es-Sheikh, Mulai : v. Mohammed 

,, son of Abd el Karim bin 

Abu Bakr: 135 
Es-Sultan el Aswad: v. Ali V. 
Estremadura, Spain: 31 
Et-Tijani: 308 
Euan-Smith, Sir Charles: 342, 344-6, 

377, 420 (n.), 456 

Eunuchs: 203 

Europeans: in Moorish service, 239- 
50; in Morocco, 413-4 

Exeter company of Barbary adven- 
turers: 401 

Ez-Zaiani: 148, 167 (n.), 355, 518 

Faris I. (Abu Ainan) : 103-4 
„ II. : 108 

Fatimi khalifa: 32, 38, 41, 42, 87 

Fatuh: 44 

"Favoured Nations, the most": 

Fed ala: 167 

Felipe II. of Spain: 322 

,, HI. ,, 130, 133, 258 
V. ,, 155, 245, 246 

Ferdinand and Isabella: 110-1 

Fernando III : 241 

,, the martyr: 109, no 

"Fez" (cap): 213, 403 

Fez: besieged by 'Obeid ibn Abd 
Allah, 41 ; battle against Taza, 
41 ; repulse of Fatimi at, 42, 87; 
besieged by Shia army, 42 ; taken 
by Yaala, 44; by Yusef I., 53-4; 
improvement of, 53-4 ; taken by 
Abd el Mu'min, 71 ; lost by El 
Mortada, 86 ; Mohammed IV. 
killed at, 90 ; taken by Abu 
Bakr, Q2 ; retaken »by Ali IV., 
92 ; Abu Bakr's death at, 93 ; 
New Fez founded, 96 ; seized by 
Turks, 119; by Abu Ainan, 103 ; 
Mohammed V. flees to, 104 (n.); 
besieged by Ahmad II., 106 ; 
Fernando dies in, 109 ; taken 
by El Wattas. no; Mohammed 
VIII. estab. at, ill ; reconquered 
by Moors, 117; taken by Mo- 
hammed ^v., 119; by Abd el 
Malek I., 122; French consulate 
created at, 122; the "Bastions" 
built, 128; Zidan proclaimed at, 
130; MohammedXII. proclaimed 
at, 130; revolt against Zidan 
and sack of, 132; revolts from 
Mohammed XIII, 135; Filali 
shareefs in, 135 ; Mohammed, 
son of Mulai es-Shareef, ruler 
of, 137-8; taken by Rasheed II., 
138; pillaged by the Udaia, 163; 
Abd el Malek flees to, 164; 
besieged by Ahmad VII , 164; 
El Mustada enters, i65; garri- 

5 66 


soned with blacks by Mohammed 
XVII., 167; Moslemaand Sulai- 
man II. proclaimed in, 171 ; 
besieged in 1829, 173 ; refuses 
to acknowledge El Hasan III., 
1 79 ; compelled to do so, 1 79-80 ; 
in revolt against El Hasan III., 
181-2 ; El Hasan III. winters 
in, 189; Y\ Hasan III. at, 190; 
Abd el Aziz IV. installed at, 1 94 ; 
effects of Lisbon earthquake on, 
263 (n.); Friars welcomed in, 
315, 322; removal of Friars to, 
326, 330 ; mission station in, 332 ; 
treaty signed at, 339 ; Euan-Smith 
mission at, 345; suicide of Read 
in, 363; possible capture, 429; 
college system, 468 

Fighting, methods of: 218-9 

Filalis=Hilalis: 137 

Filali Period: early, 136-61; later, 
,, shareefs: 135; origin of, 136-7 

Firmy, Nicholas: 316 

Fitznicholas, Ralph : 84 

Flanders : 399 

Fonte: v. Agadir 

Foreign relations : 335-7 

Foreigners: rights and privileges, 
379*97; concessions to, 405 

Fort Charles: 153 

France: relations with, 346-8 ; treaty 
with, 167 (n.); war with (1844), 
196; claims of, 432-3 

Francis of Assisi, St.: 278, 31 1-2, 


Franciscan Friars: 295 

,, missionaries: 241, 327-9 

,, "Third Order ": 327 (n.) 

Francyl : 241 

Frankish Invasion : 16 

Fray de el Puerto: 318-9, 504 
,, Diego: 384 

Freedom of trade : 406 

Frejus, Roland: 402, 473 

Gabes: 72, 75 
Gaetuli, the: 15 
Gaetulia: 12 (n.) 
Gaish, the: 212 
Galicia: 31 
Galleys : v. Vessels 
Ganda, son of Bogud : 1 1 
Garcia, son of Antonio : 242 
Gaspar de Beni Marin: 321-2